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UNDER   THE   EDITORSHIP   OF 

The  Rev.   CHARLES  AUGUSTUS   BRIGGS,  D.D.,  D.Litt., 

Graduate  Professor  of  Theological  Encyclopeedia  and  Symbolics, 
Union  Theological  Seminary,  New  York  ; 


The  Rev.  SAMUEL  ROLLES  DRIVER,  D.D.,  D.Litt., 

Regius  Professor  of  Hebrew,  0.iford  ; 

The  Rev.   ALFRED  PLUMMER,   M.A.,  D.D., 

Sometime  Master  of  University  College,  Durhatn. 


The  International 

Critical  Commentary 

On  the  Holy  Scriptures  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments 


EDITORS'    PREFACE 


THERE  are  now  before  the  public  many  Commentaries, 
written  by  British  and  American  divines,  of  a  popular 
or  homiletical  character.  The  Cambridge  Bible  for 
Schools,  the  Handbooks  for  Bible  Classes  and  Private  Students, 
The  Speaker's  Cotmnentary,  The  Popular  Commentary  (Schaff), 
The  Expositor  s  Bible,  and  other  similar  series,  have  their 
special  place  and  importance.  But  they  do  not  enter  into  the 
field  of  Critical  Biblical  scholarship  occupied  by  such  series  of 
Commentaries  as  the  Kurzgefasstes  exegetisches  Handbuch  zum 
A.  T.  ;  De  Wette's  Kurzgefasstes  exegetisches  Handbuch  zum 
N.  T. ;  Meyer's  Kritisch-exegedscher  Komtnetitar ;  Keil  and 
Delitzsch's  Biblischer  Comme?ifar  iiber  das  A.  T. ;  Lange's 
Theologisch-homiletisches  Bibelwerk ;  Nowack's  Handkommentar 
zum  A.  T.  ;  Holtzmann's  Ha?idkommentar  zum  N.  T  Several 
of  these  have  been  translated,  edited,  and  in  some  cases  enlarged 
and  adapted,  for  the  English-speaking  public  ;  others  are  in 
process  of  translation.  But  no  corresponding  series  by  British 
or  American  divines  has  hitherto  been  produced.  The  way  has 
been  prepared  by  special  Commentaries  by  Cheyne,  Ellicott, 
Kalisch,  Lightfoot,  Perowne,  Westcott,  and  others;  and  the 
time  has  come,  in  the  judgment  of  the  projectors  of  this  enter- 
prise, when  it  is  practicable  to  combine  British  and  American 
scholars  in  the  production  of  a  critical,  comprehensive 
Commentary  that  will  be  abreast  of  modern  biblical  scholarship, 
and  in  a  measure  lead  its  van. 


The   International  Critical  Commentary 

Messrs.  Charles  Scribner's  Sons  of  New  York,  and  Messrs. 
T.  &  T.  Clark  of  Edinburgh,  propose  to  publish  such  a  series 
of  Commentaries  on  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  under  the 
editorship  of  Prof.  C.  A.  Briggs,  D.D.,  D.Litt.,  in  America,  and 
of  Prof.  S.  R.  Driver,  D.D.,  D.Litt.,  for  the  Old  Testament,  and 
the  Rev.  Alfred  Plummer,  D.D.,  for  the  New  Testament,  in 
Great  Britain. 

The  Commentaries  will  be  international  and  inter-confessional, 
and  will  be  free  from  polemical  and  ecclesiastical  bias.  They 
will  be  based  upon  a  thorough  critical  study  of  the  original  texts 
of  the  Bible,  and  upon  critical  methods  of  interpretation.  They 
are  designed  chiefly  for  students  and  clergymen,  and  will  be 
written  in  a  compact  style.  Each  book  will  be  preceded  by  an 
Introduction,  stating  the  results  of  criticism  upon  it,  and  discuss- 
ing impartially  the  questions  still  remaining  open.  The  details 
of  criticism  will  appear  in  their  proper  place  in  the  body  of  the 
Commentary.  Each  section  of  the  Text  will  be  introduced 
with  a  paraphrase,  or  summary  of  contents.  Technical  details 
of  textual  and  philological  criticism  will,  as  a  rule,  be  kept 
distinct  from  matter  of  a  more  general  character  ;  and  in  the 
Old  Testament  the  exegetical  notes  will  be  arranged,  as  far  as 
possible,  so  as  to  be  serviceable  to  students  not  acquainted  with 
Hebrew.  The  History  of  Interpretation  of  the  Books  will  be 
dealt  with,  when  necessary,  in  the  Introductions,  with  critical 
notices  of  the  most  important  literature  of  the  subject.  Historical 
and  Archaeological  questions,  as  well  as  questions  of  Biblical 
Theology,  are  included  in  the  plan  of  the  Commentaries,  but 
not  Practical  or  Homiletical  Exegesis.  The  Volumes  will  con- 
stitute a  uniform  series. 


The  International  Critical  Commentary 


ARRANGEMENT   OF   VOLUMES   AND   AUTHORS 
THE  OLD  TESTAMENT 

GENESIS.  The  Rev.  John  Skinner,  D.D.,  Principal  and  Professor  oi 
Old  Testament  Language  and  Literature,  College  of  Presbyteriaji  Churoii 
of  England,  Cambridge,  England.  [Now  Ready. 

CXODUS.  The  Rev.  A.  R.  S.Kennedy,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Hebrew, 
University  of  Edinburgh. 

LEVITICUS.    J.  F.  Stenning,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  Wadham  College,  Oxford. 

NUMBERS.  The  Rev.  G.  Buchanan  Gray,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Hebrew, 
Mansfield  College,  Oxford.  \_Now  Ready. 

DEUTERONOMY.  The  Rev.  S.  R.  Driver,  D.D.,  D.Litt,  Regius  Pro- 
fessor of  Hebrew,  Oxford.  [Now  Ready. 

JOSHUA.  The  Rev,  George  Adam  Smith,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  Professor  of 
Hebrew,  United  Free  Church  College,  Glasgow. 

JUDGES.  The  Rev.  George  Moore,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  Professor  of  Theol- 
ogy, Harvard  University,  Cambridge,  Mass.  [Ncnu  Ready. 

SAMUEL.  The  Rev.  H.  P.  Smith,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Old  Testament 
I-iterature  and  History  of  Religion,  Meadville,  Pa.  [Noiv  Ready. 

KINGS.  The  Rev.  Francis  Brown,  D.D.,  D.Litt.,  LL.D.,  President 
and  Professor  of  Hebrew  and  Cognate  Languages,  Union  Theological 
Seminary,  New  York  City. 

CHRONICLES.     The   Rev.   Edv^^ard   L.    Curtis,   D.D.,   Professor  of 

Hebrew,  Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn.  \Now  Ready. 

EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH.   The  Rev.  L.W.  Batten,  Ph.D.,  D.D.,  Rector 

of  St.  Mark's  Church,  New  York  City,  sometime  Professor  of  Hebrew, 
P.  E.  Divinity  School,  Philadelphia. 

PSALMS.  The  Rev.  Chas.  A.  Briggs,  D.D.,  D.Litt.,  Graduate  Fro- 
fessor  of  Theological  Encyclopeedia  and  Symbolics,  Union  Theological 
Seminary,   New  York.  [2  vols.     Now  Read" 

PROVERBS.  The  Rev.  C.  H.  Toy,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  Professor  of  Hebrew, 
Harvard  University,  Cambridge,  Mass.  [Now  Ready. 

JOB.  The  Rev.  S.  R.  Driver,  D.D.,  D.Litt.,  Regius  Professor  of  He- 
brew, Oxford. 


The  International  Critical  Commentary 


ISAIAH.  Chaps.  I-XXXIX.  The  Rev.  G.  Buchanan  Gray,  D.D., 
Professor  of  Hebrew,  Mansfield  College,  Oxford. 

ISAIAH.  Chaps.  XL-LXVI.  The  Rev.  A.  S.  Peake,  M. A.,  D.D.,  Dean 
of  tlie  Theological  Faculty  of  the  Victoria  University  and  Professor  of 
Biblical  Exegesis  in  the  University  of  Manchester,  England. 

JEREMIAH.  The  Rev.  A.  F.  Kirkpatrick,  D.D.,  Dean  of  Ely,  sometime 
Regius  Professor  of  Hebrew,  Cambridge,  England. 

EZEKIEL.  The  Rev.  G.  A.  Cooke,  M.A.,  Oriel  Professor  of  the  Inter- 
pretation of  Holy  Scripture,  University  of  Oxford,  and  the  Rev.  Charle.s  F. 
BURNEY,  D.  Litt.,  Fellow  and  Lecturer  in  Hebrew,  St.  John's  College,  Oxford. 

DANIEL.  The  Rev.  John  P.  Peters,  Ph.D.,  D.D.,  sometime  Professor 
of  Helirew,  P.  E.  Divinity  School,  Philadelphia,  now  Rector  of  St. 
Michael's  Church,  New  York  City. 

AMOS  AND  HOSEA.  W.  R.  Harper,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  sometime  Presi- 
dent of  the  University  of  Chicago,  Illinois.  [A^(nv  Ready. 

MICAH  TO  HAGGAI.  Prof.  JOHN  P.  SMITH,  University  of  Chicago; 
Prof.  Chari.es  p.  Faonani,  D.D.,  Union  Theological  Seminary,  New 
York;  W.  Haye.s  Ward,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  Editor  of  The  Independent,  New 
York;  Prof.  Jui.U'S  A.  Bewer,  Union  Theological  Seminary,  New  York, 
and  Prof.  H.  G.  Mitchell,  D.D.,  Boston  University. 

ZECHARIAH  TO  JONAH.  Prof.  II.  G.  Mitchell,  D.D.,  Prof.  John 
P.  Smith  and  Pruf.  J.  A.  Bewer. 

ESTHER.  The  Rev.  L.  B.  Baton,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  Hebrew,  Hart- 
ford Theological  Seminary.  \Nov}  Ready. 

ECCLESIASTES.  Prof.  George  A.  Barton,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  Bibli- 
cal Literature,  Bryn  Mawr  College,  Pa.  \^A'o-u>  Ready. 

RUTH.  SONG  OF  SONGS  AND  LAMENTATIONS.  Rev.  CHARLES  A. 
BRir.d.s,  D.D.,  D.Ivitl.,  Graciuate  Professor  f)f  Theological  Encyclopaedia 
and  Symbolics,  Union  Theological  Seminary,  New  York. 


THE   NEW   TESTAMENT 

ST.  MATTHEW.    The  Rev.  WiLi.our.Hnv  C.  Allen,  M.A.,   Fellow  and 
Lecturer  in  Theology  and  Hebrew,  Exeter  College,  Oxford.       \ Now  Ready. 

ST.  MARK.    Rev.  E.  P.  GouLD,  D.D.,  sometime  Professor  of  New  Testa- 
ment  Literature,    P.  E.  Divinity  School,   Philadelphia.  \^A^o~lu  Ready. 

8T.  LUKE.    The    Rev.    Alfred    Plummer,    D.D.,    iometime    Master  of 
University  College,  Durham.  \_N^m>  Ready. 


The  International  Critical  Commentary 


ST.  JOHN.  The  Very  Rev.  John  Henry  Bernard,  D.D.,  Dean  of  St. 
Patrick's  and  Lecturer  in  Divinity,  University  of  Dublin. 

HARMONY  OF  THE  GOSPELS.  The  Rev.  William  Sanday,  D.D., 
LL.D.,  Lady  Margaret  Professor  of  Divinity,  Oxford,  ana  the  Rev.  WlL- 
LOUGHBY  C.  Allen,  M.A.,  Fellow  and  Lecturer  in  Divinity  and  Hebrew, 
Exeter  College,  Oxford. 

ACTS.  The  Rev.  C.  H.  Turner,  D.D.,  Fellow  of  Magdalen  College, 
Oxford,  and  the  Rev.  H.  N.  Bate,  M.A.,  Examining  Chaplain  to  the 
Bishop  of  London. 

ROMANS.  The  Rev.  William  Sanday,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  Lady  Margaret 
Professor  of  Divinity  and  Canon  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  and  the  Rev. 
A.  C.  Headlam,  M.A.,  D.D.,  Principal  of  King's  College,  London. 

lA^o'cu  Ready. 

CORINTHIANS.  The  Right  Rev.  Arch.  Robertson,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  Lord 
Bishop  of  Exeter,  the  Rev.  Alfred  Plummer,  D.D.,and  Dawson  Walker, 
D.D.,  Theological  Tutor  in  the  University  of  Durham. 

GALATIANS.  The  Rev.  Ernest  D.  Burton,  D.D.,  Professor  of  New 
Testament  Literature,  University  of  Chicago. 

EPHESIANS  AND  COLOSSIANS.  The  Rev.  T.  K.  Abbott,  B.D., 
D.Litt.,  sometime  Professor  of  Biblical  Greek,  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  now 
Librarian  of  the  same.  \^t\ow  Ready. 

PHILIPPIANS  AND  PHJLEMON.  The  Rev.  Marvin  R.  Vincent, 
D.  D.,  Professor  of  Biblical  Literature,  Union  Theological  Seminary,  New 
York  City.  \Now  Ready. 

THESSALONIANS.  The  Rev.  James  E.  Frame,  M.A.,  Professor  of 
Biblical  Theology,  Union  Theological  Seminary,  New  York. 

THE  PASTORAL  EPISTLES.    The  Rev.  Walter  Lock,  D.D.,  Warden 

of  Keble  College  and  Professor  of  Exegesis,  Oxford. 

HEBREWS.  The  Rev.  A.  Nairne,  M.A.,  Professor  of  Hebrew  in  King's 
College,  London. 

ST.  JAMES.  The  Rev.  James  H.  Ropes,  D.D.,  Bussey  Professor  of  New 
Testament  Criticism  in  Harvard  University. 

PETER  AND  JUDE.  The  Rev.  Charles  Bigg,  D.D.,  sometime  Regius 
Professor  of  Ecclesiastical  History  and  Canon  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford. 

[AW*  Ready. 

THE  EPISTLES  OF  ST.  JOHN.  The  Rev.  E.  A.  Brooke,  B.D.,  Fellow 
and  Divinity  Lecturer  in  King's  College,  Cambridge. 

REVELATION.  The  Rev.  Robert  H.  Charles,  M.A.,  D.D.,  sometime 
Professor  of  Biblical  Greek  in  the  University  of  Dublin. 


THE  BOOKS  OF  CHRONICLES 


The  International  Critical  Commentary 


i  OF  Pfi/S^ 

.MAY    7    1957 
A  \% 


CRITICAL   AND    EXEGETICAL 
COMMENTARY 


ON 


THE  BOOKS  OF  CHEONICLES 


EDWARD    LEWIS    CURTIS,   Ph.D.,  D.D.         I 

PROFESSOR   OF    THE    HEBREW    LANGUAGE    AND    LITERATURE    IN    THE 
DIVINITY   SCHOOL   OF   YALE    UNIVERSITY 

AND 

ALBERT  ALONZO  MADSEN,  Ph.D. 

PASTOR    OF   THE    FIRST    CONGREGATIONAL    CHURCH    AT 
NEWBURGH,    N.  Y 


NEW  YORK 

CHARLES   SCRIBNER'S   SONS 

1910 


Copyright,  iqio,  by 
CHARLES  SCRIBXER'S  SONS 

Published  June,  igio 


TO 

BENJAMIN    WISNER    BACON 

FRANK    CHAMBERLAIN    PORTER 

AND 

WILLISTON    WALKER 

OF   THE 

FACULTY     OF    THE     YALE     DIVINITY    SCHOOL 

THIS    WORK    IS    DEDICATED    IN 

RECOGNITION    OF    AFFECTIONATE    COMRADESHIP 

DURING   MANY    YEARS 


PREFACE 

THIS  Commentary  has  been  prepared  not  less  for  the  readers 
of  the  Revised  Version  of  the  English  Bible  than  for  those 
of  the  Hebrew  Text.  Hebrew  words,  it  is  true,  appear  at 
times  in  the  main  comment.  They  have  been  frequently  intro- 
duced to  illustrate  the  origin  of  different  readings  arising  through 
a  similarity  of  letters;  then  their  force  is  clear  without  a  knowledge 
of  the  language.  They  also  appear  in  connection  with  certain 
genealogies,  notably  those  of  i  Ch.  VH,  VHI,  where  without 
their  introduction  critical  comment  would  be  impossible.  Else- 
where in  ignoring  them  the  reader  unacquainted  with  Hebrew  will 
find  the  comment  clear  though  less  ample. 

The  Books  of  Chronicles  are  secondary;  they  are  of  interest 
mainly  through  the  new  view  which  they  give  of  Israel's  history 
compared  with  the  earlier  narratives.  This  fact  has  been  con- 
stantly kept  in  mind  in  the  preparation  of  this  Commentary. 
Certain  readers  will  doubtless  feel  that  conclusions  in  details  should 
have  been  given  with  more  dogmatism  and  that  the  word  "prob- 
ably" should  less  often  occur.  But  about  many  matters  of  detail 
I  am  far  from  certain,  although  I  have  no  doubt  of  the  general 
historical,  or  rather  unhistorical,  character  of  Chronicles.  I  have 
aimed  also  to  make  the  work  comprehensive  in  giving  the  opinions 
of  others. 

In  regard  to  the  literary  structure  of  i  and  2  Chronicles  I  cannot 
follow  the  view  of  those  who  regard  the  author  throughout  as  a 
mere  copyist,  nor  yet  of  those  who  hold  that  apart  from  his  Old 
Testament  quotations  he  composed  freely  with  no  recourse  for 
information  to  other  written  sources.  I  have  given  the  view  of  a 
free  composition  but  allowed  a  recourse  to  non-canonical  written 
sources.  I  have  given  marks  of  unity  of  style  in  portions  alleged 
by  some  to  come  from  other  writers,  although  I  am  fully  aware 


viii  PREFACE 

thai  if  the  Chronicler  were  a  copyist  these  marks  of  unity  might 
be  due  to  his  main  source.  I  have  little  sympathy  with  that  sub- 
jective criticism  which  prescribes  beforehand  an  author's  scheme 
of  composition  and  then  regards  all  contrary  to  this  scheme  as 
interpolations  or  supplements.  Inconsistencies  or  redundancies 
are  not  proofs  of  a  lack  of  unity  of  authorship,  especially  in  the 
work  of  the  Chronicler. 

Agreeably  to  the  other  volumes  of  this  series,  Yaliweh  appears 
regularly  as  the  name  of  Israel's  deity.  But  this  transliteration  of 
Yodh  (^)  by  y  and  Waw  (1)  by  w  has  not  been  applied  in  other 
I)roper  names,  since  in  a  commentary  on  books  containing  so 
many  proper  names  as  i  and  2  Chronicles,  designed  to  be  used 
in  connection  with  the  Revised  English  Version,  it  seemed  best  to 
retain  the  spelling  of  the  proper  names  given  in  that  version. 
Medial  Alepli  (S)  and  initial,  medial,  and  final  'Ayin  (j,*)  in  italicised 
names  on  their  first  appearance,  but  not  necessarily  on  their 
immediate  repetition  or  in  juxtaposition  with  the  Hebrew  letters, 
have  been  represented  by  the  smooth  and  rough  breathings  ("). 
The  hard  letters  Heth  (n),  Telh  (D),  SadJie  {'i),  and  Koph  (p) 
have  been  represented  by  h,  i,  z,  and  k.  (The  introduction  of  s 
instead  of  z  would  have  been  too  violent  a  change.)  But  none  of 
these  marks  have  been  introduced,  except  incidentally,  in  the 
Roman  type,  and  in  some  familiar  names  like  that  of  Israel  they 
do  not  appear.  Modern  geograj^hical  names  appear  in  the  spelling 
of  the  authorities  cited. 

The  comi)Ietion  of  this  volume  had  already  been  much  delayed 
through  serious  illness,  when  in  January,  1906,  I  suddenly  lost 
tlie  sight  of  nearly  one-half  the  field  of  vision  in  both  eyes.  I  felt 
then  that  I  should  relinquish  my  task,  but  Professor  Briggs,  the 
general  editor,  persuaded  me  to  continue  it  and  kindly  allowed  me 
to  use  the  services  of  an  assistant.  I  was  fortunate  in  securing 
those  of  Doctor  Madsen,  a  pupil  of  Prof.  C.  C.  Torrey.  He  has 
worked  jointly  with  m.c  upon  the  book  since  that  date,  and  while 
I  am  solely  respon.sible  for  the  work,  his  name  properly  appears 
upon  the  title-page.  The  parts  which  he  has  especially  prepared 
under  my  direction  arc  sections  seven,  eight,  and  of  nine  the 
Literature,  of  the   Introduction,  the  commentary  and  notes  on 


PREFACE  ix 

I  Ch.  XXI-XXIX,  which  had  formed  the  subject  of  his  doctor's 
thesis,  and  the  textual  notes  on  2  Ch.  XX-XXXVI.  He  has  also 
amplified  my  own  comment  and  textual  notes  on  other  portions 
and  contributed  notes  on  the  composition  of  i  Ch.  I-IX,  XV,  XVI, 
and  2  Ch.  I-IX.  He  worked  out  the  restoration  of  the  genealog}^ 
of  Zebulun,  i  Ch.  VII,  and  I  am  also  indebted  to  him  for  most 
efficient  aid  in  preparing  the  manuscript  for  the  press  and  in 
proof-reading. 

I  wish  also  to  express  my  appreciation  for  assistance  rendered 
in  many  ways  by  Prof.  C.  C.  Torrey,  of  Yale  University.  Too 
much  cannot  be  said  of  the  care  exercised  by  the  publishers  in 
carrying  this  work  through  the  press. 

This  volume  has  many  shortcomings,  but  I  trust  that  it  will  fill  a 
needed  place,  since  nothing  similar  has  been  published  in  English 
later  than  Zoeckler's  commentary  in  Lange's  Commentary  in  1876. 

EDWARD  LEWIS  CURTIS. 

New  Haven,  Conn., 

May,  1910, 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

PREFACE vii 


ABBREVIATIONS 


INTRODUCTION: 

Name  and  Order 


§  2 

§  3 

§  4 

§  S 

§  6 

§  7 

§  8 

§  9 


The  Relation  of  Chronicles  to  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  2 

Date 5 

Plan,  Purpose,  and  Historical  Value 6 

The  Religious  Value 16 

Sources 17 

Peculiarities  of  Diction 27 

Hebrew  Text  and  the  Versions 36 

The  Higher  Criticism  and  Literature       ....  44 


COMMENTARY  ON  1  CHRONICLES: 

I-IX.     Genealogical    Tables    with    Geographical 

AND  Historical  Notices 57 

X-XXIX.     The  History  of  David 180 

COMMENTARY  ON  2  CHRONICLES: 

I-IX.     The  History  of  Solomon 313 

X-XXXVI.     The  History  of  Judah  from  Rehoboam  until 

THE  Exile 362 

ADDENDA 527 

INDEXES 529 


ABBREVIATIONS. 


A 

ARV. 

ARVm. 

AV. 

D 

Dtic. 


ERV. 

EVs. 


I.     TEXTS  AND  VERSIONS. 


Arabic  Version. 
American    Revised 

Version. 
American    Revised 

Version,  marginal 

reading. 
Authorized       Ver- 


Deuteronomlc  por- 
tions of  the  Old 
Testament,  or 
their  author. 

Deuteronomic. 

Elohistic  (Ephra- 
imitic)  portions 
of  the  Hexateuch, 
or  their  author. 

English  Revised 
Version. 

English  Versions. 


=  Received  Greek 
Version, 
(of  I  Esd.)  =  The  Greek  te.xt  of 
I  Esdras  (prob- 
ably original  Sep- 
tuagint  and  avail- 
able for  2  Ch.  35. 
36). 


(gConip. 


H 
Hex. 

J 
JE 


Original  Greek 
where  leading 
MSS.  (uncials) 
are  corrupt. 

Sinaitic  codex. 

Alexandrian  codex. 

Vatican  codex  (as 
pub.  by  Swete). 

Complutensian  edi- 
tion (1514-17). 

Lucianic  recension 
(Lagarde's  edi- 
tion). 

Basilian  -  Vatican 
codex  (=  XI 
Holmes  and  Par- 
sons). 

Hebrew  consonant- 
al text. 

Holiness  Code  of 
the  Hexateuch. 

Hexateuch. 


=  Yahwistic  (Judaic) 
portions  of  the 
Hexateuch,  or 
their  author. 
The  narrative  of  J 
and  E  combined. 


XIV 
Kt. 

m 

M 

NT. 
OT. 
P 


ABBREVIATIONS 


Knhib,     the     He- 

Qr. 

=  Q«re,    the   Hebrew 

brew  text  as  writ- 

text as  read. 

ten. 

Old  Latin  Version. 

R 
RV. 

=  Redactor,  or  editor. 
=  Revised  Version. 

The   Massoretic 

RVm. 

=  Revised      Version, 

pointed  te.xt. 

marginal   r  e  a  d  - 

Kittel's        primary 

ing 

Midrashic  source 

of  the  Chronicler. 
Kittel's    secondary 

» 

=  Syriac   P  e  s  h  i  1 1  o 
Version. 

Midrashic  source 
of  the  Chronicler. 

»■'' 

=  Ambrosian  codex. 

New  Testament. 

Ul 

=  Targum  or  .Aramaic 

Old   Testament. 

Version. 

Priestly  portions  of 

B 

=  Vulgate  Version 

the  He.xateuch,  or 

B* 

=  Amiatine  codex. 

their  author. 

Vrss. 

=  Versions,  ancient. 

II.     BOOKS  OF  THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENTS. 


Am. 

=  Amos. 

Ez. 

=  Ezekiel. 

Ezr. 

=  Ezra. 

BS. 

=  The     Wisdom     of 

Jesus    Ben    Sira, 

Gal. 

=  Galatians. 

or  Ecclesiasticus. 

On. 

=  Genesis. 

i,2Ch. 

Ch. 
Col. 

I,  2  Cor. 
Ct. 

=  1,2  Chronicles. 
=  id.,  taken  together. 
=  Colossians. 
=  I,  2  Corinthians. 
=  Canticles    =    The 

Hb. 
Heb. 
Hg. 
Ho. 

=  Habakkuk 
=  Hebrews. 
=  Haggai. 
=  Hosea. 

Song  of  Songs. 

Is 

=  Isaiah. 

Dn. 

=  Daniel. 

Dt. 

=  Deuteronomy. 

Jb. 
Je. 

=  Job. 

=  Jeremiah. 

Ec. 

=  Ecclesiastes. 

Jn. 

=  John. 

Eph. 

=  Ephesians. 

Jo. 

=  Joel. 

I,  2  Esd. 

=  1,2  Esdras. 

Jon. 

=  Jonah. 

Est. 

=  Esther. 

Jos. 

=  Joshua. 

Ex. 

=  Exodus. 

Ju. 

=  Judges. 

ABBREVIATIONS 


XV 


I,  2K. 

= 

I,  2  Kings. 

Ps. 

=  Psalms. 

K. 

= 

id.,  taken  together. 

Rev. 

=  Revelation. 

La. 

= 

Lamentations. 

Rom. 

=  Romans. 

Lk. 

= 

Luke. 

Ru. 

=  Ruth. 

Lv. 

= 

Leviticus. 

I,  2S. 

=  1,2  Samuel. 

Mai. 

= 

Malachi. 

S. 

=  id.,  taken  together. 

I,  2  Mac. 

= 

I,  2  Maccabees. 

S.-K. 

=  The  books  of  Sam- 

Mi. 

= 

Micah. 

uel     and     Kings 

Mk. 

= 

Mark. 

taken  together. 

Mt. 

= 

Matthew. 

I,  2  Thes. 

=  I,  2  Thessalonians. 

Na. 

= 

Nahum. 

I,  2  Tim. 

=  1,2  Timothy. 

Ne. 

= 

Nehemiah. 

Tob. 

=  Tob  it. 

Nu. 

= 

Numbers. 

Wisd. 

=  Wisdom    of    Solo- 

Ob. 

= 

Obadiah. 

mon. 

PhU. 

a= 

Philippians. 

Zc. 

=  Zechariah. 

Pr. 

'^ 

Proverbs. 

Zp. 

=  Zephaniah. 

III.     AUTHORS  AND   WRITINGS. 


AHT. 

=  Ancient  Heb.  Tra- 

Ball 

=  C.  J.  Ball. 

ditions,  see  Horn. 

SBOT. 

=  id.,  Genesis  in  Sa- 

AJSL. 

=  American    Journal 

cred  Books  of  the 

of   Semitic    Lan- 

OT. 

guages    and    Lit- 

Baud. 

=  W.  von  Baudissen. 

eratures. 

BDB. 

=  Hebrew  and   Eng- 

ATC. 

=  Apparatus  for   the 

lish    Lexicon    of 

Textual  Criticistn 

the  OT.,  edited  by 

of  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne., 

F.  Brown,  S.  R. 

see  Tor. 

Driver,      C      A. 
Briggs. 

Ba. 

=  W.    E.    Barnes, 

Be. 

=  E.    Bertheau,    Die 

Chronicles  in  The 

Biicher  der  Chro- 

Cambridge  Bible. 

nil^     in     Hand- 

Baed. 

=  Karl  Baedeker, 

buch  zum  A.  T. 

Palestine   and 

Bennett 

=  W.   H.   Bennett. 

Syria     (cited     in 

SBOT. 

=  id.,  Joshua  in  Sa- 

second and  fourth 

cred  Books  of  the 

editions). 

OT. 

XVI 
Bn. 


ABBREVIATIONS 


Arch. 


Boch. 

Boe. 

Bu. 


SBOT. 


Bue. 
Buhl 
GAP. 

Bur. 


CHV. 


Cor. 
COT. 


■■  J.  Benzinger,  Die 
B  ilche  r  de  r 
Konige  and  Die 
BUcher  der  Chro- 
nik  in  Kurzer 
Hand  -  Com  men- 
tar. 
■■  id.,  Hebrdische  Ar- 

chceologie. 
■  S.  Bochart. 
:  F.  Bottcher. 
K.  Budde,  Richter 
und    Samuel     in 
Kurzer    H and- 
Commentar    zum 
A.  T. 
id.,  Samuel  in  .S'(/- 
cred  Books  of  the 
OT. 
A.  Biichler. 
F.  Buhl. 
id.,  Geograpliie  des 

Alteii  Paliistina. 
C.  F.  Burney,  Notes 
on     the     Hebrew 
Text  of  Kings. 

Composition  and 
Historical  Value 
of  Ezra-Nehe- 
miah,  see  Tor. 

C.  H.  Cornill. 

The  Cuneiform  In- 
scriptions and 
the  OT.  (Eng. 
trans,  of  A'/ir.2), 
see  Sch. 


Dav. 

=  A.  B.  Davidson. 

Syn 

§ 

=  id.,  Hebrew  Syn- 
tax. 

DB. 

=  Dictionary  of  the 
Bible,  usually 
Hastings'. 

Del. 


Del. 
Par. 

Dill. 
Dr. 
Dt. 


Gn. 
LOT. 
TH. 
TS. 

EBi. 

EHSP. 

Ew. 
E\v.  § 

Hist. 


Exp. 
Expos.  T. 

GAP. 


-  Franz   Delitzsch 

(alw.  when  not 
followed  by  Par., 
V.  i.). 

-  Friedrich  Delitzsch. 
=  id..     Wo    lag    das 

Parodies? 

-  August  Dillmann. 
=  S.  R.  Driver. 

=  id.,  Deuteronomy  \n 
The  International 
Critical  Commen- 
tary. 

■■  id. ,  Genesis  in 
Westminster  Com- 
mentaries. 

--  id.,  An  Introduction 
to  the  Literature  of 
the  OT. 

■■  id.,  A  Treatise  on  tlie 
Use  of  the  Tenses 
in  Hebrews. 

■■  id.,  Notes  on  tlie 
Hebrew  Text  of 
the  Books  of  Sam- 
uel. 

Encyclopcrdia  Bib- 
lica. 

Early  Hist,  of  Syria 
and  Pal.,  see  Pa. 

H.  Ewald. 

id.,  Hebrew  Gram- 
mar. 

id.,  History  of  Is- 
rael (Eng.  trans, 
of  his  Geschichte 
d.  V.  Israel). 

The  Expositor. 

Tlie  Expository 
Times. 

Geographie  des  Al- 
ien Palastina  by 
F.  Buhl. 


ABBREVIATIONS 


XVI 1 


GAS. 

=  George    Adam 

H-J. 

=  W.      R.      Harvey- 

Smith. 

Jellie. 

HGHL. 

=  id.,  The  Historical 

HJP. 

=  History  of  the  Jew- 

Geography of  the 

ish    People,    see 

Holy  Land. 

Schiir. 

J. 

=  id.,  Jerusalem  front 

Holz. 

=  H.  Holzinger. 

the  Earliest  Times 

Gn. 

=  id.,  Genesis  in  Kur- 

to A.  D.  70. 

zer     Hand-Com- 

Ges. 

=  W.    Gesenius,  He- 

mentar. 

brew      Grammar, 

Horn. 

=  F.  Hommel. 

ed.   E.   Kautzsch 

AHT. 

=  id..     Ancient    He- 

(Eng.   trans,     by 

brew  Traditions. 

Collins  and  Cow- 

HPM. 

—  History,    Prophecy 

ley). 

and    the    Monu- 

GFM. 

=  George       Foot 

ments,  see   McC. 

Moore. 

Hpt. 

=  Paul  Haupt. 

Gin. 

=  C.  D.  Ginsburg. 

HWB}^ 

=  Gesenius'     Hebrd- 

GI. 

=  E.  Glaser. 

isches   und    Ara- 

Skiz. 

=  id.,  Skizze   der 

mdisches    Hand- 

Geschichte  und 

worterbuch     ilber 

Geographic    Ara- 

das    A.    T.,    ed. 

biens,  vol.  II. 

Buhl. 

Graf 

=  K.  H.  Graf. 

GB. 

=  id.,  Gesch.  Bilcher 

d.  A.  T. 
=  G.  B.  Gray. 
=  id.,  Hebrew  Proper 

JBL. 

=  Journal  of  Biblical 

Gray 

HPN. 

JE. 

Literature. 
=  Jewish  Encyclopae- 
dia, 

Nu. 

Gu. 
On. 

Names. 

=  id..  Numbers  in  In- 
ternational Criti- 
cal  Commentary. 

=  H.  Gunkel. 

=  id..       Genesis      in 

Jen. 
Kosmol. 

J.  H.  Mich. 

=  P.  Jensen. 

=  id..    Die   Kosmolo- 

gie  der  Babylonier. 
=  J.    H.     Michaelis, 

Uberiores   Adnot. 

in  Chron. 
=  FI.  Josephus. 
=  Antiquities. 

Hafidkommentar 
z.A.  T. 

Jos. 
Ant. 

BJ. 

=  Bell.  Jud. 

HC. 

=  Kurzer  Hand- 

c.  Ap. 

=  contra  Apionem. 

Commentar    zum 

JPT. 

=  Jahrbiicherfiir  prat- 

A. T. 

es  tantische     The- 

HCM. 

=  Higher     Criticism 

ologie. 

and    the    Mo7iu- 

JQR. 

—  Jewish      Quarterly 

ments,  see  Sayce. 

Review. 

Hdt. 

=  Herodotus. 

Hitz. 

=  F.  Hitzig. 

Kamp. 

=  A.  Kamphausen. 

XVlll 

ABBREV 

lATIONS 

KAT.'' 

=  Die  Keilinschriften 

HPM. 

=  id., History, Proph- 

u. d.  A.  T.,  see 

ecy  and  the  Mon- 

Winck. 

uments. 

Kau. 

=  E.    Kaulzsch,   Die 

Mov. 

=  F.  C.  Movers. 

heilige  Schrift  d. 

MiiNDPV. 

=  Mittheilungen  und 

A.  T. 

Nachrichten    des 

KB. 

=  Keilinschriftliche 

Deulschen   P al- 

Bihliothek. 

dstina-Vereins. 

Ke. 

=  C.  F.  Keil,  Chroni- 

MVAG. 

=  Mitt  heilun  gen 

cles     in     Biblical 

der    vorderasiati- 

Commentary     on 

schen  Gescllschaft. 

the  OT. 

Kennic. 

=  B.  Kennicott. 

NCB. 

=  NewCentury  Bible. 

Ki. 

=  R.  Kittel. 

Now. 

=  W.  Nowack. 

BH. 

=  id.,  Biblia  Hebra- 

Arch. 

=  id.,     Lehrbuch     d. 

ica. 

Hebrdischen    Ar- 

GescJi. 

=  id.,   Geschichte  der 
Hehrder. 

chdologie. 

Kom. 

=  id.,  Die  Biicher  der 

Oe. 

=  S.       Oettli,       Die 

Chronik'mHand- 

Biicher  der  Chro- 

kommentar     ziim 
A.  T. 

nik     in    Kurzge- 

fasster   Kommen- 

SBOT. 

=  id.,    Chronicles    in 

tar. 
=  Orientalische     Lit- 

Sacred    Books   of 

OLZ. 

the  OT. 

teratur-Zeitung. 

Klo. 

=  August       Kloster- 

Onom. 

=  Onomastica    Sacra 

Koe.  § 

mann. 
=  Fr.     E.     Konig, 
Lehrgebdiide  der 

OTJCr- 

(ed.  Lagarde). 
=  Old    Testament   in 

the      Jewish 

Hebrdischen 

Church,     see 

Sprache. 

WRS. 

Kuenen 

=  A.   Kuenen. 

Einl. 

=  id.,    Historisch- 

kritische     Einlei- 

Pa. 

=  L.  B.  Paton. 

tung  in  die  Biicher 

EHSP. 

=  id..  The  Early  His- 

d.A.T. 

tory  of  Syria  and 
Palestine. 

PRE. 

=  Herzog's   Real-En- 

LOT. 

=  An  Introduction  to 

cyclo pddie  fiir 

the   Literature   of 

protestantische 

the     OT.,     see 

Theologie   und 

Dr. 

Kirche. 

Ptol. 

=  Claudius  Ptolemy. 

Mar. 

=  J.  Marquart. 

McC. 

=  J.  F.  McCurdy. 

Ri. 

=  E.  Richm. 

ABBREVIATIONS 


XIX 


HWB. 

=  id.,      Handworler- 

List. 

=  id.,  Die  Listen  der 

bucli  d.  bibl.  Al- 

Biicher  Ezra  und 

terth. 

Nehemiah. 

Rob. 

=  Edward  Robinson. 

SS. 

=  C.  Siegfried  and  B. 

BR.  or  Res. 

=  id.,    Biblical      Re- 

Stade, Hebrdisch- 

searches   in   Pal- 

es Worterbuch. 

estine,    etc.,    also 

St. 

=  B.  Stade. 

Later  Biblical  Re- 

Gesch. 

=  id.,  Geschichte  des 

searches,  i.e., Vol. 

Volkes  Israel. 

Ill  of  second  ed. 

SBOT. 

=  id.,  with  Sw.,  The 
Books  of  Kings  in 

Sayce 

=  A.  H.  Sayce. 

Sacred    Books   of 

HCM. 

=  id.,   Higher   Criti- 

the OT. 

cism      and      the 

Sw. 

=  F.  Schwally,  v.  s. 

Monuments. 

SWP. 

=  Survey  of  Western 

Pat.  Pal. 

=  id..  Patriarchal  Pal- 
estine. 

Palestine. 

SBOT. 

=  The   Sacred   Books 

Th. 

=  O.  Thenius. 

of  the  Old  Testa- 

TKC. 

=  T.  K.  Cheyne. 

ment,  ed.  by  Paul 

Tor. 

=  C.  C.  Torrey. 

Haupt. 

ATC. 

=  id.,   Apparatus  for 

Sch. 

=  E.  Schrader. 

the  Textual  Crit- 

COT. 

=  id.,  Cuneiform  In- 

icism of  Chroni- 

scriptions  and  the 

cles-E  z  r  a-Nehe- 

Old  Testament. 

miah  in  OT.  Se- 

Schiir. 

=  E.  Schiirer. 

mitic    Studies, 

Gesch. 

=  id.,   Geschichte  des 

Harper      Memo- 

jiidischen   Volkes 

rial  II. 

im  Zeitalter  Jesu 

CHV. 

=  id..   The  Composi- 

Christe. 

tion     and     His- 

HJP. 

=  id.,  History  of  the 

torical    Value    of 

Jewish  People  in 

Ezra  -Nehemiah 

the  Time  of  Jesus 

in  Zeitschrift  filr 

Christ  (Eng.tra.ns. 

die    altest.     Wis- 

of  the  second  ed. 

senschaft,     Bei- 

of  the  above). 

hefte  2. 

Sk. 

=  J.  Skinner,     Kings 

Trom. 

=  A.  Trommius. 

in   New  Century 

Concord. 

=  id.,     Concordantice 

Bible. 

GracoB  in  Septua- 

Sm. 

=  H.  P.  Smith,  The 
Books  of  Samuel 

ginta  Interpretes. 

in     International 

We. 

=  Julius  Wellhausen. 

Critical  Commen- 

Com p. 

=  id..   Die  Composi- 

tary. 

tion    des    Hexa- 

Smd. 

=  R.  Smend. 

teuchs. 

XX 


ABBREVIATIONS 


DGJ. 

=  id.,  De  Gentibus  et 
Familiis    Judcris 

ZA. 

=  Zeitschrift  fiir  As- 
syrlologie. 

qua:  in  i  Chr.  2.  4 

ZAW. 

=  Zeitschrift  fiir   die 

numerantur   Dis- 

Altteslamentliclie 

serlatio. 

Wissenschaft. 

Prol. 

=  id.,  Prolegomena  to 
the     History     of 
Israel. 

ZDMG. 

=  Zeitschrift  der 
Deutsclien  Mor- 
genldjidischen 

TS. 

=  id.,   Der   Text  der 

Gesellschaft. 

BUcher  Samuel  is. 

ZDPV. 

=  Ze  it  s  chr  if  t   des 

Winck. 

=  Hugo  Winckler. 

Deutsche  n      Pal- 

Gescli.  Isr. 

=  id.,  Geschichte  Is- 

dstina-vereins. 

raels. 

Zoe. 

=  Otto  Zockler,  The 

KAT? 

=  id.,  with  H.  Zim- 
mern,     Keilin- 
schiften   u.     Alte 
Testament. 

Books  of  Chroni- 
cles in  Eng.  trans, 
of  Lange's  Com- 
mentary. 

WRS. 

=  W.     Robertson 

Smith. 

Numerals  raised  above  the  Hne  im- 

OTJC.^ 

=  id..  Old  Testament 

mediatel} 

foil 

owing  the  abbreviation 

in     the      Jewish 

indicate 

the 

edition    of   the    work 

Church. 

cited. 

IV.     GENERAL,  ESPECIALLY  GRAMMATICAL. 


abs. 

= 

absolute. 

art. 

=  article. 

abstr. 

= 

abstract. 

Assy. 

=  Assyria,  Assyrian 

ace. 

= 

accusative. 

ace.  cog. 

= 

cognate  ace. 

Bab. 

=  Babylonian. 

ace.  pers. 

= 

ace.  of  person. 

B.  Aram. 

=  Biblical  Aramaic. 

ace.  rei. 

= 

ace.  of  thing. 

ace.  to 

= 

according  to. 

c,  cc. 

=  chapter,  chapters. 

act. 

= 

active. 

c. 

=  circa,  about. 

adj. 

= 

adjective. 

caus. 

=  causative. 

adv. 

= 

adverb. 

</■ 

=  confer,  compare. 

air. 

= 

aira^  \ey6iievov, 

cod.,  codd. 

=  codex,  codices. 

word  or  phr.  used 

cog. 

=  cognate. 

once. 

col.,  coll. 

=  column,  columns. 

alw. 

= 

always. 

com. 

=  commentary. 

apod. 

= 

apodosis. 

cp. 

=  compare. 

Ar. 

= 

Arabic. 

concr. 

=  concrete. 

Aram. 

= 

Aramaic,  Aramean. 

conj. 

=  conjunction. 

consec. 
constr. 
cstr. 

d.f. 

def. 

del. 

dittog. 

dub. 

ed. 

elsw. 
esp. 
el  al. 


fern. 

fig- 
f.  n. 
freq. 

gent, 
gen. 

haplo. 
Heb. 
Hiph. 
Hithp. 


impf. 

imv. 

indef. 

i.  e. 

inf. 

ins. 

intrans. 
Intro. 

juss. 


ABBREVIATIONS 

consecutive. 

1. 

construction. 

construct. 

daghesh  forte, 
defective. 

I.e. 

dele,  strike  out. 

lit. 

dittography. 
dubious,  doubtful. 

masc. 
mod. 

edition. 

elsewhere. 

n. 
NH. 

Niph. 

especially. 

et  aliter,  and  else- 

where, and  others. 

obj. 
oft. 

p.,  pp. 
pers. 
pass, 
pf. 

and  following, 
feminine. 

figurative, 
foot-note, 
frequentative. 

Pi. 

gentilic. 
genitive. 

pi. 
pred. 

preg. 

haplography. 
Hebrew. 
Hiphil  of  verb. 
Hithpael  of  verb. 

prep. 

prob. 

pron. 

ptc. 

Pu. 

idem,  the  same. 

q.  V. 

imperfect. 

imperative, 
indefinite. 

refl. 

id  est,  that  is. 

rel. 

infinitive. 

inscription,  inscrip- 

Sab. 

tions. 

sf. 

intransitive. 

sg. 

Introduction. 

sq. 

subst. 

jussive. 

Syr. 

XXI 

list  of  the  peculi- 
arities of  Ch.  in 
Introduction,  pp. 
28-36. 

loco  citato,  in  the 
place  before  cited. 

literal,  literally. 

masculine, 
modern. 

note. 

New  Hebrew. 

Niphal  of  verb. 

object, 
often. 

page,  pages. 

person. 

passive. 

perfect. 

Piel  of  verb. 

plural. 

predicate. 

pregnant. 

preposition. 

probable. 

pronoun. 

participle. 

Pual  of  verb. 

quod  vide,  which 
see. 

reflexive, 
relative. 

Sabean. 

suffix. 

singular. 

followed  by. 

substantive. 

Syriac. 


XXll 

ABBRI 

t. 

=  times  (following  a 

number). 

trans. 

=  transitive. 

text.  n. 

=  textual  note. 

ABBREVIATIONS 


v.,  w. 

=  verse,  verses. 

V. 

=  vide,  see. 

vb. 

=  verb. 

vide  infra,  see  be- 
low (usually  tex- 
tual note  on  same 
verse). 

videlicet,  namely, 
to  wit. 

vide  supra,  see 
above  (usually 
general  remark 
on    same    verse). 


V.     OTHER  SIGNS. 


t  indicates  all  passages  cited. 

X  indicates  all  passages  in  Ch.- 

Ezr.-Ne.  cited. 

II  parallel,  of  words  or  clauses 

chiefly  synonymous. 

=         equivalent,  equals. 

+  plus,  denotes  that  other  pas- 
sages might  be  cited. 

1/         =  the  root,  or  stem. 

'  =  sign  of  abbreviation  in  He- 

brew words. 

'iji        =  '^5''-iJ,  and  so  forth. 


"  =  Yahweh. 

*  indicates  that  Massoretic  text 

has  not  been  followed,  but 
either  Vrss.  or  conjectural 
emendations. 
Biblical  passages  are  cited  accord- 
ing to  the  Hebrew  enumeration  of 
chapters  and  verses:  where  this  dif- 
fers in  the  English,  the  reference  to 
the    latter    has    usually   (except    in 
textual  notes)  been  added  in  paren- 
theses. 


INTRODUCTION. 

§   I.      NAME   AND   ORDER. 

The  Hebrew  name  for  i  and  2  Chronicles,  which  were  counted 
as  one  book  in  the  Hebrew  Canon,  was  Dibre  hayyamim  ("'^i^l 
CDTI),  The  events  of  days  or  times,  Daily  events.  This  expression 
preceded  by  the  word  book  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in  i  and  2  K. 
{cf.  I  K.  i4'5-  "  15'-  ".  31  and  oft.),  also  in  Est.  2"  6»  10=  and  i  Ch. 
27"  and  Ne.  12",  but  always  (except  Est.  2"  6'  and  Ne.  12")  with 
the  days  defined,  as,  for  example,  the  book  of  the  days  of  King 
David  (i  Ch.  2  7  2^),  or  of  the  days  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  (i  K.  14"). 
Thus  also  the  Targum  further  defines  the  days  of  this  title  as 
"from  the  days  of  antiquity"  (SD^J?  '•DT»  pi)  (PRE.^  iv.  p.  85). 
It  is  not  altogether  unlikely  that  originally  of  the  Kings  of  Judah 
belonged  to  this  Hebrew  title  {cf.  the  title  in  (|*^  immediately 
mentioned). 

The  Greek  title  was  originally  The  things  omitted  concerning 
the  kiyigs  of  Jiidah  in  a  twofold  division  {irapakenroixevQiv 
^aaikewv  \ovha  a,  ditto  t(ov  BaaLXeicov  lovSa  ^  ^"^  Swete). 
The  other  uncials  omit  Ba<Ti\ecar  lovha  and  rwv  B'  I',  but  the 
originality  of  this  addition  is  witnessed  by  the  nomenclature  in 
the  Ethiopic  Church  and  by  the  Syriac  version  (Bacher,  ZAW. 
XV.  1895,  p.  305).  This  Greek  title  was  appropriate,  since  the 
material  of  i  and  2  Ch.  apparently  supplements  the  narratives 
of  I  and  2  S.  and  i  and  2  K. 

Jerome,  while  retaining  the  Greek  title  Paralipomenon,  sug- 
gested that  of  Chronicles,  "since,"  he  said,  remarking  on  the 
Hebrew  title,  "we  might  more  significantly  call  it  the  chronicle 
of  the  whole  of  sacred  history."    (Quod  significantius  Chronicon 


2  CHRONICLES 

totius  divincB  historian  possiimus  appellare)  (Prol.  galeat.).  Thus 
arose  the  name  adopted  in  our  Enghsh  versions.  Luther  used 
the  same  in  his  translation  Die  Chronika. 

In  the  printed  Hebrew  Bibles  Chronicles  is  the  last  book  of  the 
"Writings"  or  the  third  division  of  the  Hebrew  Canon.  This  is 
its  place  according  to  the  Talmud  and  the  majority  of  Hebrew 
Mss.  Some  mss.,  however,  among  them  the  St.  Petersburg  Baby- 
lonian Codex  and  two  in  the  British  Museum,  and  the  Spanish 
codices  generally,  place  Chronicles  at  the  beginning  of  the  Hagiog- 
rapha.  A  Massoretic  treatise,  Adahath  Debharim  (1207  A.D.), 
declares  this  to  have  been  the  orthodox  Palestinian  order.  This, 
however,  is  ver^'  doubtful.  Chronicles  by  its  late  composition  and 
supplementary  character  correctly  finds  its  place  at  the  close  of  the 
Hebrew  Canon.  The  references  in  Mt.  23"  suggest  also  that  at 
the  time  of  Christ,  or  the  collection  of  his  sayings,  this  book  closed 
the  Canon.  The  transposition  to  the  beginning  of  the  Hagiog- 
rapha  probably  was  because  the  bulk  of  its  history  preceded  the 
dates  assigned  for  most  of  the  remaining  Hagiographa.  (On  the 
order  of  the  Hagiographa  see  Baton's  Esther,  pp.  1-3;  Ginsburg's 
Introduction,  pp.  1-8.)  While  in  rabbinical  literature  Chronicles 
was  regarded  with  suspicion,  its  historical  accuracy  being  doubted 
by  Talmudic  authorities  and  it  being  held  to  be  a  book  for  homi- 
letical  interpretation,  yet  its  canonicity,  as  some  have  thought, 
never  seems  really  to  have  been  questioned  {JE.  iv.  p.  60;  Buhl, 
Canon  and  Text  of  the  OT.  p.  31). 

In  the  Greek  version  Chronicles  follows  the  Books  of  Kings 
(which  include  i  and  2  S.).  Occasionally  it  precedes  them  or 
drops  out  altogether.  But  these  variations  were  local  or  individual 
and  fmd  no  support  in  the  uncial  MSS.  of  the  Greek  Bible  (Swete, 
Intro,  to  the  OT.  in  Greek,  p.  397).  The  order  in  the  English  Bible 
is  derived  from  the  Greek  through  its  use  in  the  Vulgate. 

§   2.      THE    RELATION    OF    CHRONICLES    TO    EZRA    AND    NEHEMIAH. 

The  Books  of  Chronicles  are  usually  assigned  to  the  same  au- 
thor as  that  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  which  also  are  reckoned  in  the 
Hebrew  Canon  as  one  book.     This  is  not  only  the  general  opin- 


RELATION  TO  EZRA  AND  NEHEMIAH  3 

ion  of  modem  scholarship,  but  also  was  that  of  the  Talmud,  which 
ascribed  them  to  Ezra.  (Baba  bath  f.  15.  i  Ezra  scripsit  librutn 
suum  et  genealogiam  in  libro  Chronicorum  ad  se.)  This  also  was 
the  general  view  of  the  rabbins,  the  Church  fathers,  and  the  older 
commentators,  at  least  as  far  as  the  Book  of  Ezra  was  concerned, 
that  both  that  book  and  Chronicles  were  written  by  the  same 
author,  presumably  Ezra.  (For  a  list  of  those  holding  this  opin- 
ion see  Zoe.  pp.  8/.)  (Owing  to  the  separation  of  Nehemiah  from 
Ezra  and  the  memoirs  of  Nehemiah  being  written  in  the  first 
person,  the  view  became  widely  prevalent  that  Nehemiah  was  the 
author  of  the  book  called  by  his  name.)  The  reasons  for  finding 
a  common  authorship  of  Chronicles  and  Ezra-Nehemiah  are  as 
follows : — 

(i)  The  ending  of  Chronicles  and  the  beginning  of  Ezra  are  the 
same  (2  Ch.  36"  '•  =Ezr.  i'-'»  to  go  up).  This  suggests  that  they 
were  originally  one  work,  a  common  portion  of  each  book  being 
retained  at  their  point  of  separation  when  they  were  cloven  asun- 
der, that  their  original  unity  might  be  recognised.  This  argu- 
ment, of  course,  only  has  force  in  view  of  the  order  of  the  books  in 
the  Hebrew  Canon.  The  abrupt  close  of  2  Ch.  is  most  naturally 
explained  on  the  ground  that  originally  it  was  continued  by  the 
story  of  the  return  given  in  Ezr.  i. 

The  separation  in  the  Canon  is  apparently  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  contents  of  Ezra-Nehemiah  were  regarded  as  the  more  im- 
portant, since  its  narrative  was  a  proper  continuation  of  the 
sacred  history  already  canonised  in  i  and  2  S.  and  i  and  2  K., 
and  its  narrative  chronologically  concluded  the  history  of  Israel; 
while  Chronicles  was  only  supplementary  to  i  and  2  S.  and  i 
and  2  K.,  and  therefore  was  not  at  first  very  highly  valued  and 
was  only  at  a  later  period  received  into  the  Canon. 

Zoe.,  following  Bleek  {Einl.*  §  149),  doubts  the  unity  of  authorship  and 
thinks  the  identity  of  2  Ch.  36"  '•  and  Ezr.  i'-'^  better  explained  as  coming 
from  an  editor  (the  author  of  i  and  2  Ch.)  who  wished  the  second  of  two 
distinct  works  to  be  recognised  as  a  kind  of  continuation  of  the  first. 
He  also  holds  that  the  plan  of  Ezra-Nehemiah  in  presenting  recent 
history  is  against  an  original  immediate  connection  with  i  and  2  Ch. 
(pp.  9/). 


4  CHRONICLES 

(2)  The  same  general  character  pervades  both  works.     Both 
show  a  fondness  for  the  following  particulars: — 

A.  Genealogical  and  other  lists  of  families  and  persons. 

Thus  in  Chronicles  are  the  genealogies  of  the  families  of  the  twelve 
tribes  and  the  houses  of  Saul  and  David  (i  Ch.  1-8);  the  inhabitants  of 
Jerusalem  (9'-^');  ^he  mighty  men  in  David's  armies  (ii'«-");  David's 
recruits  at  Ziglag  (12'-'  '-'<•  -");  the  Levites,  priests,  and  musicians  that 
assisted  in  the  removal  of  the  ark  (15*'"  "■^);  the  families  of  the  Levites 
(23'-");  the  twenty-four  courses  of  priests  (24'-");  heads  of  families, 
Kohathites  and  Merarites  (24'"-");  the  twenty-four  courses  of  singers, 
their  names  twice  repeated  (25'-");  the  courses  of  gate-keepers  (26'-"); 
overseers  of  the  Temple  treasury  (26-"-=*);  Levitical  officers  outside  the 
Temple  (26"-32);  the  twelve  commanders  of  the  twelve  courses  of  the 
army  (27'-'5);  theprincesof  the  tribes  of  Israel  (27'5-2<);  the  twelve  officers 
over  David's  substance  (2725-");  princes,  Levites,  and  priests  sent  by 
Jehoshaphat  to  give  instruction  in  the  law  (2  Ch.  17"');  Levitical  cap- 
tains under  Jehoiada  (23');  Levitical  leaders  in  cleansing  the  Temple 
and  Levites  in  charge  of  offerings  in  Hezekiah's  reign  (29'^'*  3i"-"); 
Levites  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  repair  of  the  Temple  and  the 
distribution  of  offerings  at  the  passover  festival  in  the  reign  of  Josiah 
(34'  "  35')-  These  are  paralleled  in  Ezra-Nehemiah  by  the  lists  of  the 
leaders,  and  of  the  families  of  the  laity,  the  priests,  the  Levites,  the 
singers,  the  gate-keepers,  the  Nethinim,  the  servants  of  Solomon,  and 
those  without  genealogy  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  2'-"'  Ne. 
7'"');  by  the  lists  of  those  who  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr.  8=-');  of  those 
both  priests,  Levites,  singers,  gate-keepers,  and  laity  who  had  foreign 
wives  (Ezr.  10"-");  of  those  who  signed  the  covenant,  the  governor, 
priests,  Levites,  and  chiefs  of  the  people  (Ne.  lo'-");  of  the  priests  and 
Levites  who  participated  in  the  promulgation  of  the  law  (Ne.  8*  '  9*' ); 
of  the  builders  of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  (Nc.  3'-");  of  the  princes  (?), 
priests,  and  Levites  who  participated  in  the  dedication  of  the  wall  (Ne. 
12"-"  ■"■*^);  of  the  residents  of  Jerusalem  (corresponding  to  the  list  of 
I  Ch.  9)  (Ne.  II*-").  We  also  have  pedigrees  corresponding  to  those 
in  Chronicles,  those  of  Ezra  (Ezr.  7' -5)  and  of  Jaddua  (Ne.  i2"'-")- 

B.  Both  works  show  a  fondness  for  the  description  of  the 
celebrations  of  special  religious  occasions. 

In  I  and  2  Ch.  arc  descriptions  of  the  bringing  up  of  the  ark  (i  Ch. 
15-16),  of  the  dedication  of  the  Temple  (2  Ch.  5-7'°),  of  the  restoration 
of  the  worship  of  Yahweh  and  the  celebration  of  the  passover  under 
Hezekiah  (2  Ch.  29-31),  and  of  the  passover  under  Josiah  (2  Ch.  35); 
and  in  Ezra-Nehemiah  arc  descriptions  of  the  erection  of  the  altar  at 


DATE  5 

the  time  of  Joshua  and  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  3),  of  the  dedication  of  the 
Temple  (Ezr.  6'^-'*),  of  the  celebration  of  the  passover  (Ezr.  6'9-")^  of 
the  celebration  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  in  connection  with  the  read- 
ing of  the  law  (Ne.  S'^-is),  and  of  the  dedication  of  the  walls  (Ne.  12"-"). 

C.  In  the  attention  paid  to  the  priests,  the  Levites,  and  espe- 
cially to  the  musicians  or  singers  and  the  gate-keepers,  which  latter 
classes  are  not  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  OT. 

The  musicians  are  mentioned  in  i  Ch.  6'6ff-  (31  ff.)  933 12I6.21.  S7  t.  164-4: 
23'  c.  25  2  Ch.  5'2  2  76  8'<  '■  2o'3-  21  2313-  18  292S-28.  so  2o2i  f-  34'2  35'5  and  in 
Ezr.  3'°  '•  Ne.  ii''  128-  24-  27-23-  •'s-47  j^s.  10,  The  gate-keepers  are  men- 
tioned (often  with  the  singers)  in  i  Ch.  q'^-^s  15"-  23.  24  1538  235  26'-  '2-19 
2  Ch.  8"  23<-  19  3114  3^13  3516  and  in  Ezr.  2".  70  yi  1024  Ne.  71-  «  1029  "s) 
iii9  1225-  «•  «  136  (Be.  pp.  xiv./.). 

Thus,  whatever  are  the  sources  of  these  writings,  exactly  the 
same  interest  and  motive  of  compilation  or  authorship  appear  in 
both,  hence  the  conclusion  that  both  are  from  the  same  person  is 
irresistible.    This  is  still  further  supported  by  the  following  fact: — 

(3)  Both  works  exhibit  in  a  marked  degree  the  same  linguistic 
peculiarities.  This  is  fully  exhibited  in  the  Hst  of  the  Chronicler's 
pecuharities  of  diction  given  on  pp.  2"]  ff. 

§  3-      DATE. 

The  data  for  determining  the  exact  period  of  i  and  2  Ch. 
taken  from  those  books  are  very  meagre.  The  books  close  with  a 
reference  to  a  decree  of  Cyrus  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign  (537 
B.C.),  hence  they  cannot  be  earlier  than  that  date.  Money  also  is 
reckoned  in  darics  (i  Ch.  29"),  the  Persian  coinage  introduced  by 
Darius  I.  (521-486  B.C.),  hence  they  do  not  fall  within  the  be- 
ginnings of  the  Persian  period  (537-332  B.C.).  Then  again  the 
genealogy  of  David's  family  is  apparently  brought  down  to  the 
sixth  generation  after  Zerubbabel  (who  flourished  537  +  )  (i  Ch. 
3"-^*).  This  makes  the  date  for  i  and  2  Ch.,  reckoning  thirty 
years  for  a  generation,  not  earlier  than  about  350  B.C.  The  Greek, 
Syriac,  and  Latin  texts,  however,  read  i  Ch.  3'9-24  differently  (see  in 
loco),  bringing  the  genealogy  dowTi  to  the  eleventh  generation  after 
Zerubbabel.     This  would  place  the  date,  reckoning  again  thirty 


6  CHRONICLES 

years  for  a  generation,  at  about  200  B.C.  Thirty  years,  however,  are 
probably  longer  than  an  actual  generation  among  the  Hebrews. 
Kamphauscn  reckoning  on  the  descent  of  the  Hebrew  kings  fixes 
the  length  at  twenty-three  years  {Chronologic  derhebr.Kdnige,  pp. 
38  /.);  Kittel  makes  a  generation  even  less,  only  twenty  years 
{Kotn.  p.  26).  On  this  last  basis  eleven  generations  after  Zerub- 
babel  would  extend  only  to  about  300  B.C.  Yet  (S,  &,  and  13 
probably  have  simply  interpreted  the  difficult  ^  text,  and  hence 
do  not  really  furnish  a  trustworthy  basis  for  a  date.  The  read- 
ing of  the  Vrss.  was  preferred  by  Kuenen  {Einl.  I.  2,  §  29,  i); 
also  by  Wildeboer  (Die  Litteratur  des  A.  T.  ^  25,  2). 

But  since  i  and  2  Ch.  originally  were  joined  to  Ezra-Nehemiah, 
the  period  of  the  Chronicler  can  also  be  determined  from  those 
books.  The  list  of  the  high  priests  given  in  Ne.  12""-  ^'-  extends 
to  Jaddua,  who  according  to  Josephus  (Anl.  xi.  7,  8)  was  high 
priest  in  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great.  Darius  is  referred  to 
as  the  Persian  (Ne.  12")  in  a  way  that  suggests  that  the  Persian 
kingdom  had  already  fallen  and  that  the  time  of  Alexander  (336- 
323  B.C.)  had  been  reached.  Thus  the  close  of  the  fourth  century 
B.C.,  or  300,  may  be  confidently  given  as  the  period  of  the  Chronicler. 

The  scholars  who  regarded  Ezra  as  the  author  of  i  and  2  Ch.  and  also 
of  the  Book  of  Ezra,  have  refused  to  allow  the  implications  just  mentioned 
drawn  from  i  Ch.  3"-",  holding  either  that  the  passage  contained  no 
list  of  six  or  more  generations  after  Zerubbabel  (Davis,  DB.  p.  125),  or 
that  it  was  an  insertion  (Keil  held  both  of  these  views,  Comm.  p.  82); 
and  likewise  those  who  held  that  Nehemiah  wrote  his  book  have  regarded 
the  lists  of  priests  in  Ne.  12'-='  either  as  an  insertion  (Lange  Crosby,  Ne. 
p.  2)  or  as  a  list  of  descendants  of  the  priestly  family,  the  last  of  whom, 
Jaddua,  might  have  been  known  to  Nehemiah  in  his  extreme  old  age 
(Keil,  Intro.,  trans,  by  Douglas,  §  149). 

§   4.       PLAN,  PURPOSE,  AND  HISTORICAL  VALUE. 

The  Books  of  Chronicles  are  a  history  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah 
from  the  enthronement  of  David  to  the  fall  of  Jerusalem.  This 
history  begins  with  a  long  introduction,  consisting  in  the  main  of  a 
series  of  genealogical  tables,  showing  the  origin  of  Israel  from  the 
beginning  of  mankind,  and  their  connection  with  other  peoples 


PLAN,   PURPOSE,   AND    HISTORICAL   VALUE  7 

(material  derived  from  the  Hexateuch),  and  giving  likewise  the 
clans  or  families  of  the  tribes  of  Israel,  with  particular  regard  to 
those  of  Levi,  Judah,  and  Benjamin  (the  three  tribes  most  impor- 
tant for  the  post-exilic  community),  and  also  a  list  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Jerusalem  (i  Ch.  1-9).  Then  commences  the  history 
proper,  introduced  with  an  account  of  the  death  of  Saul  (i  Ch.  10). 
This  history  is  written  throughout  from  a  priestly  point  of  view. 
The  writer  is  concerned  above  everything  else  with  the  life  of 
Israel  centred  in  the  worship  at  the  Temple  in  Jerusalem.  He 
dwells  at  length  upon  the  removal  of  the  ark  by  David  (i  Ch.  13, 
15-16);]  upon  his  thought  of  a  temple  (i  Ch.  17)  and  his  prepara- 
tions for  its  building  (i  Ch.  21,  22,  28,  29);  upon  its  structure 
and  furniture  and  dedication  under  Solomon  (2  Ch.  2-7);  upon 
its  repairs  in  the  reigns  of  Joash,  Hezekiah,  and  Josiah  (2  Ch. 
24<-'<  29'-"  34'-").  And  in  connection  with  these  last  two  re- 
pairs are  given  notable  descriptions  of  passover  festivals  cele- 
brated at  the  Temple  (2  Ch.  30,  35''^). 

The  ministry  of  the  Temple  is  also  fully  described.  The  divi- 
sions of  the  Levites  and  the  priests  and  the  singers  and  the  gate- 
keepers, which  are  represented  as  established  by  David,  are  given 
at  length  (i  Ch.  23-26).  These  ministers  also  not  only  take  a 
prominent  part  in  all  the  events  connected  with  the  Temple  men- 
tioned above,  but  appear  repeatedly  in  other  history.  Priests 
and  Levites  resort  unto  Rehoboam  on  the  division  of  the  kingdom 
(2  Ch.  II"  '•).  They  are  appointed  by  Jehoshaphat  as  teachers  of 
the  law  (2  Ch.  17"')  and  as  judges  (2  Ch.  19''*  ).  Levites  take  a 
prominent  part  in  the  coronation  of  Joash  and  the  death  of  Atha- 
liah  (2  Ch.  23'^).  Priests  withstand  Uzziah  when  he  would  burn 
incense  in  the  Temple  (2  Ch.  26""). 

The  activity  of  the  singers,  or  musicians,  is  prominent.  They 
are  mentioned  not  only  in  connection  with  the  removal  of  the  ark 
(i  Ch.  15,  16)  and  the  dedication  of  the  Temple  (2  Ch.  5'"), 
but  they  appear  with  the  army  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Ch.  20"),  at 
the  coronation  of  Joash  (2  Ch.  23"),  at  the  cleansing  of  the  Tem- 
ple and  the  celebration  of  the  passover  under  Hezekiah  (2  Ch. 
2Qii  b.  u.  25.J8.  JO  30"),  and  at  similar  events  under  Josiah  (2  Ch.  34" 
35").     Their  descent  is  also  elaborately  given  (i  Ch.  6""  ("-<')). 


8  CHRONICLES 

The  writer,  then,  is  of  the  same  school  as  the  author  of  the 
Priests'  Code.  Equally  with  him  he  delights  in  all  that  pertains 
to  the  ministry  of  the  sanctuary.  He  also  has  the  same  fondness 
for  statistics,  and  exhibits  repeatedly  similar  exaggerations.  He 
gives  the  weight  or  value  of  the  gold  100,000  talents,  silver 
1,000,000  talents,  which  David  prepared  as  king  for  the  Temple 
(i  Ch.  22'*);  also  3,000  talents  of  gold  and  7,000  of  silver  which 
David  gave  from  his  private  purse  (i  Ch.  29');  and  then  again 
of  gold  5,000  talents  and  10,000  darics,  of  silver  10,000  talents,  of 
brass  18,000  talents,  of  iron  100,000  talents,  contributed  by  the 
rulers  for  the  building  of  the  Temple  (i  Ch.  29");  and  likewise  he 
gives  in  thousands  the  number  of  sheep  and  cattle  offered  at  re- 
ligious festivals  (i  Ch.  29"  2  Ch.  29"  '•  30^*  35' ' );  and  the  number 
of  warriors:  those  who  came  to  make  David  king,  from  the  tribes 
of  Israel,  6,800,  7,100,  4,600,  3,700,  3,000,  20,800,  18,000,  50,000, 
37,000,  28,600,  40,000,  and  120,000  (i  Ch.  i2"-'»  (23-37))j  the  officers 
of  David  in  twelve  divisions  of  24,000  each,  one  division  serving 
a  month  (i  Ch.  27' -'s);  the  warriors  of  Rehoboam  180,000  (2  Ch. 
II');  of  Abijah  400,000  (2  Ch.  13');  of  Jeroboam  800,000,  of  whom 
500,000  were  slain  (2  Ch.  13'  ");  of  Asa  from  Judah  300,000,  from 
Benjamin  280,000  (2  Ch.  14'),  and  of  Zerah  his  opponent  1,000,000 
(2  Ch.  14');  of  Jehoshaphat  in  five  divisions  of  300,000,  280,000, 
200,000,  200,000,  and  180,000  each  (2  Ch.  i7'<-'«);  of  Amaziah 
300,000  and  100,000  more  who  were  hired  (2  Ch.  25' '  );  of  Uzziah 
307,500  under  2,600  chiefs  (2  Ch.  26"^);  and  of  Ahaz  (the  total 
number  of  whose  warriors  is  not  given)  120,000  who  were  slain  in 
one  day  (2  Ch.  28'). 

The  writer  likewise,  after  the  manner  of  P,  indulges  in  registers 
of  names.  These  not  only  appear  in  the  genealogical  tables  of  the 
introduction  (i  Ch.  1-9)  and  in  the  classification  of  the  ministers  of 
the  Temple  and  the  officers  of  David  (i  Ch.  23-27),  but  in  lists  of 
heroes  who  came  to  David  at  Ziglag  (i  Ch.  12'");  of  priests,  Le- 
vites,  musicians,  and  gate-keepers  who  took  part  in  the  removal  of 
the  ark  (i  Ch.  15-16");  of  princes,  Levites,  and  priests  sent  through- 
out the  land  to  give  instruction  in  the  law  (2  Ch.  17' '  );  of  captains 
(Levites)  who  conspired  to  place  Joash  on  the  throne  (2  Ch.  23'); 
of  heads  of  the  children  of  Ephraim  who  commanded  the  return  of 


PLAN,    PURPOSE,    AND    HISTORICAL   VALUE  g 

the  captives  of  Judah  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  (2  Ch.  28^^);  of  Levites 
who  assisted  Hezekiah  in  cleansing  the  Temple  (2  Ch.  29'*-'*);  of 
superintendents  of  offerings  (Levites),  also  in  the  reign  of  Heze- 
kiah (2  Ch.  3 1 '2 ' );  of  overseers  of  the  repair  of  the  Temple,  and  of 
rulers  of  the  Temple  (all  Levites)  under  Josiah  (2  Ch.  34'^  35 « '•). 

The  history  is  thus  throughout  of  the  character  of  the  Priests' 
Code,  both  in  its  subject-matter  and  form  of  presentation,  and  is 
written  entirely  from  the  point  of  view  of  that  legislation  and  thus 
as  a  supplement  to  i  and  2  S.  and  i  and  2  K.  The  priestly  history 
of  Israel  of  the  earlier  books  ceases  with  the  concluding  stories  of 
the  Book  of  Judges.  Samuel  and  Kings,  while  witnessing  to 
a  few  examples  of  priestly  revision,  convey  no  picture  of  Israel's 
history  as  it  should  have  been  had  the  priestly  legislation  origi- 
nated with  Moses  and  been  upheld  and  carried  forward  by  the 
pious  David  and  his  godly  successors.  To  remedy  this  defect  was 
clearly  the  object  of  the  Chronicler.  He  thus  introduced  a  great 
deal  of  new  material,  mentioned  above,  concerning  the  Temple  and 
its  ministry  and  rehgious  celebrations.  But  he  was  not  simply 
concerned  with  institutions  and  ceremonies  and  Levitical  classes; 
he  was  equally  interested  in  the  divine  rule.  He  interpreted 
Israel's  life,  after  the  pattern  in  the  Priests'  Code  of  its  national 
beginning  under  Moses,  as  that  of  a  church  with  constant  rewards 
and  punishments  through  signal  divine  intervention.  This  method 
had  already  in  some  measure  been  pursued,  with  Deuteronomy 
as  a  standard,  in  the  earlier  histories.  The  Chronicler,  with  the 
Priests'  Code  as  his  standard,  aiming  to  give  a  more  complete  and 
consistent  history,  while  drawing  largely  as  a  basis  upon  Samuel 
and  Kings,  modified  their  narratives.  He  made  more  universal 
the  connection  between  piety  and  prosperity,  and  wickedness 
and  adversity,  heightening  good  and  bad  characters  and  their  re- 
wards and  punishments,  or  creating  them  according  to  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  occasion.  Thus  grandeur  is  added  to  David  by  lists  of 
warriors  who  came  to  him  at  Ziglag  and  of  hosts  who  made  him 
king  at  Hebron.  On  the  other  hand,  his  domestic  troubles,  his 
adultery,  and  the  rebellion  of  Absalom  are  passed  over  in  silence. 

The  history  of  Solomon  is  similarly  treated.  No  mention  is 
made  of  the  intrigue  by  which  he  came  to  the  throne,  or  of  his 


lO  CHRONICLES 

idolatries  or  troubles  near  the  close  of  his  life.  After  the  disrup- 
tion no  mention  is  made  of  the  N.  kingdom  except  incidentally. 
Its  history  is  entirely  ignored  as  that  of  an  apostate  or  heathen 
nation. 

Rehoboam,  of  whom  nothing  commendable  is  written  in  Kings, 
is  approved  and  e.xalted  in  the  early  years  of  his  reign  (2  Ch.  11), 
clearly  that  he  as  well  as  his  people  may  stand  in  sharp  con- 
trast to  Jeroboam  and  the  northern  tribes;  and  then  later  in  ex- 
planation of  the  invasion  of  Shishak,  he  is  accused,  with  all  his 
people,  of  having  forsaken  the  law  of  Yahweh  (2  Ch.  12' ' ). 

Abijah,  of  whom  in  Kings  only  evil  is  recorded  and  whose  brief 
reign  of  three  years  is  absolutely  colourless  save  in  the  mention  of 
war  between  him  and  Jeroboam,  is  also  transformed  and  exalted 
after  the  manner  of  Rehoboam,  and  is  not  only  given  a  great  vic- 
tory over  Jeroboam,  but  made  a  preacher  of  the  righteousness  of 
the  Priests'  Code  (2  Ch.  13). 

Asa  according  to  Kings  was  a  good  king,  and  he  removed  idols 
and  an  abominable  image  made  by  the  queen-mother,  but  it  is  said 
"the  high  places  were  not  taken  away."  The  Chronicler,  how- 
ever, makes  him  at  first  the  remover  of  high  places,  and  gives  hira 
a  mighty  army  and  a  victory  over  a  Cushite  host  of  1,000,000  men 
of  which  the  earlier  narrative  knows  nothing  (2  Ch.  14'-").  Later 
the  Chronicler  quotes  the  passage  concerning  the  high  places  but 
applies  it  to  Israel,  the  N.  kingdom,  over  which  Asa  had  no  control. 
Asa,  according  to  the  earlier  narrative,  invoked  the  aid  of  Syria 
against  Baasha,  King  of  Israel.  This  act  is  made  the  subject  of 
prophetic  rebuke,  and  Asa,  from  then  on,  is  painted  in  dark  colours 
as  the  oppressor  of  the  prophet  and  the  people.  This  wickedness, 
doubtless,  was  designed  to  be  connected  with  his  diseased  feet 
mentioned  in  Kings.  The  Chronicler  also  adds  that  he  sought,  in 
his  disease,  not  the  Lord  but  physicians. 

Jehoshaphat  is  commended  in  Kings  for  doing  "that  which  was 
right  in  the  eyes  of  Yahweh"  (i  K.  22"),  but  the  record  of  his  reign 
is  very  brief.  This  gave  the  Chronicler  a  full  opportunity,  and 
hence,  although  Jehoshaphat  is  rebuked  for  his  alliance  with  Ahab 
(an  alliance  mentioned  in  Kings),  and  the  wreck  of  his  merchant- 
vessels  built  in  conjunction  with  Ahaziah,  King  of  Israel  (also  men- 


PLAN,   PURPOSE,   AND   HISTORICAL   VALUE  II 

tioned  in  Kings),  is  declared  to  be  a  punishment  for  the  sin  of  such 
a  partnership,  he  is  yet  exalted  exceedingly.  He  is  endowed  with 
riches  and  honour  in  abundance.  His  army  is  very  great,  although 
apparently  entirely  superfluous,  since  a  divine  interposition  of 
panic  and  self-destruction  destroys  an  immense  host  of  invaders 
from  eastern  Palestine  (2  Ch.  20).  But  the  name  of  the  King 
seems  to  have  suggested  the  special  form  of  his  good  works. 
Jehoshaphat  means  "Yahweh  judges,''  and  to  him  are  assigned 
the  commendable  acts  of  sending  teachers  of  the  law  throughout 
the  land  and  the  appointment  of  judges  (2  Ch.  17'"  19' «  ). 

Joram,  who  according  to  Kings  did  that  which  was  evil,  is  mag- 
nified in  wickedness  and  disaster.  In  his  reign  Edom  revolted 
from  Judah,  and  the  Chronicler  connected  this,  as  the  older  nar- 
rative did  not,  directly  with  Joram's  sins.  Moreover,  he  also  saw 
in  Joram  a  seducer  of  his  own  people,  and  threatened  him  with 
fearful  plagues  through  a  letter  from  Elijah,  who,  according  to 
the  older  narrative,  had  already  died  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat. 
These  plagues  befall  the  monarch  through  a  sack  of  Jerusalem 
by  a  horde  of  Philistines  and  Arabians,  and  a  fearful  incurable 
disease  whereby  the  King's  bowels  fell  out  (2  Ch.  21). 

After  the  death  of  Ahaziah,  who  reigned  only  a  year,  Athaliah  the 
queen-mother  seized  the  throne,  until  at  the  end  of  six  years  she  was 
deposed  and  slain  through  a  conspiracy  directed  by  Jehoiada  the 
priest,  and  Joash  was  crowTied.  This  conspiracy  gave  the  Chron- 
icler the  opportunity  to  make  one  of  his  most  marked  reconstruc- 
tions of  history.  According  to  the  earlier  narrative  the  conspira- 
tors are  captains  of  the  royal  mercenary  body-guards;  according  to 
the  Chronicler  they  are  captains  of  Levites,  and  the  whole  narra- 
tive is  rewritten  in  the  interest  of  the  exaltation  of  the  Levites  and 
the  preservation  of  the  sanctity  of  the  Temple  (2  Ch.  23).  The 
reign  of  Joash  was  unfortunate  in  the  extreme.  He  suffered  the 
loss  of  all  the  treasures  of  the  Temple  and  of  the  palace  in  pur- 
chasing the  withdrawal  of  Hazael,  King  of  Damascus,  from  Judah, 
and  later  he  was  assassinated.  The  Chronicler  tells  how  he  de- 
served this  fate.  He  makes  him,  after  the  death  of  Jehoiada  the 
priest,  an  apostate  from  the  worship  of  Yahweh  and  the  murderer 
of  the  son  of  his  old  benefactor  the  priest.     He  adds  also  to  his 


12  CHRONICLES 

calamities  by  stating  that  at  the  time  of  his  death  he  suffered 
great  diseases  (2  Ch.  24). 

Amaziah  waged  a  most  disastrous  war  with  Joash,  King  of 
Israel.  The  wall  of  Jerusalem  was  broken  down  and  the  treasures 
of  Temple  and  palace  taken.  Amaziah  also  met  his  death  through 
a  conspiracy.  These  dire  events  needed  an  explanation  and  the 
Chronicler  introduces  an  apostasy  of  Amaziah  in  the  worship  of 
Edomiiic  gods  and  threatens  him  through  a  prophet  with  de- 
struction (2  Ch.  25'*" ). 

Uzziah,  one  of  the  best  (2  K.  15')  and  most  prosperous  of  the 
kings  of  Judah,  became  a  leper  and  made  his  son  Jotham  regent. 
The  Chronicler  finds  a  cause  for  this  leprosy  in  a  usurpation  of 
priestly  prerogative  in  the  burning  of  incense  in  the  Temple,  and 
he  says,  "The  leprosy  broke  forth  in  his  forehead  before  the  priests 
in  the  house  of  Yahweh  beside  the  altar  of  incense"  (2  Ch.  26"). 

Ahaz  was  not  a  good  king,  and  to  dehver  himself  from  the  com- 
bined forces  of  Syria  and  Israel  he  successfully  invoked  the  aid  of 
Assyria  and  seems  to  have  suffered  no  great  loss  (2  K.  16).  But  not 
so  did  the  Chronicler  write  his  history.  He  delivers  him  into  the 
hand  of  the  King  of  Syria  with  a  very  great  loss  in  captives;  and 
also  into  the  hand  of  the  King  of  Israel  with  the  slaughter  of  120,- 
000  men  in  one  day  and  the  capture  of  200,000  wives,  sons,  and 
daughters.  Edomites  and  Philistines  also  invade  his  land  and  the 
King  of  Assyria  distresses  him  (2  Ch.  28'^  ). 

Hezekiah  was  a  good  king  and  in  the  older  narrative  he  re- 
formed the  worship  of  Yahweh  and  departed  not  from  the  divine 
commandments.  The  Chronicler  accordingly  magnifies  at  length 
his  conduct,  giving  great  prominence  to  the  priests  and  Levites 
(2  Ch.  29).  But  Manasseh  his  son  was  an  exceedingly  wicked 
king,  and  he  reigned  the  unusual  period  of  fifty-five  years.  The 
Chronicler  explains  this  anomaly  by  a  repentance  of  Manasseh 
after  an  imprisonment,  of  which  the  older  narrative  knows 
nothing,  in  Babylon  (2  Ch.  33"*). 

Josiah  was  a  good  king  and  reformed  the  worship  of  Yahweh. 
As  in  the  case  of  Hezekiah,  the  Chronicler  magnifies  this  element  of 
his  reign,  but  Josiah  met  an  untimely  death  at  the  battle  of  Me- 
giddo.     This  required  explanation,  and  hence  it  is  recorded  that 


PLAN,   PURPOSE,   AND    HISTORICAL   VALUE  13 

he  was  disobedient  to  a  warning  given  by  Necho  from  the  mouth 
ot  God  (2  Ch.  35'"). 

The  Chronicler  introduces  on  critical  occasions  warning  and 
exhorting  seers  or  prophets.  At  the  invasion  of  Shishak,  Shem- 
aiah  addresses  Rehoboam  (2  Ch.  12');  at  the  overthrow  of  Zerah, 
Azariah  exhorts  Asa  (2  Ch.  15'^ ),  and  when  Asa  invokes  foreign 
aid  Hanani  reproves  him  (2  Ch.  16"') ;  and  Hanani's  son  Jehu  like- 
wise reproves  Jehoshaphat  for  his  alliance  with  Ahab,  and  Jehaziel 
encourages  Jehoshaphat  in  the  conflict  with  Moab  and  Ammon 
(2  Ch.  20'<  «•),  and  Eliezer  prophesies  against  Jehoshaphat  for 
his  partnership  with  Ahaziah  (2  Ch.  20");  Zechariah  the  son  of 
Jehoiada  the  priest  testifies  against  the  people  in  the  days  of 
Joash  (2  Ch.  24");  and  Oded  speaks  unto  the  men  of  Israel  in  the 
reign  of  Ahaz  (2  Ch.  28'").  A  few  of  these  are  mentioned  in  the 
earlier  books  but  are  unknown  on  these  occasions  or  with  such 
edifying  speeches.  They  are  clearly  supplements  by  the  later 
writer. 

In  many  minute  particulars  the  earlier  accounts  are  glossed  or 
revised.  Of  Saul's  death  it  is  added  that  he  died  for  his  trespass 
and  because  he  asked  counsel  of  one  having  a  familiar  spirit 
(i  Ch.  io'2).  The  statement  that  David  and  his  men  carried  off 
the  idols  of  the  Phihstines  (2  S.  5^')  is  changed  to  that  of  their 
destruction  by  fire  at  the  command  of  David  (i  Ch.  14'').  Noth- 
ing less,  evidently,  was  regarded  as  suitable  for  such  abominations 
from  such  a  pious  king.  The  ark  entrusted  to  the  care  of  Obed- 
edom  does  not  remain  in  the  house  of  Obed-edom  (2  S.  6'=),  but 
with  this  household  in  its  own  house  (i  Ch.  13'').  This  would 
keep  it  from  defilement.  Both  Samuel  the  Ephraimite  (i  S.  i') 
and  Obed-edom  the  Gittite  (2  S.  6"")  are  given  a  Levitical 
descent  (i  Ch.  6  ''"•  <"=  >  16"  26*^)  as  required  of  the  servants  of 
the  tabernacle  and  the  ark  in  P. 

Goliath  the  Gittite  slain  by  Elhanan  the  Bethlehemite  (2  S.  2i'») 
becomes  Lahmi,  the  brother  of  Goliath  the  Gittite  (i  Ch.  20'). 
This  removes  the  discrepancy  with  the  story  of  David's  conquest 
(i  S.  17).  David's  sons  are  changed  from  "priests"  (2  S.  8")  into 
"the  first  at  the  hand  of  the  king"  (i  Ch.  18").  A non-Levitical 
priesthood  supported  by  David  was  unthinkable  to  the  Chronicler. 


14 


CHRONICLES 


Yahweh,  who  led  David  to  number  Israel  (2  S.  24'),  since  a  direct 
divine  temptation  was  not  agreeable  to  the  later  theology,  becomes 
Satan  (i  Ch.  21');  and  agreeably  to  the  later  angelology  the  de- 
stroying angel  is  placed  between  the  earth  and  the  heaven  (i  Ch. 
21")  instead  of  remaining  simply  by  the  threshing-floor  of  Oman 
the  Jebusite  (2  S.  24").  The  price  paid  by  David  for  the  threshing- 
floor  is  changed  from  fifty  shekels  of  silver  (2  S.  24")  into  six  hun- 
dred shekels  of  gold  (i  Ch.  21"),  since,  forsooth,  the  former  sum 
was  too  paltry  to  be  given  by  such  a  monarch  as  David  for  the 
future  site  of  the  Temple.  Fire  also  is  said  to  have  fallen  from 
heaven  and  kindled  David's  sacrifice,  and  also  Solomon's,  at  the 
dedication  of  the  Temple  (i  Ch.  212"  2  Ch.  7').  This  is  a  mark 
of  the  later  wonder-seeking  theology.  The  high  place  at  Gibeon 
where  Solomon  sacrificed  is  explained  as  the  seat  of  the  brazen 
altar  and  the  tabernacle  (2  Ch.  i'-'),  particulars  unexpressed  in  the 
parallel  narrative  in  i  K.  (3^).  Thus  the  act  of  Solomon  is  kept 
within  the  priestly  law.  The  gift  of  cities  by  Solomon  to  Hiram, 
King  of  Tyre  (i  K.  9'°  ° ),  becomes,  to  preserve,  doubtless,  the  in- 
tegrity of  the  Holy  Land,  the  reverse — a  gift  of  cities  by  Hiram  to 
Solomon  (2  Ch.  8' ' ).  The  removal  of  Pharaoh's  daughter  from 
the  city  of  David  into  her  house  newly  built  by  Solomon  (i  K.  9") 
is  motived  because  the  place  in  proximity  to  the  ark  must  be  kept 
holy  (2  Ch.  8").  These  striking  glosses  and  changes  by  no  means 
exhaust  the  number  made  by  the  Chronicler.  Wherever  he  makes 
use  of  the  earlier  canonical  narratives  they  are  present  in  a  greater 
or  less  degree. 

Thus  the  entire  history  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah  has  suflfered 
reconstruction,  and  it  is  clear  that  the  Books  of  Chronicles  are  a 
tendency  writing  of  little  historical  value.  The  picture  which  they 
give  of  the  past  is  far  less  accurate  or  trustworthy  than  that  of  the 
earlier  Biblical  writings;  indeed,  it  is  a  distorted  picture  in  the  in- 
terest of  the  later  institutions  of  post-exilic  Judaism;  and  the  main 
historical  value  of  these  books  consists  in  their  reflection  of  the 
notions  of  that  period.  Yet  at  the  same  time  some  ancient  facts, 
having  trickled  down  through  oral  or  written  tradition,  are  doubt- 
less preserved  in  the  amplifications  and  embellishments  of  the 
Chronicler,     These  we  shall  have  occasion  to  point  out  in  our 


PLAN,   PURPOSE,   AND    HISTORICAL   VALUE  15 

commentary.  They  are  few  indeed  compared  with  the  products 
of  the  imagination,  and  must  be  sifted  like  kernels  of  wheat  from  a 
mass  of  chaff  (c/.  S.  A.  Cooke,  Notes  on  OT.  History,  p.  67). 

The  following  new  material,  exclusive  of  names  and  notices  in  the 
genealogical  section,  i  Ch.  1-9,  has  been  presented  by  Kittel,  by  the  use 
of  heavy  type,  in  his  commentary  as  historical:  (i)  the  additions  to  the 
list  of  David's  heroes  (i  Ch.  ii"b-n);  (2)  the  family  of  Rehoboam 
(2  Ch.  ii's-");  (3)  the  name  of  the  father  of  the  mother  of  Abijah  (2  Ch. 
132);  (4)  the  number  of  Abijah's  wives  and  children  (2  Ch.  13");  (s) 
the  teaching  delegation  sent  by  Jehoshaphat  (2  Ch.  17'-');  (6)  details  of 
the  military  might  and  building  operations  of  Uzziah  (2  Ch.  26»-»» 
J-I2.  14  (.)j  (7)  the  same  of  Jotham  (2  Ch.  27'b-6;  v. '  in  part  only);  (8)  the 
invasion  of  the  Edomites  and  Philistines  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz  (2  Ch. 
28'");  (9)  the  conduit  built  by  Hezekiah  (2  Ch.  32'<">);  (10)  the  place 
of  Hezekiah's  grave  (2  Ch.  3233b);  (n)  the  enlargement  of  the  wall 
of  Jerusalem  by  Manasseh  (2  Ch.  33").  Of  these  (4)  and  (5)  are 
probably  of  no  historic  worth;  others  are  doubtful;  some  may  be  ac- 
cepted, especially  (6)-(ii).  (See  the  commentary  in  locis.)  Genuine 
history  has  also  been  found  in  these  additions  of  the  Chronicler:  (i) 
Abijah's  victory  (2  Ch.  13'-");  (2)  Asa's  victory  (2  Ch.  148-"  <«-»)); 
(3)  Jehoshaphat's  victory  (2  Ch.  20"-");  (4)  Uzziah's  resistance  to  the 
priests  (2  Ch.  26"-");  and  (5)  the  repentance  of  Manasseh  (2  Ch.  33"-'0- 
The  ground  urged  for  this,  as  far  as  the  victories  are  concerned,  is  that 
the  continued  existence  of  the  little  kingdom  of  Judah  for  three  hundred 
and  fifty  years  with  enemies  on  the  south  and  revolted  Israel  on  the 
north  is  hardly  to  be  explained  except  on  the  hypothesis  of  some  such  suc- 
cesses as  the  Chronicler  describes  (2  Ch.  13'^-  i48ff-  ('S- '  20'"  ),  gained  by 
Judah  (Ba.  pp.  xxx-xxxiii).  This  is  a  plausible  but  a  specious  argument. 
The  kingdom  of  Judah  was  too  poor  a  country  to  be  very  attractive  to  its 
neighbours  or  to  entice  distant  hordes  to  make  such  invasions.  Raids 
may  have  been  made  into  Judah  and  some  reminiscences  of  these  may 
be  behind  these  stories  (see  commentary),  but  nothing  further  can  be 
aflBrmed.  The  motive  for  (4)  and  (5)  is  so  strong  that  no  historical  prob- 
ability on  the  ground  of  their  record  can  be  asserted.  A  change  of  religious 
policy  by  Manasseh  in  his  old  age,  considering  how  his  reign  is  viewed 
by  the  prophets,  is  utterly  unlikely.  Winckler,  in  connection  with  his 
theory  of  the  contact  of  the  kingdoms  of  northern  Arabia  with  Israel,  has 
found  historical  reminiscences  in  the  Chronicler's  allusions  to  the  Meunim 
(2  Ch.  26'  I  Ch.  4"  2  Ch.  20'  (g),  the  Arabians  (2  Ch.  ly"  21"  14"),  and 
the  Hagrites  (i  Ch.  s'"-  "■  ").  The  basis  for  this  inference  is  the  claim 
that  the  chronology  of  the  appearance  of  these  people  in  Ch.  is  correct. 
They  are  mentioned  just  when  historically  they  might  be  expected 
{Musri,  Meluhha,  Ma'in,  MVAG.   1898,  pp.  42  /.;   KAT.'  pp.  142/., 


l6  CHRONICLES 

144).  On  the  other  hand  it  is  strange  that  the  older  and  more  historical 
Books  of  Samuel  and  Kings  contain  none  of  these  notices  or  similar  ones, 
and  it  is  readily  credible  that  these  names  might  have  been  current  in 
post-exilic  times  (if  not  certain  that  they  were),  and  thus  at  hand  for  the 
Chronicler  to  introduce  as  the  enemies  of  Israel  (We.  Prol.  p.  208; 
Noeldeke,  EBi.  I.  col.  274). 

§    5.      THE   RELIGIOUS   VALUE. 

The  religious  value  of  Chronicles  lies  in  the  emphasis  given  to 
the  institutional  forms  of  religion.  Forms,  ceremonies,  institu- 
tions of  one  sort  or  another,  are  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of 
religious  life.  The  Chronicler,  it  is  true,  overemphasised  their 
importance  and  his  teachings  are  vitiated  by  a  false  doctrine  of 
divine  interference  without  human  endeavour,  and  a  false  notion  of 
righteousness  consisting  largely  in  the  observance  of  legal  forms 
and  ceremonies.  Yet  in  his  own  time,  unless  he  had  been  a  direct 
forerunner  of  Christ,  he  could  not  have  been  expected  to  give 
a  diiferent  message,  and  in  his  day  his  message  rendered  a  most 
important  service.  He  belonged  not  only  to  the  same  school  of 
writers  as  the  author  or  authors  of  the  Priestly  element  of  the  Pen- 
tateuch, but  was  kindred  with  the  prophets  Haggai  and  Zechariah, 
and  especially  Malachi.  "The  course  of  events  since  the  restora- 
tion had  made  the  Temple  with  its  high  priest  and  its  sacrificial 
system  a  centre  for  the  community  much  more  than  it  had  been 
before,  but  this  very  fact  had  a  providential  significance  in  view  of 
the  future.  It  was  essential  for  Israel's  preservation  that  the 
ceremonial  obligations  laid  upon  it  should  be  strictly  observed, 
and  that  it  should  hold  itself  aloof  socially  from  its  heathen  neigh- 
bours" (Dr.  Minor  Prophets,  II.  in  NCB.  p.  297).  However  nar- 
row the  Chronicler's  teachings  maybe  considered  and  however  arti- 
ficial their  products,  without  the  shell  of  the  Judaistic  legalism  and 
ecclesiasticism  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  precious  truths  of  divine 
revelation  in  Hebrew  prophecy  could  have  been  preserved.  Other- 
wise amid  the  encroaching  forces  of  the  Persian,  Greek,  and  Ro- 
man civilisations  they  would  have  been  dissipated  and  no  place 
would  have  been  prepared  for  the  appearance  of  Christ  and  the 
growth  of  Christianity.     The  work  of  the  Chronicler  fostered  the 


SOURCES  17 

needed  spirit  of  Jewish  exclusiveness  in  its  list  of  genealogies;  it  en- 
hanced Jerusalem  as  the  rallying-point  and  centre  of  Jewish  life;  it 
favoured  the  maintenance  of  a  hierarchy  and  emphasised  the  out- 
ward forms  of  religion  in  sacrifices  and  national  festivals,  but  all 
this  contributed  largely  to  the  religious  solidarity  and  strength  of 
the  people  and  gave  them  a  tough  quality. 

Through  these  writings  the  past  also  was  idealised  and  glorified 
as  a  norm  for  present  activity  and  future  development.  Nothing 
better  than  the  authority  of  the  past  could  have  served  in  those  days 
to  intensify  the  loyalty  and  devotion  of  the  ancient  Jew.  The  divine 
law  of  retribution  and  special  providence,  which  the  Chronicler 
taught,  was  a  most  powerful  factor  also  for  preserving  the  Jewish 
Church.  It  must  also  never  be  forgotten  that  it  was  under  the 
tutelage  of  men  like  the  Chronicler  that  the  Maccabees  were  nour- 
ished and  that  the  heroic  age  of  Judaism  was  inaugurated. 

§    6.      SOURCES. 

A.  The  source  of  canonical  material.  According  to  the 
sketch  just  given  the  Chronicler  supplemented  and  in  a  measure 
revised  the  history  of  Israel  narrated  in  the  canonical  books,  es- 
pecially I  and  2  S.  and  i  and  2  K.  These  then  constitute  a  main 
source  of  his  work.  The  following  are  the  parallels  between  his 
and  the  earlier  writings.  (These  parallels  include  the  Chronicler's 
modifications  of  the  canonical  material  and  hence  are  not  as  re- 
stricted as  some  Hsts  which  omit  all  observations  and  additions  of 
the  Chronicler.     For  these  details  see  commentary.) 

I  Ch.  V-*,  Gn.  s»-«  lo'. 

"        jS-23  "        lo'-^-    6-8-    13-18a.    22-29_ 

"        I^*-",  "        IlI»-28,    C/.    175. 

25l2-16a.    1-4.    19-26^    ^y.    16""    21=  '■. 

254.    6a.    10-14.    20-28.    3I-43_ 

2222b-26  j?x.  i'-5  and  elsewhere. 
23-4,  "     382-'-  2"-  4612='  Nu.  26"  «•. 

4612I'  Nu.  2621  Ru.  4'8. 
2«-8,  Jos.  71  I  K.  5"  (431). 

29-",  Ru.  419-22  I  S.  i6«-9  2  S.  2'8  1726. 


i8 


I    AND   2   CHRONICLES 


I  Ch 

.  3'-'. 

2  s.  3^'  5>  >•-",  cf.  13'. 

" 

3.0-.., 

I  and  2  K. 

" 

4", 

Gn.  46"  Ex.  6>5  Nu.  26'=  '•. 

" 

4""*'i 

Jos.  19'-'. 

" 

5'. 

Gn.  469  Nu.  26S  ' . 

(< 

52..    M, 

cf.  2  K.  15" '•  M  i7«  18". 

(( 

5"-»  (61-3), 

Ex.  6'6-  '«•  "•  »  Nu.  3"-  >». 

<i 

6l-<.    7     (16-19. 

22), 

"    a"-*". 

" 

67-IJ     (M-28)^ 

"    6«  1  S.  I'  8'. 

" 

539 -M     (M-81\ 

Jos.  2I"'-"-  '-»•  "-". 

" 

9»-"», 

Ne.  ii<-'9». 

<( 

IOl-'2, 

I  S.  31. 

II'-', 

2  S.  5'-'   «-">. 

" 

II'O", 

"    23'-"- 

I3I.U, 

"    6'-". 

I4I.7.    8-17, 

"        cll-18.    W-2S, 

15.    16, 

"    6'=-". 

17. 

"    7- 

18, 

"    8. 

19, 

"    10. 

20'-', 

"      11'    12^-". 

20*-', 

"      2l'S-JS. 

21, 

"      24. 

J  Ch. 

j6-13 

I  K.  3*->s. 

lU-17 

"    io»-". 

l'«-2"  (2), 

"       rl5-30    (1-1«). 

3'-5S 

«    6,  7"-". 

5'-7", 

"    8. 

711 -« 

"  9.-'. 

8, 

"    9>»  ". 

gl-lJ.    U-S8, 

"       io«-l»-    M-«». 

9"-", 

"       II"-". 

IO'-II<, 

"      I2'-S<. 

125-   »•    »->• 

"      14='-". 

I3I.    J.    W.    M 

(I4>), 

"     i5>-  5.  7.  8. 

I4I.    I     (!.  3)^ 

15"-", 

"    i5>'-'«. 

i6'-«   »-'<, 

"    15"-". 

iSJ-«, 

"      22»-». 

20"- 21', 

"      22*'-"    <">>. 

2li-10.    20 

2  K.  8"-". 

22«-«.   7-9, 

"       826-29    9H-28    lo'5-l«. 

22'«-23*', 

"       II    (11'-"). 

2^1-14.    M-27^ 

"      12'-'"    (ll='-12'0  I2'«-»<"-") 

2C1-4.    11.    17-28 

"     i4'-'<    "-'<>. 

SOURCES 


19 


Ch 

26«-4.    21-23, 
27I-3.    7-9, 

"       14^'-    22    152-7. 
"       ir33-36.    38_ 

281-4.    26.    27, 

"        162-4.    19.    20. 

291.    2, 

"       l82.    3. 

321-2., 

"       l8'3-I937. 

3221-33, 

"       20. 

33I-IO.    20-25, 
34..    2.    8-32, 

"       2l'-'-    18-24. 
"      22,    23I-'. 

351.    18-24.    26. 

27   36I-I 

"       23-1-23.    28.    29-34_ 

365.    6.    8-12 
3622.    23, 

Ezr.  i'-3». 

8-19 

The  simplest  explanation  of  the  parallels  (and  the  true  one 
already  assumed  above  and  now  universally  accepted)  is  the  direct 
quotation  or  paraphrase  of  the  canonical  books  by  the  Chronicler 
and  their  modification  by  him,  or,  what  amounts  to  the  same  thing, 
by  a  forerunner  whose  work  he  copied  (a  view  mentioned  below 
though  not  accepted). 

The  evidence  for  this  direct  use  is  very  clear.  It  is  seen  in  the  verbal 
agreements  which  appear  in  every  parallel.  (See  commentary.)  Cor- 
ruptions in  the  earlier  te.xts  are  also  repeated  in  the  later.  Cf.  in  i  Ch. 
ij?pn  lo'o,  T\-\'i-2  iii5,  3Dn  1414,  'dSi  1710,  -inx  1721,  n.-iox  ja  iSn^nx  (''2n) 
1816,  ny  ?  1913,  oo'?cn  20';  in  2  Ch.,  'ui  niDoS  and  "'Ji3  Sy  4",  >i^i  4>7, 
TvSj;  721. 

The  canonical  text  is  also  sometimes  so  closely  followed  as  to  introduce 
irrelevant  expressions.  Cf.  i  Ch.  650  <66)  655b  (70b)  (but  present  form 
possibly  due  to  transcriber,  v.  in  loco)  141  (nij?)  15"  201  (now  David 
was  abiding  in  J.)  20^  (the  staff,  etc.).  The  variations  also  between  the 
two  texts  show  the  dependence  of  one  upon  the  other.  Chronicles,  as 
might  be  expected  from  its  less  frequent  transcription,  in  many  instances 
preserves  the  more  original  reading  {cf.  i  Ch.  i'   "  2'^  S^'-  34  jqi-  s.  4.  7 

HlO.  29   136.    8.    9  f.    147  ;n^S>'3,    12.   16    I7I2  t.   21    187-11.     17   ig9.   18   aO^   2  Ch.    2l'   "8) 

4i«).     An  antiquated  term  is  often  replaced  by  a  later  one  {cf.  i  Ch.  1012 

138  1529    ?  194   2l2.    2.   4). 

Statements  jarring  the  Chronicler's  sense  of  religious  propriety  or  doing 
violence  to  his  conception  of  the  course  of  history  were  omitted  or 
modified  (see  §  4,  pp.  9-15). 

Other  departures  from  the  text  are  such  as  might  be  expected  from  one 
who  was  not  a  servile  copyist.  The  Chronicler  abridges  frequently 
{cf.  I  Ch.  11-4. 24-27. 34-42  23-4  2  Ch.  i«-i3  31-79.  15-17  71-3  36111),  and  Occasion- 
ally introduces  words  to  emphasise  an  idea  or  to  give  clearness,  and  also 
pious  phrases  {cf.  i  Ch.  ii^  1526  iS^-  i^  2  Ch.  18"). 


20  I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 

This  direct  use,  however,  was  formerly  questioned,  because  the 
variance  between  the  parallels  seemed  destructive  to  the  infallible 
inspiration  of  the  Chronicler.  Hence  arose  the  theory  (held  by 
many  commentators,  and  represented  in  its  final  and  most  perfect 
form  especially  by  Keil)  that  the  Chronicler  and  the  writers  of  the 
canonical  books  both  used  common  sources,  and  that  the  parallels 
were  independent  extracts  from  common  sources,  each  made  from 
a  point  of  view  peculiar  to  itself  (Keil,  Intro.  §  141). 

To  illustrate  this  view:  In  the  account  of  Saul's  death  (2  S.  31  and 
I  Ch.  10)  there  is  agreement  almost  word  for  word  until  the  treatment  of 
the  corpse  of  the  King.  The  writer  of  i  S.  says:  The  Philistines  cut  off 
his  head,  stripped  off  his  armour  and  put  his  armour  in  the  house  of  As- 
taroth,  and  then  fastened  his  body  to  the  wall  of  Bethshean.  The  Chron- 
icler says:  They  took  his  head  and  his  armour  and  they  put  his  armour 
in  the  house  of  their  gods  and  fastened  his  head  in  the  temple  of  Dagon. 
The  original  source  of  both  of  these  accounts  Keil  held  must  have  con- 
tained an  account  of  both  head  and  trunk,  which  the  author  of  i  S.  followed 
as  far  as  the  trunk  was  concerned  and  the  Chronicler  as  far  as  the  head. 
Again  in  comparing  2  Ch.  2  with  i  K.  5'5-32  ci-is)^  Jn  the  former  we  read 
that  when  Solomon  purposed  to  build  the  Temple  he  sent  to  Hiram,  King 
of  Tyre,  and  asked  for  a  cunning  workman  and  for  timber  and  hewers  of 
timber,  promising  much  grain  and  wine  and  oil  in  return,  while  in  i  K. 
only  timber  and  cutters  of  timber  are  requested  and  no  promise  of  oil 
is  mentioned.  Here  again  Keil  held  that  these  are  extracts  from  a 
common  source,  one  writer  emphasising  one  particular  and  the  other 
another. 

This  supposition  of  Keil  (an  unnatural  one  compared  with  that 
of  direct  use  and  really  not  worthy  of  further  consideration)  breaks 
down  completely  if  the  results  of  recent  scholarship  in  reference  to 
the  sources  of  the  canonical  books  can  at  all  be  trusted,  since  these 
sources  always  appear  in  Chronicles  in  the  same  combinations  in 
which  they  are  found  in  the  canonical  books,  and  never  ap]:)arcntly 
otherwise;  i.e.,  they  appear  always  edited  and  not  in  their  original 
form. 

The  names  in  i  Ch.  i'-'  are  grouped  as  they  appear  in  Gn.  lo-"- 
22",  a  combination  of  three  sources,  P,  J,  and  R  (Dr.  Cn.).  Gleanings 
from  Gn.  35,  38,  46  representing  P,  J,  and  R  appear  in  i  Ch.  2.  (No one, 
however,  has  ever  seriously  argued  that  the  Chronicler  had  access  to  the 
sources  of  the  Pentateuch,  since,  forsooth,  to  Keil  and  those  of  his 
school  the  Pentateuch  had  no  sources  in  the  modern  sense.) 


SOURCES  21 

In  I  Ch.  iS  II  2  S.  8  is  a  combination  of  three  sources.  Glosses  in 
2  S.  5'  •'■  2,V'  (Budde,  SBOT.)  are  reproduced  in  i  Ch.  ii^  's.  The 
parallels  with  2  S.,  however,  are  not  favourable  for  presenting  combina- 
tions because  underlying  2  S.  is  almost  entirely  a  single  source.  In  i 
and  2  K.  it  is  different,  and  here,  following  the  analysis  of  Stade  and 
Schvvally  {SBOT.),  a  number  of  sources  appear  combined  in  nearly 
every  parallel  in  2  Ch.  In  i^-^^  \\  i  K.  3^-'5  three;  in  i"-''  ||  i  K. 
I026-39  three;  in  c.  2  ||  i  K.  s'^-")  "is)  two;  in  3'-5'  ||  i  K.  6,  7'3-5> 
three;  in  5^7'°  ||  i  K.  8  three;  in  g'-^s  |1  i  K.  lo'-'"  two;  in  lo'-ii^  || 
I  K.  i2'-2'  four;  and  thus  in  a  similar  manner  throughout  the  entire  list 
of  parallels.     (The  analyses  of  Ki.,  Kau.,  Sk.,  give  a  similar  result.) 

The  Chronicler  then  used  our  present  canonical  books  and  not 
their  sources  for  all  matter  common  to  both  works.  He  might  still, 
however,  have  used  their  sources  for  material  not  found  in  the 
canoni-cal  books,  but  of  this  there  is  not  the  sHghtest  evidence  and 
in  form  all  new  material  (excluding  genealogical  matter  and  the 
list  of  David's  additional  heroes,  i  Ch.  n^'fa-")  jg  of  the  compo- 
sition or  style  of  the  Chronicler. 

B.  Sources  alleged  by  the  Chronicler.  After  the  manner 
of  the  author  of  i  and  2  K.,  the  Chronicler  refers  to  written  sources. 
These  are  of  two  classes;  first,  those  with  general  titles:  (a)  A  Book 
of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah,  for  the  reigns  of  Jotham,  Josiah, 
and  Jehoiakim  (2  Ch.  27^  35"  36*).  (b)  A  Book  of  the  Kings  of 
Judah  and  Israel,  for  the  reigns  of  Asa,  Amaziah,  Ahaz,  and  Heze- 
kiah  {v.  i.  (o))  (2  Ch.  16"  25''^  28^'  32=2).  (c)  A  Book  of  the  Kings 
of  Israel,  for  genealogies  (i  Ch.  9')  and  the  reigns  of  Jehoshaphat 
(2  Ch.  2034)  (z'.  i.  (m))  and  Manasseh  (2  Ch.  2^''').  (d)  A  Mid- 
rash  of  the  Book  of  the  Kings,  for  the  reign  of  Joash  (2  Ch.  24"). 

Secondly,  those  with  specific  prophetic  titles:  (e)  The  history  (lit. 
words  or  acts,  so  also  below)  of  Samuel  the  seer,  (f)  The  history 
of  Nathan  the  prophet,  (g)  The  history  of  Gad  the  seer.  These 
three  are  given  for  the  reign  of  David  (i  Ch.  29").  (h)  The 
prophecy  of  Ahijah  the  Shilonite.  (i)  The  visions  of  Iddo  the  seer. 
These  two  and  also  (f.)  are  given  for  the  reign  of  Solomon  (2  Ch. 
9").  (j)  The  history  of  Shemaiah  the  prophet,  (k)  The  history 
of  Iddo  Ihe  seer.  These  two  are  given  for  the  reign  of  Rehoboam 
(2  Ch.  i2'5).  (1)  The  Midrash  of  the  prophet  Iddo  for  the  reign 
of  Abijah  (2  Ch.  13-).     (m)  A  history  of  the  prophet  Jehu  which 


22  I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 

is  inserted  in  the  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel,  for  the  reign  of  Je- 
hoshaphat  (v.  s.  (c)).  (n)  A  writing  of  Isaiah  the  prophet,  for  the 
reign  of  Uzziah  (2  Ch.  26").  (o)  The  vision  of  Isaiah  the  prophet 
in  the  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Judah  and  Israel,  for  the  reign  of 
Hezekiah  (v.  s.  (b)).  (p)?  A  history  of  the  seers  for  particulars 
concerning  Manasseh  (2  Ch.  ^y). 

Authorities  thus  are  given  for  the  history  of  all  the  kings  of 
Judah  except  Jehoram,  Ahaziah,  Amon,  Jehoiachin,  and  Zede- 
kiah.  (Naturally  none  are  given  for  Athaliah  and  Jehoahaz.) 
Also  the  following  works  are  referred  to :  (q)  A  genealogical  regis- 
ter compiled  in  the  day  of  Jotham  and  Jeroboam  II  (i  Ch.  5"). 
(r)  The  later  history  of  David?  (i  Ch.  23").  (s)  The  chronicles 
(lit.  words)  of  David  in  which  the  census  taken  by  Joab  was  not 
entered  (i  Ch.  27=*).     (t)  A  collection  of  lamentations  (2  Ch.  35"). 

The  first  three  of  these  works  (a)  (b)  (c)  are  generally  allowed 
to  represent  a  single  work  whose  full  title  was.  The  Book  of  the 
Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah,  or  Judah  and  Israel,  and  the  title 
of  which  in  (c)  is  abbreviated — Israel  representing  the  entire 
people  and  not  specifically  the  N.  kingdom,  since  under  (c) 
the  reigns  of  Jehoshaphat  and  Manasseh  are  treated.  This  work, 
which  is  cited  as  an  authority  for  reigns  as  early  as  that  of  Asa  and 
as  late  as  that  of  Jehoiakim,  was  clearly  a  comprehensive  one,  but 
not  the  canonical  Books  of  Kings,  because  it  is  cited  for  matters 
not  in  those  books — i.e.,  genealogies  (i  Ch.  9'),  the  wars  of 
Jotham  (2  Ch.  27')  and  the  prayer  of  Manasseh  (2  Ch.  ^y^)  and 
the  abominations  of  Jehoiakim  (2  Ch.  36').  Neither  was  it  the 
sources  mentioned  in  i  and  2  K.  for  the  political  history  of  Israel 
and  Judah,  since  they  were  two  distinct  works.  It  may,  however, 
have  been  a  work  dependent  upon  those  sources  (Be.  p.  xl.;  Graf, 
GB.  p.  192;  Dr.  EBi.  I.  col.  768,  LOT.''  p.  532),  or  since  the  real 
historical  material  derived  from  this  book  apart  from  that  in  the 
canonical  books  is  extremely  meagre  it  may  have  been  dependent 
upon  those  books,  a  Midrash  or  commentary  on  them  (Kucnen, 
Einl.  p.  160).  In  their  earliest  form  i  and  2  K.  may  have  contained 
fuller  information  than  in  their  present  Massoretic  form.  A  war- 
rant for  this  inference  lies  in  the  occasional  fuller  text  of  (5,  which 
implies  an  earlier,  fuller  Heb.  text  (Bu.  Gesch.  Altheh.  Lit.  p.  229). 


SOURCES 

Winckler  gives  the  following  genesis  of  Ch.: — 
Pre-exilic  chronicles  of  Israel  and  Judah. 
Exilic,  lost  book  of  Kings.    Midrash.     Legends  of  Prophets.    Midrash. 


23 


Chronicles. 

Musri,  Meluhha,  Main,  MVAG.  1898,  p.  42. 

In  reality  no  one  can  decide  the  exact  basis  of  any  unknown  work. 
Many  and  extensive  volumes  may  lie  before  an  author  whose  work  is 
restricted  and  meagre. 

Whether  the  Midrash  (e)  was  the  same  as  this  Book  of  Kings 
is  uncertain.  The  peculiar  title  would  suggest  a  distinct  work 
(so  Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ki.);  on  the  other  hand  it  is  not  apparent 
why  if,  as  its  title  shows,  it  was  a  comprehensive  work  dealing 
with  the  kings  generally,  it  should  not  be  the  same  work  as  the  one 
just  mentioned  (so  Ew.  Hist.  i.  p.  187;  We.  Prol.  p.  227;  Francis 
Brown,  DB.  I.  P..395;  Dr.  (the  probability)  EBi.  I.  col.  768). 

The  word  Midrash  (smc  2  Ch.  13"  24="  f  from  ttm  to  seek)  in 
Rabbinic  literature  denotes  an  exposition,  an  exegesis.  This  frequently 
took  the  form  of  stories  (such  as  those  of  Judith,  Tobit,  etc.),  and  the 
probability  is  that  the  Midrash  of  Kings  was  a  reconstructed  history  of 
Israel  embellished  with  marvellous  tales  of  divine  interposition  and 
prophetic  activity,  such  as  have  been  reproduced  in  Ch. 

The  prophetic  writings  (e)  to  (p)  are  not  in  all  probability  distinct 
works,  but  are  illustrations  of  the  usual  Jewish  manner  of  citing 
sections  of  comprehensive  works.  As  in  the  NT.  we  read,  "Have 
ye  not  read  in  the  Book  of  Moses  in  the  place  concerning  the 
Bush"  (Mk.  1226),  oj-  more  aptly,  "Know  ye  not  what  the  scripture 
saith  in  Elijah"  (Rom.  ii^).  The  "histories"  of  Nathan,  Gad,  and 
the  others  are  then  the  sections  of  which  Nathan,  Gad,  etc.,  were 
the  catchwords  in  the  Book  of  Kings,  i.e.,  the  Midrash  with  the 
possible  exception  of  (n)  where  the  reference  is  probably  to  the 
Book  of  Isaiah  (cc.  36-39),  and  also  (e),  (f),  (g),  (h),  and  (i),  not 
unlikely  refer  to  sections  of  our  canonical  books  {v.  commentary). 
This  is  proved  l&rst  because  the  history  of  the  prophet  Jehu  (m) 


24  I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 

and  the  vision  of  Isaiah  (o)  are  expressly  mentioned  as  in  this  Book 
of  Kings,  and  secondly  because  the  Chronicler  never  cites  the  au- 
thority of  the  Book  of  Kings  and  the  history  of  a  prophet  for  any 
one  reign  except  where  they  are  coupled  together.  The  main 
sources  used  by  the  Chronicler  are  then,  in  all  likelihood,  only  two, 
the  canonical  books  and  this  Midrashic  History  of  Israel,  and  if  this 
latter  was  dependent  upon  the  canonical  books  then  in  reality  he 
had  no  really  historical  material  apart  from  those  books  in  their 
original  form  (v.  s.).  Whether  the  Midrashic  history  contained 
all  his  extra-canonical  genealogical  material,  or  whether  he  gath- 
ered some  from  elsewhere  through  written  or  oral  sources,  it  is  im- 
possible to  determine. 

It  is  also  possible  that  the  Chronicler  has  cited  sources  simply  to 
produce  the  impression  that  he  is  writing  with  authority,  and  that  their 
titles  are  mere  literary  adornments  suggested  by  those  in  the  Book  of 
Kings.  This  is  essentially  the  view  of  Torrey,  who,  speaking  of  the 
comprehensive  work  so  generally  held  to  have  been  used  by  the  Chron- 
icler, says,  "It  is  time  that  scholars  were  done  with  this  phantom 
'  source,'  of  which  the  internal  evidence  is  absolutely  lacking,  and  the 
external  evidence  is  limited  to  the  Chronicler's  transparent  parading 
of  'authorities';  while  the  evidence  against  it  is  overwhelming" 
{AJSL.  XXV.  p.  195).  The  uniformity  of  the  Chronicler's  non-canon- 
ical material  certainly  supports  this  view,  yet  at  the  same  time  it  is 
also  plausible  that  the  Ciironicler  may  have  had  before  him  one  or 
more  sources  from  which  he  derived  subject-matter  which  he  freely 
composed  in  his  own  way.  Certainly  some  of  the  now  historical  rem- 
iniscences preserved  in  Chronicles  were,  in  all  probability,  derived  from 
written  sources. 

Eliminating  the  canonical  quotations,  the  remainder  of  Chroni- 
cles is  so  marked  and  homogeneous  in  style  that  it  has  been 
usually  (and  properly)  treated  as  the  work  of  a  single  author, 
i.e.,  the  Chronicler.  (Thus  \Vc.  Prol.  p.  227;  Dr.  EBi.  I.  Art. 
Chronicles;  and  especially  Torrey,  AJSL.  xxv.  Nos.  2,  3,  1909.) 
In  recent  years,  however,  this  remainder  has  been  analysed 
into  sources.  This  ])rcsentation  has  such  scholarly  support  that  it 
is  worthy  of  statement,  and  throughout  our  commentary  we  give, 
with  criticism,  its  conclusions. 

In  an  article  published  in  iSqg  (in  Z.XW.)  Riuhlor,  a  German  scholar, 
argued  that  our  jircsent  i  and  2  Ch.  arc  a  revised  edition  of  a  work  that 


SOURCES  25 

originally  made  no  distinction  between  the  priests  and  the  Levites. 
This  distinction  he  held  was  introduced  later  by  the  Chronicler,  who 
magnified  the  position  of  the  Levites  and  brought  in  the  Levitical  musi- 
cians. Under  the  influence  apparently  of  Biichler's  investigations, 
Benzinger,  in  his  commentary  (appearing  in  1901),  presented  also  the 
view  that  the  Chronicler  was  much  more  an  editor  and  mere  compiler 
than  in  any  way  an  independent  writer.  This  result  was  reached 
through  a  study  of  the  parallels  with  i  and  2  S.  and  i  and  2  K.  Some 
of  these  parallels  agree  essentially  verbally  with  their  source,  others 
show  a  considerable  departure  from  the  canonical  text.  These  latter 
are  held  to  come  not  from  the  hand  of  the  Chronicler  but  from  a  fore- 
runner whose  work  he  copied;  and  as  the  Chronicler  was  only  in  the 
main  a  mere  copyist  in  his  treatment  of  the  canonical  writings,  so  like- 
wise, it  was  inferred,  must  he  have  been  in  his  treatment  of  his  other 
source  or  sources.  Hence  his  work  contains  almost  no  original  composi- 
tion beyond  inserted  notices  respecting  Levites  and  musicians.  (Movers 
had  presented  in  1833  essentially  this  view,  U72tersHchu)!ge!i,pp.  163^.) 
Thus  in  i  Ch.  10-29  only  cc.  23-27  are  from  the  Chronicler.  Of  the  re- 
mainder, cc.  10,  II,  13,  14,  17-19  are  from  S.  Chapter  12  reveals  no 
special  interest  in  anything  Levitical;  and  c.  15  records  six  Levitical 
families  instead  of  the  usual  three  and  modest  numbers,  hence,  except 
a  paragraph  concerning  Levitical  singers  (vv.  '^"-'),  both  of  these  chap- 
ters are  not  from  the  Chronicler;  c.  12  coming  from  uncertain  sources 
and  c.  15  from  the  work  of  a  forerunner.  Chapter  21  contains,  with  the 
absence  of  a  sufficient  theological  motive,  too  great  departures  from 
2  S.  to  have  been  written  by  the  Chronicler;  hence  it  is  from  another 
work,  which  appears  continued  in  cc.  22,  28,  29.  This  work  is  ad- 
mitted to  be  of  the  same  vein  and  spirit  of  the  Chronicler,  showing  an 
interest  in  the  religious  cultus  alleged  to  have  been  developed  by  David, 
but  is  held  to  differ  from  the  Chronicler's  work:  (i)  in  its  more  modest 
presentation  of  contributions  for  the  Temple,  29'-^  (to  be  compared  with 
22'^-'^  a  paragraph  owing  to  the  great  numbers  assigned  to  the  Chron- 
icler); (2)  in  the  Deuteronomic  colouring  and  in  the  lack  of  interest  in 
P,  since  no  objection  is  raised  to  David's  sacrifice  at  the  threshing-floor 
of  Oman. 

In  2  Ch.  1-9,  which  presents  a  history  of  Solomon's  reign,  following, 
with  the  single  exception  of  a  paragraph  on  Solomon's  chariots  and 
horses,  the  order  of  i  K.,  the  departures  from  the  canonical  text 
(2  Ch.  i>8-2"  (2I"))  are  supposed  to  be  too  great  to  have  come  from 
the  Chronicler,  since  the  Tyrian  artist  is  Huram-Abi,  instead  of  Hiram 
(2  Ch.  2>2  (13)  (see  commentary),  i  K.  7'3),  with  his  mother  a  Danite  instead 
of  a  widow  from  NaphtaH  (2  Ch.  2"("'  i  K.  7'^),  and  he  is  a  worker  not 
simply  in  metals  but  weaving,  etc.,  and  the  place  Japho,  unnamed  in  i  K., 
is  mentioned.     Wanting  also  are  the  numbers  of  the  workmen  given  in 


26  I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 

I  K.  5"'-  <"'  '  and  the  embassy  from  Hiram  to  Solomon  (i  K.  5'). 
The  Deuteronomic  reason  for  building  the  Temple,  i.e.,  a  dwelling-place, 
is  changed  also  into  a  priestly  one,  i.e.,  a  place  of  worship  (2  Ch.  2'  '<  >  1  K. 
5"  <").  In  the  description  of  the  Temple  and  its  furniture,  owing  again 
to  the  variations  from  the  account  given  in  i  K.,  the  Chronicler  is  held 
to  have  had  another  source  before  him,  and  in  part  is  this  held  also  of 
the  dedication. 

The  remainder  of  2  Ch.  (cc.  10-36)  is  assigned  by  Benzinger  to  different 
sources,  according  to  the  character  of  the  material.  The  Chronicler 
throughout  is  a  copyist.  He  only  composes  introductory  and  concluding 
sentences  and  notices  of  the  Levites.  Kittel,  in  his  commentary  (1902), 
accepts  the  theory  of  Benzinger  and  builds  largely  upon  his  conclusions. 
He  endeavours  also  to  unify  the  various  sources,  and  distinguishes  (with 
a  variety  of  type  and  letters  on  the  margin)  the  work  of  the  Chronicler 
and  his  predecessors.  He  warns  one,  however,  against  regarding  the 
conclusions  thus  e.xpressed  as  final.  He  points  out,  by  his  mechanical 
devices:  (i)  the  material  derived  from  the  canonical  books;  (2) 
material  next  in  age  of  various  sort  and  origin,  yet  mostly  of  historical 
value  (v.  s.  p.  15);  (3)  material  from  a  Levitical  writer,  a  forerunner  of 
the  Chronicler,  who  wrote  between  500  and  400  B.C.;  (4)  Midrash 
material  of  two  sorts  (M  and  M-),  taken  in  all  likelihood  from  the  cited 
sources  of  the  Chronicler;  and  finally  (5)  material  of  a  period  later  than 
the  Chronicler,  added  by  another  Levite. 

This  theory  of  the  composition  of  Chronicles,  as  we  have  said,  rests 
on  the  assumption  that  the  Chronicler  was  essentially  a  mere  copyist; 
but  even  if  at  times  he  follows  most  closely  his  canonical  sources  there  is 
no  reason  why  at  other  times  he  should  not  have  been  as  free  and 
original  as  the  Levite  who  is  introduced  as  his  forerunner.  Exact  con- 
sistency is  not  necessary  to  the  Oriental  mind,  and  especially  to  a  writer 
like  the  Chronicler.  A  Deuteronomic  colouring,  along  with  a  colouring 
of  the  Priests'  Code,  implies  no  diversity  of  authorship,  since  every  Jew 
would  be  naturally  versed  in  Deuteronomy  as  a  people's  book,  one 
probably  read  and  studied  far  more  by  every  pious  Jew  than  the  Priests' 
Code,  even  by  a  Levite.  Neither  also,  with  a  variety  of  traditions  before 
him,  is  there  any  reason  why  the  same  writer  might  not  differently  at 
times  enumerate  Levitical  families  or  statistics  concerning  the  Temple. 
The  unity  of  style  and  composition,  so  individual  and  marked,  already 
mentioned,  is  against  this  patchwork  theory  of  composition,  although 
its  possibility  in  view  of  our  limited  knowledge  cannot  be  denied. 


PECULIARITIES   OF  DICTION  27 

§    7.      PECULIARITIES   OF   DICTION. 

In  common  with  other  late  books  of  the  OT.,  Ch.  (including 
Ezr.-Ne.)  exhibits  many  peculiarities  of  phraseology  and  syntax. 
Many  old  words  are  made  to  do  service  in  new  ways  either  rare  or 
unknown  in  the  older  language,  and  new  words,  the  product  of  the 
late  religious  organisation  and  view-point,  appear  frequently. 
Also  the  incoming  Aramaic,  already  a  well-knowTi  language,  had 
its  influence  on  the  Hebrew  of  the  Chronicler,  as  is  shown  both  by 
the  presence  of  Aramaic  loan-words  and  by  many  common  Ara- 
maic constructions.  The  many  peculiarities  of  sjmtax,  which  are 
against  the  common  usage  of  the  earlier  writers,  indicate  that  the 
compiler  and  author,  who  was  bilingual,  either  used  Hebrew  with 
some  difficulty  or  that  the  language  itself  was  decadent  in  his  day. 
In  addition  to  its  common  late  characteristics,  this  group  of  writ- 
ings has  marked  peculiarities  of  style  and  vocabulary.  Words  and 
phrases  not  found  at  all  elsewhere  are  met  frequently  both  in  pas- 
sages from  older  sources  which  have  been  worked  over  and,  par- 
ticularly, in  additions  bearing  the  certain  marks  of  the  compiler. 
No  OT.  writer  reveals  himself  more  certainly.  The  reader  feels 
almost  instinctively  when  he  passes  from  an  excerpt  from  an  older 
source  to  a  paragraph  by  the  compiler  himself.  Sentences  are 
often  awkward  and  unnecessarily  involved.  The  author's  pet 
phrases  are  introduced  without  stint  and  almost  without  fail  on 
every  possible  opportunity.  No  doubt  many  of  the  marks  of 
slovenly  and  careless  composition  which  are  so  common  are  due  to 
copyists'  errors  (see  §  8  Text),  but  so  many  of  them  are  certainly 
original  that  the  compiler  cannot  be  vindicated  as  a  careful  com- 
poser. Probably  not  a  few  errors  of  his  text  which  have  been 
ascribed  to  copyists  were  simply  due  to  his  own  carelessness  when 
copying  from  his  sources. 

The  following  list  contains  the  more  marked  peculiarities  of  the 
Chronicler's  writings,  including  new  words  and  phrases,  old  ones 
with  a  new  or  unusual  sense,  and  s\Titactical  usages  peculiar  to  him, 
and  also  all  of  these  found  frequently  in  other  late  books  as  well  as 
occasionally  in  earlier  writings,  but  which  are  particular  favourites 
with  the  Chronicler,  hence  characteristic  of  his  style.     For  con- 


28  I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 

vcnicnce  those  found  only  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Xc.  are  marked  with  an 
asterisk  (*).  It  should  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that  words  or 
expressions  marked  rare  or  peculiar  may  have  been  common  usage 
in  the  Chronicler's  day,  this  statement  being  due  merely  to  our 
meagre  supply  of  literature  of  that  period. 

1.  Sax  howbeil,  but,  2  Ch.  i*  19'  t,^^''  Ezr.  10",  also  Dn.  10"  -'  f.     (In 

older  Heb.  with  an  asseverative  force,  verily,  0/  a  truth  Gn.  42" 
2  S.  145  I  K.  I*'  2  K.  4'<  and  with  slight  adversative  force,  nay, 
but  Gn.  i7'9  (P)  to 

2.  r-ip.N  letter,  2  Ch.  30'-  «  Ne.  2'-  »  '  6'-  "•  ",  also  Est.  9=*  "  f. 

3.  ^',ri!<  possession,  i  Ch.  7"  92  2  Ch.  ii'<  31'  Ne.  11'  and  often  in  Ez. 

and  P. 

4.  ncN  promise  or  command,  sq  inf.,  i  Ch.  21"  27-'  2  Ch.  i"  14'  21^ 

2921.  27.  30  ^ii.  u  ^j'l  Ne.  9'S  also  2  S.  24"  2  K.  8"  Dn.  Est.  and 
elsewhere. 
5'     V,^.!^  *  purple,  2  Ch.  2«  f  (a  late  form  of  ]'^p.>'),  cf.  Aram.      H3iJ"<.n 
Dn.  5'-  '6  29. 

6.  nis-jN  /amfj,  designating  districts  of  Israel's  territory   i   Ch.   13' 

2  Ch.  II-'  155  cf.  Gn.  26'-  ',  including  Israel's  territory  Ezr.  3' 
(text  dub.)  9'-  2-  "  Ne.  lo^';  in  any  sense  pi.  is  almost  wholly 
late  I  Ch.  i4'7  22*  29'"  2  Ch.  9"  12^  13'  155  1710  20='  32"  "  '' 
34"  Ezr.  9'  Ne.  g^"  10",  v.  No.  91. 

7.  ncu'N  wrong-doing,  guiltiness,  i  Ch.  21'  2  Ch.  24"  2S"'-  "■  "■  " 

3^^  Ezr.  9^-  '•  "■  "  10' 0   "  i,  infreq.  elsewhere. 

8.  "^i^a  Niph.  separate  oneself  (reflex,  of  Hiph.),  i  Ch.  12'  Ezr.  6='  9' 

iQii.  i«  Ne.  92  10=9,  also  Nu.  16='  (P)  t;  be  separated  *  1  Ch. 
23"  Ezr.  108  t- 

9.  yyy,  V3  byssus,  i  Ch.  421  15=7  2  Ch.  2"  3>*  512,  also  Est.  i«  8"  and  Ez. 

27"  (where  Cor.  strikes  out  with  (S)  f- 
ID.     ni3  spoil,  booty,  2  Ch.  14"  25"  28"  Ezr.  9'  Ne.  3",  also  Dn.  11='  m 
Est.  9'»-  '*•  '«  t- 

11.  ij)  p33  *  skilled,  skilled  (in),  1  Ch.  15-  25'-  »  2j'-  2  Ch.  26*  34'=! 

(kindred  meanings  mostly  late). 

12.  ."in'3  castle,  palace;    of  Temple,  i  Ch.  29'-  "  f;  of  fortress  near 

Temple,  Ne.  2"  72  f ;  Shushan  the  palace,  Ne.  i'  Est.  12  '  2'  »  ' 
3"  8'<  98-  "    '2  Dn.  82  f. 

13.  n'":">/3  *  fortresses,  2  Ch.  i7'2  27'  f- 

14.  n^N  ro  fathers'  houses,  families,  clans,  1  Ch.    4"  +    21  t.  Ch. 

Ezr.  2"  10"  Ne.  7"  10",  also  often  in  P. 

15.  D'nSsn  n>3  house  of  God  1  Ch.  6"  9''  "  ^  +  51 1.  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne., 

also  of  sanctuary  at  Shiloh  Ju.  18". 

16.  0'-in3,  p^ — ,  *  chosen,  1  Ch.  7"  922  i6<'  Ne.  5"  |. 


PECULIARITIES   OF   DICTION  29 

17.  inj  troop,  of  divisions  of  the  army  i  Ch.  7^  2  Ch.  25'  '"■  "  26",  also 

Jb.  2925  Mi.  4i<. 

18.  noiJ  *  body,  corpse,  i  Ch.  lo'^  f  (late,  cf.  NH.  and  Aram.). 

19.  -\i)i  *  treasury,  i  Ch.  28"  also  2820  (restored  text)  f  {cf.  NH.;  a 

loan-word  from  or  through  Persian). 

20.  KnJC  common-land,  suburbs,  i  Ch.  5I6  6"  +  40  t.  i  Ch.  6,  13^  2  Ch. 

ii'*  31",  also  in  Ez.  and  often  in  P. 

21.  inT  Niph.  hasten  one's  self,  hurry,  2  Ch.  262",  also  Est.  6'^  |,  Qal 

'Est.  3«8»  t  (NH.  id.). 

22.  D^Jicrn  *  drachmcp,  Ezr.  2"  =  Ne.  7'°  Ne.   7"-  ''   fl  O'J.i"'."!!:*.,*  i 

Ch.  29^  Ezr.  827  -j-. 

23.  ni,T«  chT  seefe  Yahweh  in   prayer  and  worship,  i  Ch.  16"  (=Ps. 

105O  28'  2  Ch.  1214  143  6  1512  1612  229  265;  dmSnO-i)  'i,  2  Ch. 
193  26*  3o'9;  mniS  'i  I  Ch.  22"  2  Ch.  15"  20'  Ezr.  62';  dtiSnV  n 
2  Ch.  i7<  312'  34'  Ezr.  42. 

24.  l^^ip  *  commentary,  exposition,  2  Ch.  13^2  24^'  f. 

25»     '^'^P  n'lin   holy  adornment,  only  2  Ch.  20='  in  prose,  elsewhere  in 
poetry  i  Ch.  1629  =  Ps.  96'  Ps.  29=  t- 

26.  Ti'n  *  how,  I  Ch.  i3'2,  also  Dn.  iqI'  f  (an  Aram.  form). 

27.  nini(S)  SSn  *  praise  Yahweh,  of  technical  Levitical  function,  i  Ch. 

16*  5«  235-  30  25'  2  Ch.  5"-  "  20"  2g3«  3021  Ezr.  3"'-  "■  "  Ne.  5", 
cf.  I  Ch.  29'3  2  Ch.  2021  t;  ^^^  *  abs.  i  Ch.  23=  2  Ch.  7«  8'* 
2313  2930  _5i2  Ne.  122''  -j-^  ^;.  No.  47. 

28.  fcn  ^rga/  number,   i  Ch.   29'"  2  Ch.    ii^'  311",  also  Je.    49"  -j-; 

multitude,  2  Ch.  1123  (corrupt  v.  in  loco)  13'  14"'  202-  12.  15.  24 
32^  also  Dn.  ii'"  "•  i'-  '2-  is  and  freq.  in  Ez.,  but  only  excep- 
tionally in  early  prose. 

29.  V.  kind,  2  Ch.  i6»,  also  Ps.  14413-  "  f  (also  in  B.  Aram.  Dn.  36-  '• 

10.     15     +■)_ 

30.  n:r  *  Hiph.  rejects  (=  earlier  Qal),  i  Ch.  28'  2  Ch.  ii"  29I'  f. 

31.  in  be  enraged   2  Ch.  261'-  "  t  (weaker  in  earlier  usage). 

32.  Pl?iD  refined,  i  Ch.  28' «  29^  also  Is.  25^  Ps.  12'  t- 
33  •  ""^J  *  come  out,  appear,  of  leprosy,  2  Ch.  261 '  f. 
34.  rrnann  *  binders,  joints,  i  Ch.  223  2  Ch.  34'!  f- 

35-     ^\T}  *  W'  ^  Ch.  1 62'  Ne.  81",  Ezr.  6"  (Aram.)  f  (an  Aram.  word). 

36.  r^h  month  numbered  not  named,  i  Ch.  1215  272-  3.  t.  b.  7.  s.  9.  10.  11. 

12.  13.  14.  15  2  Ch.  23  4-  12  t.  2  Ch.,  Ezr.  3'  +  10  t.  Ezr.,  Ne.  7^2 
82-  H,  also  I  K.  1232.  33  Je.  i3  Ez.  and  oft.  in  P. 

37.  nrn  seer,  1  Ch.  21'  (=  2  S.  2411)  2929  2  Ch.  929  i2'5  192  2925  33I8.  la^ 

also  2  K.  1713  Is.  29'»  3019  (2816  cf  BDB.)  Mi.  3'  Am.  712,  and 
applied  to  singers  *  1  Ch.  25^  2  Ch.  2939  35'^  f. 

38.  prnpn  strengthen  omself,   2  Ch.  i'  i2'3  1321   158  (=   take  courage) 

17'  2i<  23'  25"  276  Ezr.  72'  (=  gain  strength,  also  i  S.  30'  2  S. 


30  I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 

3«  I  K.  20"  Dn.  10"  (=  gain  strength)  f;  sq.  ^^p"  ivUhstand,  2 
Ch.  13'-  «  t;  3?  sq-    ^old  strongly  with,  i  Ch.  ii'»  2  Ch.   i6» 
also  Dn.  10='  t-     (Use  in  earlier  books,  put  forth  strength,  use 
one's  strength.) 
39'     ^Cin  strength,  of  royal  power,  2  Ch.  12'  26'«,  also  Dn.  11'  f. 

40.  N'^n  *  be  sick,  2  Ch.  i6'2  f  (usually  nSn). 

41.  D^.'^ns  *  sickness,  sufferings,  2  Ch.  242s  f. 

42.  npSnc  *  division,  course,  technical  term  of  organisation  of  priests 

and  Levitcs,  i  Ch.  23'  24'  26'-  "s-  i»  27'-  '•  '•  '■  <•  *■  <■  »•  ••  '•  •■ 
9.  10.  11.  12.  13.  n.  16  28'-  "•  2'  2  Ch.  "5"  8'^-  '*  2^'  ^i'-  '■  "•  "■  " 
35«-  to  Ezr.  6"  (Aram.)  Ne.  ii"  f- 
43"     '!?■?'!'  *  ^oo<i  works,  pious  acts,  2  Ch.  6'=  32"  35"  Ne.  13"  f- 

44.  n^xin  <rMw/>e/,  as  sacred. instrument  for  use  by  priests  only,  i  Ch. 

1^8  1524.  28  i66-  «  2  Ch.  5'2-  "  i3'2-  '<  2o2»  29M-  "•  "  Ezr.  3"' 
Ne.  i2'5-  <i  also  2  K.  12'*  Ps.  98^  and  Nu.  lo'-  «•  »•  '»  31'  (all 
P)  t;  general  use  2  K.  ii'«  n  =  2  Ch.  23"-  •'  Ho.  5'  f;  ''**" 
*  Pi.  and  Hiph.  sound  a  trumpet,  i  Ch.  i5-<  2  Ch.  5'-  "  7' 
13H  2928  f. 

45.  >'?^  n3''Dn  >nSN"i^3  according  to  the  good  hand  of  my  God  upon  me, 

Ne.  2«  Ezr.  7'  8"  cf.  Ne.  2'";  +  nin^,  Ezr.  7";  om.  naion, 
Ezr.  76. 

46.  nij   Hiph.  praise,  of  ritual  worship,    i  Ch.  i6<-  '■  «•  '*    ^^   <'  23" 

253  2913  2  Ch.  5"  7'-  «  20"  312  Ezr.  3"  Ne.  11"  12"  ",  also 
freq.  in  Ps.  and  rare  in  earlier  wTitings  v.  No.  47;  Hithp. 
give  thanks,  in  ritual  worship,  2  Ch.  30"  f  J  confess  Ezr.  10' 
Ne.  i«  9=-  ',  also  in  P,  H,  and  Dn. 

47.  SSni  nmn  thank  and   praise,    i    Ch.    i6«    23"  25'    2   Ch.  5'»  31' 

Ezr.  3"  Ne.  122*  cf.  i  Ch.  29"  2  Ch.  7«,  v.  Nos.  46,  27. 

48.  D113  ai''  *  day  by  day  (=  earlier  o^''  o^^),  i  Ch.  1 2-  2  Ch.  8"  24"  30" 

Ezr.  3<-  *■  69  (Aram.)  Ne.  8"  f- 
49-     ^Dl'?^  *  be  enrolled  by  genealogy,  i  Ch.  4"  5'-  '■  "  7'-  '•  »•  *'  9'-  »* 
2  Ch.  12"  3i'«-  "•  "■  "  Ezr.  2«2  =  Ne.  7"  Ezr.  8'-  »  Ne.  7'  f- 
B""!  genealogy,  Ne.  7'  f- 

50.  nnSin  generations,  i  Ch.  i"  5'  "]■■  *■  »  8='  9'   »•  26",  also  Ru.  4" 

and  freq.  in  P. 

51.  jaj  *  Hiph.  use  the  right  hand,  i  Ch.  12'  f. 

52.  tv^  *  fl^cff,  decrepit,  2  Ch.  36"  f  i^f-  r<r;,  wf.,  Jb.  12"  15"  29' 

32«  t)- 

53.  uop  *  footstool,  2  Ch.  9"  t  (</•  NH.,  id.,  i/cp,  stair;  Aram.,  a  rude 

5ea/). 

54.  ppn  5f<  «/),  prepare,   i  Ch.  9"  12"  14=  15'  28'  2  Ch.  I2>  17'  +  33  t. 

Ch.,  and  Ezr.  3';  esp.  with  a|r  set  the  fieart,  1  Ch.  29"  2  Ch. 
i2'<  19'  20"  30"  Ezr.  7">. 


PECULIARITIES   OF   DICTION  31 

55.  0:2  gather,  Qal  i  Ch.  22'  Ne.  i2«<  Ps.  33'  Est.  4'«  Ec.  2^   =6  35  ■]-. 

56.  PJ3  Niph.  be  humbled,  humble  oneself,  i  Ch.  20^  2  Ch.  7'^  i25-  '•  '• 

12   13I8  30"  32^6  33I2.    19.   23.   23  3^27.   27  ^g'^   t,   alsO   Lv.    26^1    (H)    I   S. 

713  etc.;  Hiph.  humble,  subdue,  i  Ch.  17'"  iS'  (=  2  S.  8>)  2  Ch. 
2818,  also  Ju.  423  Dt.  93  Is.  255  Jb.  4012  Ps.  81"  io7'2  f- 

57.  n^ijD  *  bowl,  I  Ch.  28'7.  n-  n-  17.  n.  u  Ezr.  ii"-  ">  8"  f- 

58.  'r'anps  *  bemantled,  i  Ch.  152?  f  (c/.  B.  Aram,     n';'^-);  Dn.  321). 

59.  S^pio  *  crimson,  carmine,  2  Ch.  2«-  '^  3",  possibly  also  Ct.  7^  for 

*"?■??»  t  (S'  Persian  loan-word). 

60.  303  writing,  i  Ch.  281'  2  Ch.  21"  35*  Ezr.  2«2  =  Ne.  7"  Ezr.  4', 

also  Ez.  139  Dn.  lo^'  Est.  i^s  312-  »  4'  S'-  »•  '■  "  927  t- 

61.  naiPO'I'  Dn*?  of  rox£^5  of  shew-bread  only,  i  Ch.  9^2  232=  Ne.  io'<  f; 

'en  \rhv  I  Ch.  28'6  2  Ch.  29'8  f;  '^7  nDiya  2  Ch.  13"  t; 
^>nn'^  2  Ch.  2'  t;  '^^  Lv.  246-  '  (P)  f-  (Earlier  form  was 
Dijsn  anl:.) 

62.  ajS  *  Hiph.  je5/,  2  Ch.  3618  f  (c/.  NH.  Hiph.  ii.,  ©  and  &  Ethpa.  i(i.). 

63.  J)?*?  Hiph.  mock,  deride,  always  in  bad  sense,  2  Ch.  30'"  Ne.  2''  3'', 

'  also  Jb.  2i3  Ps.  228   Pr.    18'  (for  M  y'-JPN  c/.  BDB.)  f  (c/. 
NH.  jJ.). 

64.  "I'cSn  *  scholar,  i  Ch.  25*  t  (late  and  NH.). 

65.  n^'^S  chamber,  cell,  of  the  rooms  of  the  Temple,  i  Ch.  928-  33  2328 

2812  2  Ch.  3111  Ezr.  829  iqs  Ne.  lo's.  39.  40  1^4.  6.  s.  9  x^  also  oft. 
in  Ez.;  of  room  at  high  place  i  S.  9=2  and  i'^  (g  (accepted  as 
original  We.,  Dr.,  Klo.,  Bu.)  f-  The  word  is  used  in  the  sense 
of  store-rootn  only  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.     Cf.  J^puv,  No.  77. 

66.  T  nSd  consecrate,  i  Ch.  29^  2  Ch.  13'  16^3  29",  also  Ez.  4326  Ex. 

28"  299-  29-  ".  35  3229  Lv.  8"  16"  21'  Nu.  33  (all  P),  and  Ju. 
175-  12  I  K.  13". 

67.  moSp  kingdom,  sovereign  power,  i   Ch.    ii'"  +  27  t.  Ch.,  Ezr.  i' 

45. «.  6  yi  gi  Ne.  935  1222,  also  26  t.  Est.,  16  t.  Dn.,  Ex.  4^*,  5  t.  Ps., 
3  t.  Je.,  and  elsewhere.  (In  earlier  writings  usually  •"i3'^pn  or 
njiSc.) 

68.  Sjp  commit  a  trespass,  i  Ch.  2^  525  iqI'  2  Ch.  122  26i6-  »»  2819.  22 

29'  30'  36>*  Ezr.  io2-  1"  Ne.  i*  132^,  also  freq.  in  Ez.  and  P; 
Sy_p  trespass,  i  Ch.  9'  lo'^  2  Ch.  2819  2919  3310  3614  gzr.  92-  * 
io«,  also  Dn.  9'  Jb.  213^  and  freq.  in  Ez.  and  P. 

69.  KSD  Niph.  be  present,  i  Ch.  29"  2  Ch.  5"  2929  3021  311  3432.  33  357. 

17.  18  Ezr.  825,  also  Est.  i'  4'*  and  Gn.  1915  (J)  i  S.  1315.  le  2i<  f- 

70.  3jjjn'<  offer  free-will-offerings,*   1   Ch.  295-  s-  9.  9.  14.  17.  :?  Ezr.  i« 

268  36  -j-j  q^e;'  oneself,  volunteer,  2  Ch.  171^  Ne.  112,  also  Ju. 
js.  9  -j-.     (Cf  same  in  B.  Aram.  Ezr.  7'3.  ".  le.  le  •]-,) 

71.  pj  sheath,  i  Ch.  2127,  also  Dn.  715  (Aram.)  f  (NH.  ic/.;  a  Persian 

loan-word). 


32  I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 

72.  ipn  nan  /?a</j  extended  loving-kindness,  Ezr.  7'"  9'. 

73.  3^03:  riches,  2  Ch.  i"    ",  also  Jos.  22*  (P),  Ec.  5'«  6»  f  (prob.  an 

Assy,  or  Aram,  loan-word). 
74'     r^^h  '!'?fJ.'2  oversee,  overseer,    1   Ch.    15^'    23'    2   Ch.    2'-  "  34"-   " 
Ezr.  3"  '  J;   also  in  the  titles  of  55  Pss.  and  in  the  title  Hb.  3". 

75.  a^j  Niph.  6e  expressed  by  name,  i  Ch.  12"  r6"  2  Ch.  28"  31"  Ezr. 

8",  also  Nu.  I"  (?)  t- 

76.  Ni:*j  /a)te  as  wife  (usually  with  S),  i  Ch.  23"  2  Ch.   ii"-  ^  (v.i»to<o\ 

1321  24'  Ezr.  9=   '2  10"  Ne.  132*,  also  Ru.  i'.     A  late  usage. 

77.  n;B*j  *  chamber   (a  rare  parallel   of   irr-  q.  v.  No.  65),  Ne.  3'" 

12"  13'  f. 

78.  ':'  ^',  ??J  *  submit,  yield  to,  2  Ch.  30'  f;   i^"'?  ""l  J"3  't^-,  i  Ch.  29='; 

N''X>n';'  Dn>  jnj  ^n-e  /Ae/r  pledge  to  send  away,  Ezr.  10";  *?  3.'7  irjj 
5e<  //i«  /icar/  to  do  a  thing,  i  Ch.  22"  2  Ch.  11",  also  Dn.  10" 
Ec.  I''-  '"  7='  89-  16  j-. 

79.  3'rPJ  *  Nethinim,  i  Ch.  9=  Ezr.  2"-  "    '»   =    Ne.  7"-   «»    '*  Ezr. 

77.    21   (Aram.)   g"-    20.    20  J^g,    ^S6.    31    iqH    ii3.    21    -j-^ 

80.  Tcp  *  enumeration,  census,  2  Ch.  2'^  f. 

81.  n^oj'  service  of  God,  i  Ch.  6"   3'  9"   i^-  =8  2t,"-*-  =«■  2»-  28.  32  24'-  " 

251.  1.  6  268  28'3-  13  M  u.  15.  20.  21.  21  29'  2  Ch.  S'<  12*  24'2  29M 
31--  "•  ='  35^-  '"•  "■  ■'  Ne.  io33  J,  also  oft.  in  Ez.  and  P. 

82.  S\"5  T'3"n>'  proclaim,  2  Ch.  30*  36-2  =   Ezr.    i",  Ezr.    10"  Ne.  8", 

also  Ex.  366  (?)  t. 

83.  "»'!7  *  help,  I  Ch.  123'   39  -j-  (text  dub.,  cf.  textual  notes;    if  correct 

Aram,  loan-word). 

84.  ■*•>;  help  of  divine  assistance,  i  Ch.  12"  i52«  2  Ch.  14"'   ">  iS^'  25* 

26'  32',  also  freq.  in  ?s.,  less  freq.  in  earlier  books;  Niph.  i  Ch. 
520  2  Ch.  26". 

85.  irVp  mxt  to  (in  a  series),  2  Ch.  i7'5    i*    "s  31I6  Ne.   32    2  +  13  t. 

Ne.  3,  13",  esp.  late. 

86.  il-Sj,  ''^''-Sj;  according  to  the  guidance  of,   i   Ch.  252  2  3.  «.  «  2  Ch. 

231S  26"  292'  Ezr.  3'o,  also  Je.  5"  t,;^^^. 

87.  ^'7?'?'^  *  exceedingly,  i  Ch.  14=  22^  23"  29'-  2s  2  Ch.  i'  i6'2  1712  20" 

268  t- 

88.  10?  rise  (for  earlier  ai,-"),  i  Ch.  20'  21'  2  Ch.  202^  Ezr.  2"  =  Ne. 

7"  Ne.  8^,  also  Est.  4"  and  freq.  in  Dn. 

89.  "1'"?^?  appoint,  institute,  establish  (in  earlier  books  station),   i   Ch. 

6i«  1516.  17  i6i7  (=  Ps.  10510)  i7i<  222  2  Ch.  8'*  9»  11"  «  i9»-  » 
20"  24"  {cf.  Ezr.  2")  25s-  '<  3o»  312  338  352  Ezr.  3'  Ne.  4*  6'  7* 
10"  12"  13"- '»,  alsoDn.  11"  "  '\  wa^e  a  5/a«<i  (in  acovenant), 
2  Ch.  34". 

90.  i?y  ^?  "ipi'  stand  on  standing-place,    2  Ch.  3o'«  34"  35'°  Ne.   13", 

Dn.  8'8  ID"  t;    with  si,-'  for  it;;  Ne.  9'  f;    no  verb  Ne.  8'  f. 


PECULIARITIES   OF   DICTION  33 

91.  r^s^Nn  >Dj;  *  peoples  of  the  lands,  2   Ch.   13'  32"-  i'    ('Nn'i>j) 

Ezr.  33  9'-  2-  "  Ne.  g^°  10",  v.  No.  6. 

92.  ni  -\xj;  possess  power,  be  able,  i  Ch.  29'^  2  Ch.  2°  1321'  22',  also  Dn. 

iqS-  16  116  I;    om.  r\2  2  Ch.   14'"  20"  f. 

93.  jnjJS  u'es<,  I  Ch.  728  i2'6  26'«-  18-  30  2  Ch.  323"  ;iT,^^,  also  Is.  43^  45' 

5919  Dn.  8^  Ps.  75'  10312  1073  and  Ju.  2033  (corrected  text,  cf. 
Moore,  Ju.)  f- 

94.  11331  nuT  r/c/z€5  a«i  honour,  i  Ch.  2912-  2s  2  Ch.  i'-  '2  175  jg'  322', 

also  I  K.  313,  Pr.  3i«  S's  Ec.  6^  f. 

95.  P''i?V  *  ancient,  i  Ch.  422  f  (an  Aramaism,  cf.  Dn.  7^   '3-  22). 

96.  "^^  mn^  inp  n^n  the  fear   of   Yahweh  came  upon,  2  Ch.    i4'3  17"' 

197  2o2'J  (d'h^s  nns)  f  (elsewhere  'Ui  Sdj). 

97.  iBD  *  set  free  from  duty,  i  Ch.  933  2  Ch.  23'  f. 

98.  13-13  *  some  sort  of  open  portico,  i  Ch.  26'^  '«  f  (probably  Persian 

loan-word;   cf.  cine  2  K.  23"). 

99.  n>'t:*sp  *  hip  or  buttock,  i  Ch.  19^  (2  S.  10^  nnipipr)  f. 

100.     a:n'rx3  *  cymbals,  i  Ch.  138  is'^   's-  2*  i65-  "2  25'-   e  2  Ch.  512-  n 

2925  Ezr.  310  Ne.  122'  f. 
loi.     -i^DX  he-goat,  2  Ch.  2921  Ezr.  6"  (Aram.)  835,  also  Dn.  8^-  ^-  »  21  -j-. 

102.  l^x  *  need,  2  Ch.  2'*  f  (Aram.  word). 

103.  ^5r>  receive,  take,  accept,  i  Ch.  12''  21"  2  Ch.  29'^  22  gzr.  83",  also 

Pr.  192"  Jb.  2'"  '"  Est.  4'  923  27  -j-  (a  common  Aram,  word,  cf. 
Dn.  26  6'  7'8  t). 

104.  ni3«  ^B'Ni  heads  of  fathers'  (houses),   i  Ch.  7"  S^-  i"-  '3.  28  ^9.  33.  34 

1512  239-  24  24''-  31  2621  26.  32  271  2  Ch.  i2  198  232  2612  Ezr.  I*  2" 
312  42-  3  81  io'«  Ne.  763-  "  813  1113  1212  22.  23^  also  Ex.  625  Nu.  3i2« 
3228  361-  1  Jos.  141  1951  211  1  (all  P)  t;  the  phrase  with  n''3 
expressed  i  Ch.  515-  2^.  2^  y2.  7.  9.  ao  gu  24^,  also  Ex.  61^  Nu.  i* 

72  17I8  251*  Jos.  22^;   t'Ni  (alone  in  same  sense)  i  Ch.  5'-  '2 

73  828  _j_  and  (appar.  combined  with  the  idea  oi  first  in  a  series) 


11.    19.    20 


105.  3^*^  abundantly,  i  Ch.  438  12"  223-  3.  <■  5.  s,  i4.  15  292.  21  2  Ch.  ii'  = 

92'   (=    I  K.    I027)    2841891-   9   Il23   14H    1^9   168   175   l8l-  2  2025  24'!     24 

273  2935  308-  13.  24  -^ji  -^2^-  29  Ne.  925,  also  Zc.  I4'<. 

106.  U1,  X13T  ten  thousand,  myriad,    i  Ch.  29"-  '  Ezr.  2«'   =  Ne.  78' 

Ezr.  269  Ne.  -j'-"-  ",  also  Ps.  681'  Dn.  1112  Ho.  812  Jon.  411  f- 

107.  i^iDi  property,  goods,  i  Ch.  2731  281   2  Ch.  2025  2ii^-  '^  31'  322'  35' 

Ezr.  !«■  6  821  108,  also  Dn.  iii3-  24.  28^  and  On.  i25  136  31I8  36' 
466  Nu.  i632  353  (all  P),  and  Gn.  1411   12  is  is.  21  i^u  -|-. 

108.  >c'i  Hiph.  act  wickedly,  2  Ch.  2o35  223  Ne.  933,  also  Jb.  3412  Ps. 

1066  Dn.  9*  ii32  121"  (i  s.  14"  corruption,  cf.  Sm.  Sam.)  f. 

109.  nVnj  nncr  great  joy,  i  Ch.  29'  2  Ch.  3026  Ezr.  312-  "  622  Ne.  812 

12",  a  common  expression  of  the  Chronicler. 


34  I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 

no.  It?  *  priftce,  chief,  ruler,  of  religious  oflBce,  i5"-  "•  "  24*  »  2 
Ch.  35'  cf.  I  Ch.  i5»-  »  '•  8  »•  i»  (Is.  43"  corrupt),  and  esp. 
D'jnsn  nr  *  c/jjc/s  of  the  priests,  2  Ch.  36X  Ezr.  8"-  "  iC  f- 

111.  TiiB'c  *  5m^er,  i  Ch.  618  9"  +   11  t.  Ch.,  Ezr.  2"   "•  '»  =  Ne. 

yit.  67.  72  Ezr.  7'  io2«  Nc.  7'  +   12  t.  Ne.  f- 

112.  n"f'n-^*  *  act  of  slaying,  2  Ch.  30"  t- 

113.  n^u"  *  Niph.  be  negligent,  2  Ch.  29"  f. 

114.  nSr  weapon,  2  Ch.  23"i  32'  Ne.  4"-  ",  also  Jb.  33"  36"  Jo.  2'  f; 

sprout  Ct.  4". 

115.  N''>'9p'  hec^r  me   (beginning  a  speech),    i  Ch.  28'  2  Ch.  13*  15' 

2o2»  28"  29»  t;  cf.  Gn.  23«  (hear  us),  vv.»-  "■  "•  »  (all  P). 

116.  ^^y^y^'  *  gate-keepers,  of  Temple,  etc.,  a  sacred  function,  i  Ch. 

9"  +  19  t.  Ch.,  Ezr.  2«  '»  =  Ne.  7«  "  Ezr.  7'  10"  Ne.  7'  +  7  t. 
Ne.  (also  2  S.  iS**  but  corrupt  for  "^y.'^^  and  2  K.  7"'-  "  but  of 
secular  function). 

Also  the  following  list  of  syntactical  peculiarities  appear  either 
exclusively  in  Ch.  (including  Ezr.-Ne.)  or  are  frequent  else- 
where only  in  late  books. 

117.  Sentences  are  often  abbreviated  in  a  peculiar  manner,  producing 

an  awkward  reading;  a  the  subject  omitted  (where  earlier 
writers  would  not  venture  to  do  so),  i  Ch.  9"''  2  Ch.  18'  *"•* 
(i  K.  22*  otherwise)  19"'  35^';  b  expressed  without  a  verb, 
I  Ch.  IS""  2  Ch.  iiwb  (?)  15'  16^"-  ''»•  b  21I'  26"t'  28«*>  29* 
30'  "b.     Cf  Ew.  Syn.  §  303  b. 

118.  The  inf.  cstr.  is  often  used  almost  as  a  subst.,  i  Ch.  7'-  '•  ••  " 

9«  23"  2  Ch.  3'  24'*  (cf.  Ezr.  3")  ^^^  Ezr.  i"  Ne.  12".  Cf. 
Ew.  Lehrb.  §  236  a. 

119.  The  art.  n  for  the  relative  (derived  from  its  demonstrative  use), 

I  Ch.  2628  298  17  2  Ch.  i<  (r?.:i?)  29"  Ezr.  8=*  10'*  '".  This 
use  is  very  doubtful  in  early  writings,  viz.  in  Jos.  10"  i  S.  9'* 
{cf.  Dr.  Notes  on  Sam.).  Cf.  Ew.  Syn.  §  331  fc,  also  foot-note 
on  p.  209,  Koe.  iii.  §  52,  Ges.  §  1381. 

120.  The  relative  omitted  (in  prose  almost  entirely  confined  to  Ch.- 

Ezr.-Ne.),  i  Ch.  g^*>  12^  is'*''  29'  (but  v.  in  loco)  ">  2  Ch.  i3» 
(cf.  Je.  5')  i4'»  (cf.  Is.  40")  15"  i6«  20«  24"  28'  29"  3o">'-"» 
31'"'  Ezr.  I'   «  Ne.  8'«  13".     Cf  Ew.  Syn.  §  223  b,   Ges.  § 

121.  nn  in  two  strange  idioms  is  almost  equivalent  to  the  relative 

what,  I  Ch.  15"  (nj>rN-)2c';')  2  Ch.  30'  (';??';')  f-  See  textual 
notes  on  these  passages. 

122.  The  relative  v    combined  with  the  prep.  2,  1  Ch.  25*  (v.  in  /«<» 

27". 


PECULIARITIES    OF   DICTION  35 

123.  The  combination  of  two  plural  forms  (contrary  to  better  usage), 

I  Ch.  7*  '  "•  "  etc.,  also  No.  91  above.  Cf.  Zunz,  Gottesd. 
Vortrdge,  p.  23.  ^     ■,        t 

124.  Words  repeated,  often  strengthened  by  hj,  to  express  the  idea  ol 

all  considered  distributively,  i.e.  every,  as  -i>"i'i  -»i"-:',  ^""aVi  ^r^^^y, 
-,^1  -,>>',  Dv^  Dv,  I  Ch.  26"  28'^-  »  2  Ch.  8'^  11'^  19^  28« 
31"  32"  34"  35'^  Ezr.  io»  Ne.  i3«,  also  Est.  i«-  =»■  «  2»-  '^  3<- 
12.  12.  12.  12.  u  43  89-  9-  >'    !'■  "•  "  9"-  "■  '^  Ps.  45"  87S  i45>'. 

125.  Subordinate   temporal   and   causal   clauses   are   placed   at   the 

beginning  of  the  sentence  (where  in  the  earlier  language  either 
they  were  introduced  later,  or,  if  placed  at  the  beginning  for 
sake  of  greater  prominence,  ■'n>i  was  prefixed),  i  Ch.  ai'^  2  Ch. 

513  71    127-    12   158   2O20-   «.   23   22^   24'<-   2=b.   25    261»-    ''*>   29"-   »  311-  S 

331^  34"  Ezr.  9'-  »■ '  lo',  also  Est.  9'-  ^  Dn.  S'"-  "  10"'.  ub.  u.  .9b 
ji2.  <  i2Vb.     c/.  Dr.  A''o/e5  on  Sam.,  on  i  S.  17". 

126.  The  inf.  (with  S  prefixed)  at  the  end  of  a  sentence,  i  Ch.  i5'«- 

.9.  21  22^  (S'l.JnS)  255  2  Ch.  5"  22">  25"  (2  K.  14'°  otherwise) 
3619  end  Ezr.  3'2. 

Also  prepositions  in  usages  either  new  or  much    more  fre- 
quent than  in  earlier  books. 

127.  S  iy  a  strengthened  form  of  ij?  (in  earlier  ^\Titings  either  alone 

would  serve);  before  a  subst.  i  Ch.  4"  12"  ^^  23"  28'  2  Ch. 
1412  i6>2-  "  17"  268-  «  28'  293"  31"'  36'^  Ezr.  3''  9*  «  10'^  t; 
before  an  inf.  i  Ch.  5'  ^3'  ^S^"  2  Ch.  24'°  268-  '^  29"  31' 
322*    (2  K.   20'  *:  alone)  Ezr.   lo'S  also  Jos.  13'  Ju.  3'  i  K. 

18"  t- 

128.  S  as  the  sign  of  the  ace.  (from  Aram,  influence) :     a  with  certain 

verbs  (contrary  to  earlier  usage),  tin.-;  frequently,  S^n  only  in 
Ch.-Ezr.,  Pin  i  Ch.  26"  29'^  i:»?  i  Ch.  292«  Ne.  ii^,  nin  2  Ch. 
32'',  also  I  Ch.  i63'  i8«  25'  29"-  "  2  Ch.  5"  6^^  17'  24=  34" 
Ezr.  8'^  b  at  the  end  of  an  enumeration,  i  Ch.  28' ^  2  Ch. 
2412b  26i*i>  2823;  c  marking  the  definite  object  after  an  indefinite 
I  Ch.  29' 8  2  Ch.  2'2  23';  d  after  the  sufl&x  of  a  verb  (as  in 
Syriac)  i  Ch.  5^  23"  2  Ch.  255-  i-  28'S  cf.  Ne.  9=^;  e  defining 
the  suffix  of  a  noun  i  Ch.  7'  2  Ch.  3i'«-  '«  Ezr.  9'  io».  Cf. 
Ges.  §  117M. 

129.  S  with  the  inf.,  expressing  tendency,  intention,  obligation  (less 

freq.  in  earlier  writings),  i  Ch.  6=^  9^  1°''  22^  2  Ch.  2«  8"  11^ 
192  265  3121  3619  Ne.  8"b;  esp.  after  r^^  or  n':'  it  is  not  possible 
{permitted)  to,  there  is  no  need  to,  'S  ]^n  i  Ch.  23^^  2  Ch.  5" 
208  229  3515  Ezr.  9>5,  N  nS  I  Ch.  5'  is''  2  Ch.  la'^Ezr.  68  (Aram.). 
Cf  Dav.  Syn.  §  95  b,  Ges.  §  114^,  Dr.  TH.  §§  202-206. 


36  I    AND   2   CHRONICLES 

130.  ^3';'  as  regards  all,  that  is  all  (in  adding  a  summary  or  a  further 

specification),  i  Ch.  13'  2  Ch.  512  25s  28"  31"  :i^»  (so  also  2  K. 
2i»)  Ezr.  i',  also  freq.  in  P.  Cf.  Ew.  ^yw.  §  310a.  Also*?  of 
"  introduction,"  i  Ch.  5'  7'  28'*>  »'  29'"'  2  Ch.  7"  C?  wanting  in 
I  K.  9»)  Ezr.  J-". 

131.  iD^U  D>'— la-'':'  (S  omitted  in  earlier  language,  cf.  Ex.  5'^),  i  Ch. 

16"  2  Ch.  8'^  3i'6  f. 

132.  pnS  *  witlwiU  or  50  //za<  «o/,  i  Ch.  22'   2  Ch.   14'-  20^  21"'  36" 

Ezr.  9"  t- 

133.  «'?'?  *  -without,  2  Ch.  15'  '  3  f . 

134.  ^?'^^'P  *  2  Ch.  ii'2  i6«  Ne.  5'8  f. 

135'     ''J;-  '^^  concerning,  2  Ch.  32",  also  Ps.  iiq"'    (used  difTerently  in 

Is.  59"  63')  f. 
136.     3  of  accompaniment  (without  a  verb),   i    Ch.   i5'»    =0  s'-  22  i6' 

25«''  2  Ch.  5'2>  76  13'"  35H  Ezr.  3>2''. 


§    8.      HEBREW   TEXT   AND   THE   VERSIONS. 

The  Hebrew  Text.— The  text  of  Chronicles  is  in  fair  con- 
dition, though  by  no  means  up  to  the  standard  of  many  of  the  older 
Old  Testament  books.  The  late  date  of  composition,  together 
with  the  fact  that  these  books  probably  were  less  read,  hence  less 
copied,  than  most  of  the  Jewish  Scriptures,  would  lead  us  to  expect 
a  better  text.  The  many  lists  of  proper  names,  where  the  context 
could  not  assist  the  scribe  to  the  true  reading,  are  responsible  for  a 
large  number  of  the  textual  errors,  but  the  narrative  portions  also 
are  not  free  from  serious  corruptions  showing  that  the  text  must 
have  been  handled  freely  for  a  considerable  time.  The  late  recep- 
tion of  Chronicles  into  the  OT.  Canon  {cf.  Wildeboer,  Origin  oj 
the  Canon  0/  the  OT.  p.  152)  allows  for  a  considerable  period  of 
such  freedom.  The  Hebrew  mss.  contain  few  variants  and  these 
involve  largely  only  the  Massoretic  accentuation,  and  give  little  aid 
for  restoring  the  true  text.  Baer,  in  his  edition  of  the  text  {Liber 
Chronicorum),  notes  nineteen  variations  l:)etwccn  the  oriental 
(Babylonian)  and  occidental  (Palestinian)  texts,  only  fourteen  of 
which  concern  the  consonantal  reading.  Of  these  six  are  due  to 
the  confusion  of  1  and  ^,  three  to  unimportant  omissions  of  letters, 
and  the  remainder  are  equally  insignificant.  In  seven  instances 
the  Qr.  of  the  oriental  text  calls  for  the  occidental  reading. 


HEBREW   TEXT   AND   THE   VERSIONS  37 

In  the  case  of  those  portions  of  Chronicles  which  are  parallel  to 
the  older  canonical  books  the  textual  critic  is  particularly  fortunate. 
The  text  of  the  sources  with  their  versions  may  be  used  in  addition 
to  the  versions  of  Chronicles  as  an  aid  for  restoring  the  original  text 
of  Chronicles,  as  vice  versa  Chronicles  is  often  useful  for  the  criti- 
cism of  the  text  of  the  older  books,  frequently  preserving  the  orig- 
inal reading  {v.  p.  19).  These  older  books,  however,  must  be 
used  with  extreme  caution  for  the  purpose  of  emending  the  text  of 
Chronicles,  since  many  changes  are  due  to  the  intention  of  the 
Chronicler.  The  text  of  the  older  books  was  already  in  a  corrupt 
state  when  the  Chronicler  used  them  as  sources.  Frequently  he 
made  changes  in  the  interest  of  better  sense,  doing  the  best  he  could 
with  a  difficult  or  corrupt  reading,  and  often  he  simply  incorpo- 
rated from  his  source  an  early  corruption.  The  task  of  the  textual 
critic  of  Chronicles  is  not  to  restore  the  original  source  reading  of 
a  given  passage,  but  only  to  rewrite  the  text  as  nearly  as  possible  as 
it  came  from  the  hand  of  the  Chronicler.  The  failure  to  observe 
this  principle  has  often  caused  confusion. 

The  Greek  Versions. — The  Greek  version  of  the  books  of 
Chronicles  (commonly  supposed  to  be  the  Septuagint  rendering 
of  these  books)  is  an  extremely  literal  translation,  belonging  in  this 
regard  in  the  same  category  with  the  Greek  of  Ezekiel,  Canticles, 
and  Ecclesiastes.  The  Massoretic  text  is  followed  so  closely  that 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  its  translator  had  our  Hebrew  recension 
before  him.  We  are  not  so  well  supplied  with  old  Greek  mss.  as  in 
the  case  of  many  Old  Testament  books,  but  we  possess  a  complete 
text  of  Chronicles  in  the  uncials  A  (V  century),  B  (IV  centur}'), 
and  N  (VIII-IX  centuries), and  for  i  Ch.  9"  to  irpcoi  to  19"  S(IV 
century)  is  also  available.  Numerous  cursives  (about  thirty)  dating 
between  the  tenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  should  be  added  to  this 
list,  but  how  many  of  these  have  any  independent  value  has  not  yet 
been  determined. 

In  addition  to  this  ordinary  Greek  version,  the  first  book  of 
Esdras,  which  begins  with  the  translation  of  the  last  two  chapters 
of  2  Ch.,  is  an  important  witness  for  obtaining  the  original  text  of 
these  chapters.  This  translation  is  much  freer  than  the  received 
text  and  has  a  different  Hebrew  recension  behind  it.     The  book  is 


38  I    AND    2   CHRONICLES 

preserved  in  the  uncials  A,  B,  and  N  (except  most  of  last  chapter, 
cj.  Holmes  and  Parsons),  but  not  in  X;  also  in  nearly  thirty 
cursives. 

Before  any  critical  use  can  be  made  of  these  two  versions — for 
they  are  distinct  versions — their  respective  ages  must  be  deter- 
mined. That  our  received  text  of  Ch.  is  really  the  translation  of 
Theodotion  has  been  maintained  by  such  scholars  as  Grotius 
(1644),  Whiston  (1722),  Pohlmann  (1859),  ^^^  Sir  Henry  Howorth 
(1893,  1901-2),  but  the  evidence  has  been  set  forth  most  convinc- 
ingly by  C.  C.  Torrey  (see  AJSL.  vol.  XXHI.  pp.  121  jf.,  and 
especially  ATC.  pp.  to  ff.).  He  maintains  that  i  Esd.  represents 
the  only  extant  remains  of  the  real  Septuagint  of  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne., 
and  this  was  later  supplanted  by  the  version  of  Theodotion,  whose 
origin  was  soon  forgotten  and  which  was  therefore  accepted  as  the 
true  Septuagint.  The  argument  has  generally  been  that  since  our 
Greek  version  bears  the  marks  of  late  origin  compared  with  the 
version  preserved  in  i  Esd.,  and  since  Theodotion's  translation 
of  Daniel  supplanted  the  older  translation,  it  is  plausible  to  sup- 
pose that  the  same  thing  has  occurred  here  and  our  received  text 
is  really  the  rendering  of  Theodotion.  Torrey,  in  addition  to  this, 
has  collected  much  direct  evidence  that  the  received  text  is 
Theodotion's,  and  this  he  states  along  the  following  lines  {A  TC. 
pp.  60  ff.).  (i)  Theodotion's  habit  of  transliterating  words  of 
difficult  or  uncertain  meaning,  and  often  without  any  apparent 
reason,  is  one  of  his  most  striking  characteristics  {cf.  Field,  Hexa- 
pla,  I.  pp.  xxxix-xlii,  also  Swete,  Introduction,  p.  46)  and  this  is 
also  the  common  practice  of  the  translator  of  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. 
Seventy  such  words  are  listed  and  they  appear  regularly  dis- 
tributed throughout  these  books.  Some  of  them  are  identical 
with  transliterations  by  Theodotion  elsewhere.  (2)  Unusual 
translations  in  the  Theodotion  rendering  of  Daniel  are  duplicated 
in  the  Chronicler's  books.  (3)  According  to  the  custom  of  this 
translator,  gentilic  names  are  transliterated  exactly  instead  of 
being  given  the  Greek  adjective  ending,  though  these  have  often 
been  substituted  later  in  the  MSS.,  especially  in  L.  In  view  of 
our  meagre  supply  of  extant  passages  from  Theodotion's  transla- 
tion (Daniel  being  merely  a  revision  of  the  old  Greek),  from  which 


HEBREW  TEXT   AND   THE   VERSIONS  39 

his  characteristics  must  be  determined,  this  evidence  is  surprisingly 
strong. 

Moreover,  evidence  is  not  entirely  lacking  that  the  Greek  ver- 
sion of  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.  current  before  the  time  of  Theodotion  and 
apparently  accepted  as  the  Septuagint  was  not  our  "canonical" 
version,  but  a  somewhat  free  translation  of  a  different  Hebrew 
recension  and  of  which  i  Esd.  formed  a  part.  If  our  Greek  was 
the  accepted  Septuagint  in  the  time  of  Josephus,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  he  should  have  culled  the  story  of  the  three  youths  from 
I  Esd.  (Afit.  xi.  3,  2-8  =  1  Esd.  3-4),  since  this  story  is  wanting  else- 
where, but  it  is  strange,  as  has  frequently  been  noticed,  that  he 
should  have  quoted  in  other  places  from  i  Esd.  in  preference  to 
the  authoritative  Septuagint  version.  In  Ant.  xi.  i,  i.  Ku/jo?  6 
^aaiXeix;  Xeyei  'ETrei'  /ue  6  ^eo9  0  ixe<yL(no<i  tt}?  oIkov/x€vt]^ 
airehei^e  jSacriKea,  .  .  .  rov  vaov  avrov  olKohofir^aw  iv 
lepocroXvfioi';  ev  rrj  'lovSata  %w/9a  follows  closely  the  text  of 
I  Esd.  2"-  but  cf.  2  Esd.  1%  which  we  should  expect  Josephus 
to  prefer.  So  also  Ant.  xi.  2,  2  /3a(TcXev<i  J^afi^varj^  'Va9v/j,oi} 
TO)  ypd<povTi  ra  TrpooTTLTTTOvra  koX  BeeX^e/iOi)  /cat  2e//.e\i&) 
ypafifiarel  Kol  rol^  XoiTTOt?  rot?  avvra(TaoiJie'voi<i  Koi 
oiKovaiv  ev  '^afiapeta  kol  ^oivlkt)  rdhe  Xeyei  is  certainly 
taken  from  i  Esd.  2^'  and  departs  widely  from  2  Esd.  4" 
(notice  the  transliteration  where  i  Esd.,  followed  by  Josephus, 
translates).  If  Josephus  knew  2  Esd.  as  the  Septuagint 
rendering  of  the  canonical  Hebrew  text  and  i  Esd.  as  the  trans- 
lation of  a  variant  uncanonical  fragment,  his  preference  for 
the  latter  is  unaccountable.  His  action  is  perfectly  clear,  how- 
ever, if  we  suppose  him  to  have  been  acquainted  with  only  one 
Greek  version,  the  Septuagint,  of  which  i  Esd.  was  a  part.  Again, 
a  quotation  from  the  Greek  version  of  2  Ch.  2''  made  by  the  Greek 
historian  Eupolemus,  writing  about  150  B.C.,  contains  the  clause 
evXoyqrb^  6  ^609  09  tov  ovpavov  Kol  rrjv  <yi)v  eKTLaev,  which, 
as  Torrey  argued,  is  almost  certainly  taken  from  a  version  of 
which  I  Esd.  formed  a  part  {cf.  ATC.  p.  77,  esp.  f.  n.  22). 

The  accepted  Greek  text  (Theodotion 's),  therefore,  is  only  of 
value  for  recovering  the  authoritative  Hebrew  of  the  second  cen- 
tury A.D.,  and  beyond  the  limited  assistance  from  Josephus,  is  our 


40 


I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 


chief  early  authority  for  criticising  the  text  of  i  Ch.  i  to  2  Ch.  34. 
Field  {Hexapla,  vol.  I.)  notes  a  few  readings  from  the  version  of 
Aquila  (c.  125  a.d.)  i  Ch.  15"  25'  '  29",  and  a  larger  number  from 
that  of  Symmachus  (c.  200  a.d.)  i  Ch.  5"  9'  11'  15"  21"'  25'  '  26" 
2  Ch.  12'  15'  19"  23"  26'  30'  31"  32'  ^y  34",  but  these  are  not  ex- 
tensive enough  to  be  of  much  value.  For  the  criticism  of  2  Ch. 
35-36  we  may  add  the  testimony  of  the  true  Septuagint  as  pre- 
served in  1  Esd.  I .  This  dates  from  before  150  B.C.,  as  is  evidenced 
by  the  Eupolemus  fragment  {v.  s.,  cf.  Schlir.  Gesch.'  III.  pp.  351  /.). 

Both  the  old  Septuagint  (i  Esd.)  and  Theodotion  are  available 
in  two  forms,  the  Lucian  recension,  based  upon  the  Syro-Palcstin- 
ian  tradition,  and  in  mss.  representing  the  Egyptian  tradition. 
The  Lucianic  text  is  found  in  the  cursives  19,  93,  and  108,*  and 
these  are  the  basis  of  Lagarde's  edition  of  these  books  in  Librorum 
Veteris  Testamenti  Canonicorum  pars  prior.  The  remaining  mss. 
represent  the  Egyptian  tradition  and  may  be  divided  into  two 
groups;  one  led  by  B  includes  also  S  and  55,  the  second  includes  A 
and  the  rest  of  the  cursives.  The  remaining  uncial  N  is  un- 
certain, but  seems  to  follow  the  A  group  more  frequently  than  the 
B.  The  MSS.  of  the  B  group  are  probably  Hexaplaric  (rf.  Tor. 
ATC.  pp.  91/.). 

The  Lucian  recension  is  a  thorough  revision  of  the  earlier  Syro- 
Palestinian  tradition.  The  many  arbitrary  changes,  together  with 
the  natural  textual  corruption,  make  the  task  of  detecting  the 
earlier  basic  text  a  difficult  one,  hence  Lagarde's  Lucian  text  must 
be  used  with  extreme  caution.  Doubtless  some  of  its  many  con- 
flated readings  go  back  to  the  true  Hebrew  text,  but  this  cannot  be 
assumed  even  when  the  reading  would  be  a  great  improvement  on 
our  Massoretic  tradition.  Much  of  the  plus  of  L  does  not  even 
have  a  Hebrew  original  behind  it.  The  Syro-Palestinian  tradition 
back  of  the  Lucian  recension  probably  did  not  differ  very  widely 
from  the  Egyptian.  The  latter  is  better  preserved  by  the  A  group 
of  MSS.  than  by  B  and  its  followers.  A  has  frequently  been  rep- 
resented as  extensively  corrected  from  the  Massoretic  text,  but  close 
examination  shows  that  no  such  comparison  with  the  Hebrew  could 

*  It  appears  from  Swctc,  Inlroduclion,  pp.  154,  156,  that  10  docs  not  contain  Ch.  or  i  Esd. 
and  that  Ch.  is  wanting  in  93,  but  c/.  Holmes  and  Parsons,  vols.  II.  V.,  where  they  are  given 
m  the  Usts  of  mss.  containing  these  books  and  variants  from  them  are  frequently  noted. 


HEBREW   TEXT   AND   THE    VERSIONS  41 

have  been  made,  since  nearly  every  page  contains  palpable  blunders 
which,  in  that  case,  would  not  have  been  allowed  to  stand.  A  con- 
forms more  closely  to  the  Hebrew  because  it  has,  on  the  whole, 
the  better  text,  not  because  it  has  been  made  to  conform,  hence  it 
should  always  be  given  the  preference  over  B,  other  testimony  being 
equal.  The  B  MS.  for  Ch.  is  in  especially  poor  condition.  The 
proper  names  are  often  damaged  beyond  recognition,  dittographies 
are  only  too  common,  and  omissions  by  homoeoteleuton  are  very 
frequent.  When  compared  with  the  A  group  and  with  the  Syro- 
Palestinian  tradition  B  often  furnishes  valuable  aid  toward  regain- 
ing the  original  rendering,  but  it  should  not  be  quoted  as  Septua- 
gint  or  even  as  the  Greek  text,  an  all  too  common  practice.  Gen- 
erally speaking,  when  the  A  and  B  groups  and  the  L  recension 
agree  they  furnish  the  original  Greek  rendering,  but  it  sometimes 
happens,  especially  in  proper  names,  that  none  of  these  agree  with 
the  Massoretic  text  when  the  latter  was  doubtless  the  translator's 
original,  all  the  Greek  texts  having  become  corrupted. 

In  the  commentary  the  received  Greek,  i.e.,  the  version  of  Theodotion, 
has  been  quoted  as  05  and  the  Septuagint  (in  2  Ch.  35-36)  as  ^  of  i  Esd. 
Generally  speaking,  when  the  reading  of  certain  Greek  Mss.  has  been 
cited,  these  are  regarded  as  representing  the  original  Greek  rendering, 
hence  a  variant  Hebrew  text,  but  frequently  a  variant  Greek  reading 
found  in  one  or  more  MSS.  has  been  presented  merely  because  it  is  of 
possible  worth.  When  the  original  has  been  regained  by  a  comparison 
of  corrupt  readings,  it  is  cited  with  an  asterisk  (05*). 

The  Latin  Versions. — The  Old  Latin  version  would  be  of 
special  value  for  the  criticism  of  the  text  of  Chronicles,  since  the 
Septuagint,  from  which  it  was  made,  has  disappeared  for  all  except 
the  last  two  chapters  (y.  s.).  Unfortunately  the  Old  Latin  fared 
little  better.  No  extant  ms.  contains  any  extensive  portion  of 
these  books,  but  a  number  of  fragments  can  be  culled  from  the 
Latin  fathers,  who  quoted  extensively  from  them.  Sabatier  (Bibli- 
oriim  sacroriim  LatincB  versiones  antiqiicB,  vol.  L  1741)  collected 
from  these  and  ms.  sources  the  ancient  Latin  version  of  the  fol- 
lowing passages:   i  Ch.  i"  2"-  *<•  ssb  ^t  i2'8-  38a  lyn.n  218.  ub.  12. 

IS.  17  22"»  28'  2  Ch.  6'"'"^''''  II'''-  ">-  12b-I6a  jr!  l6'''"'-  '^  J^S-?*. 
.  (b-I2a      jQ2b-Il     20'"'-     ^*-     "-"    21"-     "'•     24.^"''    2'\^''"     '•     '<-'^-     2".     27    26'"'"" 


42  I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 

2qs  32"''-  "»  33".  These  excerpts,  however,  must  be  compared 
with  more  recent  editions  of  the  Latin  fathers  before  they  can  be 
trusted.  In  the  case  of  i  Esd.  we  are  better  off,  the  Old  Latin  being 
preserved  in  three  mss.  (Paris  MS.  Bibl.  Nat.  lat.  iii,  the  Madrid 
MS.  E.  R.  8,  and  a  Lucca  ms.,  cj.  Swete,  Introduction,  p.  95).  This 
version  is  of  some  value  for  recovering  the  Syro-Palestinian  tra- 
dition of  the  Septuagint. 

The  Latin  version  of  Jerome,  commonly  called  the  Vulgate,  was 
a  new  translation  made  from  the  standard  Hebrew  text  of  the  end 
of  the  fourth  century  A.D.,  and  independent  of  the  Septuagint.  Its 
late  origin  detracts  from  its  critical  value  for  textual  purposes.  By 
comparing  it  with  the  Theodotion  Greek  it  frequently  aids  in  the 
removal  of  corruptions  which  made  their  way  into  the  Hebrew  text 
at  a  comparatively  late  date.  Its  chief  value,  however,  lies  in  the 
realm  of  interpretation,  where  it  supplies  an  early  rendering  of 
the  consonantal  Hebrew  text  for  the  most  part  as  it  now  stands, 
which  is  often  superior  to  the  modem  influenced  by  Massoretic 
tradition. 

The  Syriac  Versions. — The  first  Syriac  translation  of  Chron- 
icles is  now  a  part  of  the  Peshito,  but  originally  Chronicles  was  not 
received  into  the  Syriac  Canon.  Indeed,  when  the  book  was  sub- 
sequently translated  it  did  not  meet  with  general  acceptance.  This 
Syriac  version  seems  to  have  been  the  work  of  Jews  of  Edessa. 
While  in  most  Old  Testament  books  the  Peshito  follows  the  He- 
brew text  faithfully  and  even  literally,  with  here  and  there  extensive 
influence  from  the  Septuagint,  Chronicles  stands  alone  as  the  trans- 
lation of  a  mere  Jewish  Targum  and  exhibits  all  the  faults  which 
might  be  expected  from  such  origin.  One  of  its  most  striking 
characteristics  is  found  in  the  fact  that  the  text  has  very  frequently 
been  conformed  to  the  text  of  Samuel  and  Kings.  This  is  even 
true  of  extended  passages,  as  where  i  K.  12""  followed  by  i  K. 
14' ■•  are  substituted  for  2  Ch.  ii'-i2'^  The  substitute  has  the 
authority  of  the  best  mss.  and  must  be  accepted  as  the  original 
Syriac  text,  i.e.,  the  original  translators  had  the  text  of  S.-K.  before 
them.  Numerous  other  instances  might  be  cited  where  the  text 
agrees  with  S.-K.  against  Ch.  in  which  we  may  possess  the  original 
Syriac  text,  but  where  its  testimony  is  absolutely  worthless  for  the 


HEBREW   TEXT   AND   THE   VERSIONS  43 

criticism  of  the  Hebrew  text.  Since  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
either  the  translators,  or  perhaps  some  later  copyist,  frequently 
conformed  Chronicles  to  its  sources,  the  Peshito  (^)  may  never  be 
died  in  support  of  readings  of  S.-K.  as  original  in  Chronicles. 
This  fact,  together  with  the  character  of  its  origin,  makes  the 
Peshito  text  of  Chronicles  practically  worthless  for  critical  pur- 
poses.    For  discussion,  see  Frankel,  JPT.  1879,  pp.  508/. 

The  Peshito  text  of  Chronicles  is  available  in  a  number  of  edi- 
tions, but  all  go  back  to  the  Paris  Polyglot  of  1645.  The  London 
Polyglot  (Walton's),  pubhshed  shortly  after,  reproduces  the  Paris 
text  without  change.  The  first  edition  was  printed  from  a  very 
poor  MS.,  "Syr.  6"  of  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale.  Recently 
W.  E.  Barnes  has  published  the  variant  readings  of  the  mss.  avail- 
able to-day,  and  of  the  printed  editions  (An  Apparatus  Critic  us  to 
Chronicles  in  the  Peshitta  Version,  1897).  Walton's  edition  cor- 
rected by  this  apparatus  furnishes  a  good  Peshito  text. 

The  Syriac  version  of  Paul  of  Telia  was  made  in  616-7  a.d., 
from  a  Greek  ms.  ultimately  derived  from  the  Septuagint  col- 
umn of  Origen's  Hexapla.  This  was  first  made  known  to  Europe 
by  Andreas  Masius,  who  died  in  1573,  and  he  had  a  ms.  which, 
with  other  books,  contained  Chronicles,  but  this  has  disappeared. 
The  British  Museum  possesses  a  catena  (Add.  12,168)  contain- 
ing fragments  of  Chronicles  and  the  Books  of  Esdras.  The 
fragments  of  Chronicles  are  found  on  Foil.  57a-6oa  (Wm. 
Wright,  Cat.  of  Syr.  MSS.  in  Brit.  Mus.  Part  II.  p.  905),  just 
published  by  Gwynn  {Remnants  of  the  Later  Syriac  Versions 
of  the  Bible,  1909,  Part  II.  pp.  5-17).  The  portions  of  i  Esd. 
and  Ne.  were  published  by  Torrey  {AJSL.  Oct.  1906,  pp.  69-74), 
but  the  MS.  contains  nothing  of  i  Esd.  i.  The  Syro-Hexaplar 
text  of  I  Esd.,  however,  is  found  elsewhere  and  has  been  pub- 
lished by  Lagarde  {Libri  veteris  testamenti  apocryphi  syriace), 
hence  we  have  its  testimony  for  the  recovery  of  the  original 
Septuagint  text  of  2  Ch.  35,  36  (i  Esd.  i). 

The  Arabic  Version.— The  Arabic  version  of  Chronicles  is 
available  in  printed  form  in  the  Paris  and  London  Polyglots  (v.s.), 
but  is  of  little  or  no  critical  value.  It  is  far  removed  from  the  orig- 
inal Hebrew,  and  as  a  translation  of  the  Peshito  text  (cf.  Burkitt, 


44  I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 

DB.  I.  p.  137)  simply  duplicates  the  testimony  of  that  uncertain 
version  {v.  s.). 

The  Ethiopic  Version.— The  Books  of  Chronicles  are  not 
extant  in  the  Ethiopic  version,  which,  however,  does  contain  the 
first  Book  of  Esdras.  This  is  of  value  for  regaining  the  Egvptian 
recension  of  that  portion  of  the  Septuagint  {v.  s.). 

The  Targum. — The  Aramaic  paraphrase  of  Chronicles,  like  the 
Targums  of  the  other  books  of  the  Hagiographa,  never  had  official 
significance  and  was  a  commentary  rather  than  a  translation.  It 
was  made  from  our  Massoretic  text  and  possesses  little  critical 
value.  The  text  was  first  published  by  Matthias  Friedrich  Beck 
from  an  Erfurt  MS.  in  1680  and  1683.  Later  (17 15)  David  Wilkins 
pubHshed  the  Aramaic  text  from  a  ms.  in  the  Cambridge  Library 
with  a  parallel  Latin  translation  (Paraphrasis  Chaldaka  in  Librum 
priorem  et  posteriorem  Chronicorum).  It  was  also  published  by 
Lagarde  in  his  Hagiographa  Chaldaice,  Leipzig,  1873.  For  a  full 
discussion  see  Kohler  and  Rosenberg,  Das  Targum  der  Chronik, 
in  Jiid.  Zeiischrift,  1870,  pp.  72/.,  135/.,  263/. 

§  9.      THE   HIGHER   CRITICISM   AND   LITERATURE. 

The  Books  of  Chronicles,  from  their  supplementary  and,  through 
their  genealogical  material,  their  unedifying  character,  have  never 
been  a  favourite  field  of  study  and  investigation,  hence  their  litera- 
ture has  always  been  relatively  meagre.  The  books  also,  in  their 
variations  from  the  other  canonical  writings,  presented  to  early 
students  peculiar  difliculties.  Jewish  scholars  in  the  period  of  the 
Talmud  regarded  them  with  suspicion,  and  later  shrank  from  the 
many  problems  which  their  genealogies  presented  {JE.  IV.  p.  60; 
R.  Simon,  Hist.  Crit.  da  V.  Test.  I.  IV.).  Jerome,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  extravagant  in  their  valuation,  declaring,  "He  who 
thinks  himself  acquainted  with  the  sacred  writings  and  does  not 
know  these  books  only  deceives  himself "  (Epist.  ad  Paulinum  de 
Studio  Scripturarum).  And  again,  "All  knowledge  of  the  Scrip- 
ture is  contained  in  these  books"  {Praf.  in  libr.  Paralip.,  Epist. 
ad  Domyiionem).  This  valuation  rested,  however,  without  doubt 
upon  an  allegorical  interpretation  and  not  upon  any  apprehension 
of  the  real  character  of  i  and  2  Ch.     No  one  seems  to  have  fol- 


THE   HIGHER   CRITICISM  45 

lowed  Jerome  in  his  estimate,  and  while  the  books  were  gen- 
erally vindicated  by  the  few  Jewish  and  Christian  scholars  who 
commented  upon  them  through  the  general  assertion  that  they  rested 
upon  authentic  sources  and  by  explaining  away  all  appearances  of 
error,  yet  at  the  same  time  their  discrepancies  were  made  the  basis 
of  arguments  against  the  authority  of  the  sacred  Scriptures  {cf. 
Calmet,  Comm.  in  V.  T.  IV.  p.  510).  (Spinoza  had  ridiculed  the 
attempts  of  Jewish  scholars  to  remove  the  discrepancies  between 
the  narratives  of  Chronicles  and  those  of  the  earlier  books  and  ex- 
pressed his  wonder  that  they  had  been  received  into  the  sacred 
Canon  by  those  who  rejected  the  Apocryphal  books,  Trac.  Theol. 
Politici,  cc.  ix.  and  x.) 

G.  F.  Oeder  in  his  Freie  Untersudnmgen  iiber  einige  Buclier 
des  A.  T.  (1771)  spoke  of  their  many  corruptions  (Ke.).     But  for 
real  criticism  and  a  worthy  explanation  we  begin  naturally  with  the 
introduction  of  Eichhorn  (i 780-1 782,  3rd  ed.  1803).     Eichhorn 
went  beyond  the  simple  assertion  of  the  Chronicler's  use  of  au- 
thentic and  reliable  sources  to  a  theory  upon  which  the  varia- 
tions and  agreements  between  Chronicles  and  the  earlier  books 
might  be  explained.     In  regard  to  the  genealogies  he  recognised 
that  the  Chronicler  drew  from  the  earlier  canonical  books,  but 
along  with  them  he  held  that  he  had  access  to  registers  carefully 
kept  by  the  Levites  and  preserved  in  the  Temple,  serving  as 
titles  to  inheritances.     These  registers,  subject  to  copyists'  mis- 
takes, were  not  always  repeated  in  their  complete  form  and  many 
pedigrees  were  abridged,  hence  the  genealogical  variations  in  i  Ch. 
The  basis  of  the  Chronicler's  description  of  David  and  Solomon 
was  an  old  life  of  those  two  monarchs,  also  the  basis  of  the  narra- 
tives in  I  and  2  S.  and  i  K.,  which  in  the  course  of  transmission 
through  many  hands  had  suffered  many  changes,  and  in  which  the 
Chronicler  also  made  changes,  such  as  his  introduction  of  Satan, 
the  kindling  of  sacrifices  by  fire,  etc.;    also  from  historic  records 
the  Chronicler  mentioned  the  lists  of  the  priests  and  Levites,  the 
contributions  for  the  Temple,  and  other  things  of  a  similar  nature. 
The  various  works  cited  by  the  Chronicler  such  as  "the  words  of 
Shemaiah  the  Prophet  and  Iddo  the  Seer"  (2  Ch.  12"),  "the  Mid- 
rash  of  the  prophet  Iddo"  (2  Ch.  13^^)  "  the  words  of  Jehu"  (2  Ch. 


46  I   AND   2   CHRONICLES 

20"),  the  wTiting  of  "Isaiah  the  son  of  Amoz"  (2  Ch.  26"),  and  the 
works  mentioned  in  2  Ch.  32"  33^^'-,  Eichhom  regarded  as  dis- 
tinct writings  of  contemporaries  of  Israel's  kings,  now  lost;  while 
the  Midrash  of  the  Book  of  Kings  and  the  Book  of  the  Kings  of 
Judah  and  Israel  (2  Ch.  252*  27'  28'^  35"  36')  and  the  Book  of  the 
Kings  of  Israel  (2  Ch.  20")  were  secondary  works;  the  last  two 
being  one  and  the  same  work  and  identical  with  the  Book  of  the 
Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Judah  cited  in  i  and  2  K.  (Einl.'  ii.  595). 
Eichhom  held  strongly  to  the  reliability  of  i  and  2  Ch.,  owing  to  the 
careful  use  of  historical  soxirces  by  the  author. 

This  representative  view  of  Eichhom  was  sharply  criticised  by 
De  Wette  (in  his  Beitrdge  zur  Einleitung,  1806).  He,  by  com- 
parison, showed  that  Eichhom's  supposition  of  the  Chronicler's 
use  of  the  underlying  sources  of  i  and  2  S.  and  i  and  2  K.  was 
untenable.  No  real  evidence  was  present  that  both  the  authors  of 
the  canonical  books  and  the  Chronicler  had  drawn  their  material 
from  the  same  source;  but  far  more  likely  all  common  passages 
were  due  to  the  use  by  the  Chronicler  of  the  canonical  books.  De 
Wette  then  examined  the  variations  between  the  writings  and  he 
showed  that  through  the  Chronicler  came  marks  of  his  late  period, 
slovenly  or  careless  writing,  confusions  and  alterations  of  mean- 
ing, and  that  his  additions  were  marked  by  a  preference  for  the 
concerns  of  the  Levites,  a  love  of  marvels,  apologies  and  pref- 
erence for  Judah  and  hatred  of  Israel,  and  embellishments  of  the 
history  of  Judah.  Thus  the  unreliability  of  the  Chronicler  was 
abundantly  showTi. 

Of  the  Chronicler's  sources  De  Wette  made  little.  "Several 
writers,"  he  said,  "might  have  taken  part  in  producing  our  present 
Chronicles.  Who  will  contend  about  that  ?  But  as  the  work  lies 
before  us  it  is  entirely  of  one  character  and  one  individuality  and 
thus  may  be  assigned  to  one  author  "  {Beitrdge,  p.  61).  The  ques- 
tion of  the  reliability  of  the  Chronicler  was  largely  bound  up  in  that 
of  the  Pentateuch,  and  of  the  general  view  of  the  Old  Testament 
Scriptures.  Scholars  or  writers  of  a  so-called  rationalistic  tend- 
ency disparaged  these  books  and  accepted  the  conclusions  of  De 
Wette  (a  good  e.xample  is  seen  in  F.  W.  Newman's  History  of  the 
Hebrew  Monarchy,  1847),  while  on  the  other  hand  conservative  or 


THE   HIGHER   CRITICISM  47 

orthodox  scholars  held  the  general  view  of  Eichhom  in  regard  to 
sources  and  defended  the  trustworthiness  of  i  and  2  Ch.  through- 
out. Even  upon  those  of  a  freer  tendency,  De  Wette's  work  made 
less  of  an  impression  than  might  have  been  expected.  Bertholet, 
who  was  willing  to  accept  De  Wette's  low  estimate  of  the  historical 
worth  of  Chronicles  {Einl.  III.  p.  983),  argued  in  behalf  of  the  use 
of  common  sources  by  the  writers  of  Kings  and  Chronicles. 
Ewald  also,  who  had  a  clear  conception  of  the  general  character  of 
the  books,  still  in  his  history  used  them  as  a  source  of  information 
very  nearly  upon  a  par  with  the  other  Old  Testament  books.  The 
view  in  general  was  that  the  Chronicler,  while  often  introducing  the 
notions  of  his  own  age,  yet  carefully  followed  his  sources,  which, 
though  more  free  and  homiletic  than  the  older  canonical  books  in 
their  treatment  of  history,  yet  were  scarcely  inferior  as  records  of 
history — though  when  the  two  could  not  be  reconciled  the  former 
were  to  be  received  as  of  greater  authority.  (C/.  Bertheau's  treat- 
ment throughout  his  commentary,  1854,  1873;  Dillmann,  PRE. 
II.  p.  694,  1854,  PRE.^  p.  224,  1878.) 

De  Wette's  work  was  answered  twelve  years  later  in  a  small  treatise 
by  J.  G.  Dahler  {De  Librorum  Paralipotnenon  Auctoritate  atque  Fide 
Historica  Argentorali,  18 19).  Each  alleged  discrepancy,  taken  up  in 
order  from  the  beginning  of  i  Ch.  and  through  the  two  books,  was 
examined  by  itself  and  explained  away  or  harmonised;  and  the  author 
concluded  concerning  the  Chronicler:  "Absolvenduin  eum  esse  ah  istis  in- 
pistis  criminationibus ,  el  fidem  ejus  historicam ,  puram  esse  atque  integram ." 
Dahler,  as  most  of  the  apologists  who  followed  him,  overlooked  the  fact 
that  the  judgment  of  a  work  must  be  determined  by  the  impression  made 
by  its  phenomena  grouped  as  a  whole  and  that  phenomena  taken  singly 
can  ordinarily  be  explained  away.  It  had  been  the  great  merit  of  De 
Wette's  treatise  that  he  "shaped  the  superabundant  material  to  convey 
the  right  impression." 

Dahler's  work  was  refuted  by  C.  W.  P.  Gramberg  in  Die  Chronik 
nach  ihrem  geschichtlicJiem  cliaracter  and  Hirer  Glaubiviirdi gheit  gcprilft 
(Halle,  1823).  This  work  was  of  little  weight,  owing  to  its  charge  of 
extreme  falsification  by  the  Chronicler. 

In  1833,  C.  F.  Keil  published  his  apology  for  Chronicles — Apologetischer 
Versuch  iiber  die  Biicher  der  Chronik  und  iiber  die  Integretdt  des  Buches 
Ezra.  This  work,  essentially  in  its  main  contentioil,  reproduced  later 
in  his  OT.  Intro,  and  Commentary  on  i  and  2  Ch.,  held,  as  already  noted 
above  (see  p.  20),  that  the  Chronicler  did  not  draw  his  material  from 


48  I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 

the  earlier  canonical  books  of  the  OT.,  unless  in  the  list  of  the  patriarchal 
families  (i  Ch.  1-22),  and  hence  the  parallelism  between  i  and  2  Ch. 
and  I  and  2  S.  and  i  and  2  K.  is  due  to  common  sources  underlying  each 
(the  view  of  Eichhorn).  Cf.  examples  mentioned  above,  p.  20.  The 
varied  charges  brought  by  De  Wette  were  refuted  in  detail  and  the 
Chronicler  was  absolved  from  all  error  of  statement,  although  later  Keil 
recognised  in  one  instance  that  he  was  guilty  of  misapprehension 
{Intro.  II.  p.  82). 

In  1834  appeared  Kritische  Uiitersuchung  iiber  die  biblische  Chronik, 
by  F.  C.  Movers,  a  German  pastor  residing  near  Bonn.  This  work, 
although  defending  in  a  large  measure  the  historical  reliability  of  i 
and  2  Ch.,  since  the  author  held  to  the  Mosaic  origin  of  the  Levitical 
institutions,  was  characterised  by  much  critical  acumen.  In  the  matter 
of  sources  the  author  advanced  views  practically  identical  with  those 
current  at  present.  He  held  that  the  Chronicler  used  first  of  all  the 
canonical  books,  and  secondly  one  other  source,  the  Midrash  or  Com- 
mentary upon  the  Book  of  Kings.  This  Book  of  Kings  was  neither 
our  Book  of  Kings,  nor  the  "Chronicles"  or  Annals  mentioned  in 
Kings,  but  a  work  which  the  authors  of  Samuel  and  Kings  had  used, 
and  whose  author  had  made  use  of  the  Chronicles  or  .\nnals  mentioned 
in  Kings.  But  the  Midrash  or  Commentary  on  this  Book  of  Kings  was 
a  post-exilic  work  more  didactic  than  purely  historical,  a  connecting  link 
between  the  canonical  Scriptures  and  the  Apocrypha.  Of  this  work 
and  of  the  canonical  Scriptures  the  Chronicler  was  essentially  a  copyist. 
Movers'  view  in  this  respect  is  that  of  Benzinger  and  Kittel,  already 
mentioned  (see  p.   25). 

The  problem  of  Chronicles  was  also  discussed  in  detail  by  K.  H.  Graf, 
in  his  Die  Geschichtlichen  Bticlier  d.  AT.  (1866).  Graf  examined  the 
narratives  of  Chronicles  in  the  light  of  those  of  the  canonical  books,  and 
his  conclusions  were  similar  to  De  Wette's  respecting  the  work  as  a  tend- 
ency writing  largely  unhistorical  in  character.  He  differed  from  Movers, 
holding  that  the  Chronicler  was  not  a  mere  copyist  and  that  to  him  as 
an  independent  writer  belonged  the  characteristics  of  his  work  and  not 
to  a  Midrashic  source.  On  the  other  hand,  he  rejected  the  notion  that 
he  had  no  other  sources  than  the  canonical  books  and  allowed  historical 
reminiscences  in  his  new  material.  The  next  most  fruitful  discussion 
of  our  problem  is  Wellhausen's  brilliant  chapter  on  Chronicles  in  his 
Prolegomena zurGeschichte  Israels  (i8y8,  1883,  Eng.  trans.  18S5).  There 
the  position  of  De  Wette  is  restated  and  the  Chronicler's  work  is  ex- 
hibited essentially  in  the  character  which  we  have  given,  although  we 
are  inclined  to  find  more  of  historical  reminiscence  in  certain  instances 
than  Wellhausen  allows,  but  his  sketch  of  the  Chronicler's  work  as  a 
whole  is  correct.  For  the  recent  views  of  Benzinger  and  Kittel  respect- 
ing the  composition  of  Chronicles  see  pp.  25  /. 


LITERATURE  49 

LITERATURE. 

(Authors  of  the  most  important  works  are  indicated  by  the  heavy  type.) 

Text. — S.  Baer  and  F.  Delitzsch,  Liher  Chronicorum  (1888)  (text 
with  critical  and  Massoretic  appendices  by  Baer  and  an  introduction 
by  Del.);  David  Ginsburg,  aoinai  o^'NOj  mm  (1894),  pp.  1676- 
1808  (text  based  upon  the  Bomberg  Bible  of  1524-5,  with  variant  read- 
ings in  the  foot-notes);  R.  Kittel,  The  Books  of  Chronicles  in  Hebrew 
(1895)  (in  Haupt's  Sacred  Books  of  the  OT.)  (the  unpointed  text,  with 
critical  notes  trans,  by  B.  W.  Bacon);  R.  Kittel,  Biblia  Hebraica,  II. 
(1906)  pp.  1222-1320  (text  with  foot-notes  citing  variants  in  MSS.,  Vrss., 
and  Bibl.  sources). 

Translations  and  Commentaries. — Hieronymus  (d.  420),  Qunes- 
tiones  Hebraicce  in  Paralipomena  in  appendix  to  vol.  III.  of  his  works 
(pub.  in  Migne's  Patrologia  Latina,  vol.  23,  coll.  1365-1402);  Theodoret, 
Bishop  of  Cyrus  (ist  half  of  5th  cent.),  Quaestiones  in  Paralipomena 
(pub.  in  Migne's  Patrologia  Grceca,  vol.  80,  coll.  801-58);  Procopius 
Gazseus  (ist  half  of  6th  cent.),  Cominentarii  in  Paralipomena  (pub.  in 
Migne's  Patrologia  Crceca,  vol.  87,  part  I.  coll.  1201-20);  Rabanus 
Maurus  (c.  776-856),  Commentaria  in  libros  duos  Paralipomenon  (pub. 
in  Migne's  Patrologia  Latina,  vol.  109,  coll.  279-540);  David  Kimhi 
(i  160-1235)  (Kimhi's  commentary  on  Ch.  was  pub.  in  the  Rabbinic 
Bible  of  1547  and  elsewhere);  Levi  ben  Gerson  (1288-1344)  wrote  com. 
on  Ch.  (Rich.  Simon,  Hist.  Crit.  p.  28);  Alphonsus  Tostatus  (Tostado), 
Comment,  (on  hist,  books  of  the  Bible,  1507);  R.  Joseph  fil.  David 
Aben  Jechija  {Comment,  in  Hagiogr.  1538)  (Carpzov);  R.  Isaac  bar  R. 
Salomo  Jabez  (Hagiogr.  Constantinople)  (Carpzov);  Basil.  Zanchius, 
In  omnes  divinos  libros  notationes  (1553);  Erasmus  Sarcerius  (1560) 
(Carpzov);  Vict.  Strigel,  Libb.  Sam.,  Reg.,  et  Paralipom.  (1591);  Lud. 
Lavater,  Comm.  in  Paralip.  (1599);  Sebastian.  Leonhardus  (1613) 
(Carpzov);  Nir.  Serarius,  Commetit.  in  libr.  Reg.  et  Paralip.  (1617); 
Casp.  Sanctius,  Comment,  in  4  libr.  Reg.  et  2  Paralipom.  (1625);  Jac. 
Bonfrerius,  Comment,  in  libr.  Reg.  et  Paralip.  (1643);  Hug.  Grotius, 
Annotatt.  in  Vet.  Test.  (1644)  (Paralip.  in  edition  of  1732  (Basil)  vol.  I. 
pp.  175-89);  Arthur  Jackson,  Help  for  the  Understanding  of  the  Holy 
Scrip.;  or  Annot.  on  the  Hist,  part  of  the  OT.  2  vols.  (1643  and  1646); 
Thomas  Malvenda,  Commentaria  in  sacram  Scripturam  (1650);  Christ. 
Schotanus,  in  Biblioth.  historic?  sacrce  V.  T.  vol.  II.  (1662);  D.  Brenius, 
Annot.  Paral.  (in  Opera  Theologia,  1666,  foil.  21-23);  Fran.  Burmann, 
Comment.  .  .  .  Paralip.  .  .  .  (1660-83);  Jacob  Cappel,  Observationes 
in  Lib.  Paralip.  (in  Comment,  et  Not.  Crit.  in  V.  T.  by  Lud.  Cappel, 
1689,  pp.  651-4);  S.  Patrick,  A  Commentary  upon  tlie  Historical  Books 
of  the  OT.  (1694;    Ch.  in  new  edition,  vol.  II.  (1842)  pp.  464-618);  Jo. 


50  I    AND   2   CHRONICLES 

Clericus,  Commentarius  in  Veins  Test.  vol.  II.  (1708)  pp.  519-640; 
Matthew  Henry,  An  Exposition  0/  the  Historical  Books  of  the  O.  T.  (Ch. 
in  vol.  II.  1708);  H.  B.  Starck,  Notce  sel.  crilt.  philoll.  exegg.  in  loca 
duhia  ac  difficiliora  Pent.,  .  .  .  Chron.,  .  .  .  (1714);  J.  H.  Michaelis 
and  Ratnbach,  Annott.  in  Paral.  (1720)  (in  Uberiores  Adnotationes  in 
Libros  Hagiographos  V.  T.,  J.  H.  Mich,  wrote  on  i  Ch.  and  Rambach 
on  2  Ch.);  S.  J.  Mauschberger.  Comm.  in  LL.  Paralip.  .  .  .  (1758); 
J.  D.  Michaelis,  Uehersetzung  des  AT.  mit  Anmerkk.fiir  Ungelehrte,  vol. 
XII.  (1785)  pp.  151-310  (the  trans.)  and  pp.  171-304  of  app.  (notes); 
A.  Calmet,  Commentarius  Literalis  in  Omnes  Libros  Testamenti,  vol.  IV. 
(1791)  pp.  512-827;  Adam  Clarke,  The  Holy  Bible  (Ch.  in  vol.  II. 
1821);  F.  J.  V.  Maurer,  Commentarius  Grammaticus  Criticus  in 
Vetus  Testamentum,  vol.  I.  (1835)  pp.  232-44;  J.  Benson,  The  Holy 
Bible  with  Critical,  Explanatory  and  Practical  Notes  (Ch.  in  vol.  II. 
1850,  pp.  233-388);  Chr.  Wordsworth,  Kings,  Chronicles,  etc.-  (186S) 
(vol.  III.  of  The  Holy  Bible  with  Notes  and  Introductions);  C.  F.  Keil, 
Bilcher  der  Chronik  (1870)  (in  Biblischer  Kommentar  iiber  d.  AT.  Eng. 
trans,  by  Andrew  Harper,  1872);  B.  Neteler,  Die  Biicher  der  biblischen 
Chronik  (1872);  E.  Bertheau,  Biicher  der  Chronik'^  (1873)  (in  Kurzgef. 
Exeget.  Handbuch  zum  AT.);  George  Rawlinson,  Chronicles  (1873) 
(in  vol.  III.  of  The  Holy  Bible,  edited  by  F.  C.  Cook);  0.  Zbckler,  in 
Lange's  Bibelwerk  (1874)  (Eng.  trans,  by  J.  G.  Murphy);  E.  Reuss, 
Chronique  ecclesiastique  de  Jerusalem  (1878)  (La  Bible,  IV.  part);  Clair, 
Les  Paralipomenes  (1880);  Vilmar,  Josua  bis  Chronika  (1882)  (in  , 
Prakt.  Erkl.  der  Heil.  Schrift  herausgegehe?t  von  Chr.  Milller);  C.  J. 
Ball,  in  Bishop  Ellicott's  Commentary  for  English  Readers  (1883);  P.  C. 
Baker,  /.  and  II.  Chronicles  (in  The  Pulpit  Commentary  of  Spence  and 
Exell),  2  vols.  (1884);  S.  Oettli,  Biicher  der  Chronik  (1889)  (in  Kurzgef. 
Exeget.  Kommentar  z.  AT.);  M.  J.  Tedeschi  and  S.  D.  Luzzatto,  Com- 
mentar  zu  den  BB.  Daniel,  Ezra,  Nehemiah  und  Chronik  (1890);  J. 
Robertson,  in  Book  by  Book  (1892),  pp.  111-19;  W.  H.  Bennett,  The 
Books  of  Chronicles  (1894)  (in  The  Expositor's  Bible);  E.  Kautzsch, 
Die  Heilige  Schrift  des  Alien  Testaments  (1894),  translation,  pp.  936- 
1012,  critical  notes  in  supplement,  pp.  91-98;  R.  G.  Moulton,  Chroni- 
cles (1897)  (The  Modern  Reader's  Bible);  W.  E.  Barnes,  The  Book 
of  Chronicles  (1900)  (Cambridge  Bible);  I.  Benzinger,  Die  Biicher  der 
Chronik  (1901)  (in  Kurzer  Hand-Cotnmentar  z.  AT.);  A.  Hughes- 
Games,  The  Books  of  Chronicles  (1902)  (Temple  Bible);  R.  Kittel, 
Die  Biicher  der  Chronik  (1902)  (in  Handkommentar  2.  AT.);  R.  de 
Hummelaucr,  Comment,  in  Librum  I  Paralipom.  (1905);  W.  R.  Harvey- 
Jellic,  Chronicles  (1906)  (The  Century  Bible). 

Critical  Discussions.— Richard  Simon,  Histoire  Critique  du  Vieux 
Testament  (1685),  Book  I.  Chap.  iv.  pp.  27  /.;  Joh.  Gottlob  Carpzov, 
Introductio  ad  Libros  Canonicos  Bibliorum  Veteris  Testamenti  (1731), 


LITERATURE  5 I 

Part  I.  pp.  279-303;    J.  G.  Eichhorn,  Einl.^  II.  (1803)  pp.  579-6oi; 
W.  M.  L.  de  Wette,  Kritischer  Versuch  uber  die  Glaubenswiirdigichkeit 
der  Bilcher  der  Chronik  (1806)  (Beitrage  zur  Einl.  in  d.  AT.  vol.  I.); 
L.   Bertholdt,  Einl,  Part  3   (1813),  pp.  963-91;    J-   G.   Dahler,  De 
lihrorum  Paralipom.  aiictoritate  atque  fide  historica   (1819);   C  P.  W. 
Gramberg,  Die  Chronik  nach  ihrem  geschichllichen  Charakter  und  Hirer 
GlaubwiirdigkeU  iieu  gepruft  (1823);  C.  P.  W.  Gramberg,  de  geloofwaar- 
digheid  en  het  belang  van  de  Chron.  voor  de  Bijb.  Gesch.  (1830);    Die 
Bilcher  der  Chronik.  Ihr  Verhaltniss  zu  den  Biichern  Samuels  und  der 
Konige;  ihre  Glaubwurdigkeit,  und  die  Zeil  ihrer  Abfassung,  in  Theolo- 
gische  Quartalschrift  (Tubingen,  1831),  pp.  201-82;  C.  F.  Keil,  Apolo- 
getischer  Versuch  uber  die  Chronik  (1833);    F.  C.  Movers,  KriUsche 
Untersuchungen  uber  die  biblische  Chronik  (1834);   W.  M.  L.  de  Wette, 
Einleitung  in  d.  AT.^  I.  (1852)  pp.  237-259;  T.  H.  Home,  Introduction 
to  the  Critical  Study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures^"  (1856),  vol.  II.  pp.  673-688; 
K.  H.  Graf,  Die  Gefangenschajt  und  Bekehrung  Manasse's,  2  Chr.  ^s, 
in  Theologische  Studien  und  Kritiken  (1859),  pp.  467-94;    J-  Bleek, 
Einl.  (i860)  pp.  371-401  (4th  ed.  1878,  Eng.  trans,  from  2nd  ed.  1869); 
Gerlach,    Die    Gefangenschajt   und    Bekehrung   Manasse's,  in    Theol. 
Studien  u.  Kritiken  (1861),  pp.  503-24;   W.  H.  Green,  Date  of  Books  of 
Chronicles,  in  Princeton  Review,  XXXV.  (1863)  p.  499;   K.  H.  Graf, 
Die  Geschichtlichen  Bilcher  d.  AT.  (1866)  pp.   114-247;   Abr.  Rahmer, 
Ein  Lateinischer  Commentar  aus  dem  9.  Jahrhund.  z.  d.  Biichern  d. 
Chronik  kritisch  verglichen  mit  d.  Judischen  Quellen  (1866);   De  Wette- 
Schr.  Einl.  (1869)  §§  224-33;    H.  Ewald,  History  of  Israel,'^  I.  (1869) 
pp.  169/.;    Kohler  and  Rosenberg,  Das  Targum  der  Chronik,  in  JUd. 
Zeitschrift  (1870),  pp.  72/.,  135/-.  263/-;  J-  Wellhausen,  De  Gentibus 
et  Familiis  Judais  quce  i  Chr.  2.  4.  enumerantur  (1870);    C.  F.  Keil, 
Einl.3  (1873)   §§   138-144  (Eng.  trans,  from  2nd  ed.,    1870);    W.    R. 
Smith,  Chronicles,  Books  of,  in  E^icycl.  Britannica^  (1878);  R.  O.  Thomas, 
A  Key  to  the  Books  of  Samuel  and  the  Corresponding  Parts  of  Chronicles 
(1881);    Frz.  Delitzsch,  The  Book  of  the  Chrotticles,  in  Sunday  School 
Times  (1883),  Nov.  24,  pp.  739/;   G.  T.  Ladd,  The  Doctrine  of  Sacred 
Scripture  (1883),  I.  pp.  108/.,  373/.,  546 #.,  686/.;  E.  Schrader,  COT. 
[1883]  (1888)  II.  pp.  52-59;   J.  Wellhausen,  Prolegomena  (1883),  pp. 
176-237,  Eng.  trans.   (1885)  pp.   171-227;    J.  L.   Bigger,  The  Battle 
Address  of  Abijah,  2  Chr.  13:  4-12,  in  OT.  Student,  vol.  3  (1883-4), 
pp.  6-16;    F.  Brown,  The  Books  of  Chronicles  with  Reference  to  the 
Books  of  Samuel,  in  Andover  Review,  I.  (1884)  pp-  405-26;  Mtihling, 
Neue  Untersuchungen  uber  die  Genealogien  der  Chronik   i,   1-9,  und 
deren  Verhaltniss  zum  Zweck  dieses  Buches,  in  Theolog.  Quartalschrift 
(1884),  pp.  403-50;   W.  H.  Brown,  The  OT.  Explained,  Giving  the  Key 
to  the  Harmony  of  the  OT.  Writings,  and  espec.  the  Books  ofK.,  Ch.,  etc. 
(1885);   Comely,  Hist,  et  crit.  Introductio  in  V.  T.  libros  sacros  Compen- 


52  I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 

dium,  II.  I  (1887),  pp.  311/.;  A.  Kuenen,  Onderzoek^  I.  (1887)  pp. 
433-520,  German  trans.,  Einl.  part  I,  div.  2  (1890),  pp.  103-89; 
M.  S.  Terry,  Chronicles  and  llw  Mosaic  Legislation  (1888),  in  Essays  on 
Pentateuchal  Criticism  (edited  by  T.  W.  Chambers,  and  republished 
under  title  Moses  and  his  Recent  Critics,  1889),  pp.  213-45;  E.  Alker, 
Die  Chronologic  der  BUcher  Konige  und  Paralipomenon  .  .  .  (1889); 
B.  Stade,  Gesch^  (1889)  I.  pp.  81-84;  C.  H.  Cornill,  Einleitung  (1891), 
pp.  268-276,  Eng.  trans.  (1907)  pp.  225-39;  L.  B.  Paton,  Alleged  Dis- 
crepancies between  Books  of  Chronicles  and  Kings,  in  Presbyterian 
Quarterly  (Richmond,  Va.),  vol.  5  (1891),  pp.  587-610;  G.  Wildeboer, 
Origin  of  tlie  Canon  of  the  OT.  [1891]  (1895)  pp.  142  /.,  152,  162; 
K.  Budde,  Verinutungen  ziim  " Midrasch  des  Buches  der  Konige,"  in 
ZAW.  vol.  12  (1892),  pp.  37-51;  A.  C.  Jennings,  Chronicles,  in  The 
Thinker,  vol.  2  (1892),  pp.  8-16,  199-206,  393-401;  C.  G.  Montefiore, 
Hibbert  Lectures  (1892),  pp.  447  ff.,  454,  483;  H.  E.  Ryle,  Canon  of  the 
OT.  (1892)  pp.  138/.,  145,  151,  162;  W.  R.  Smith,  OTJC.^  (1892)  pp. 
14  ff.,  1S2  ff.;  H.  Winckler,  Alttestamentliclie  Untersuchungen  (1892), 
pp.  157-67  {Betnerkungen  2.  chronik  als  geschichtsquelle);  A.  C.  Hervey, 
The  Book  of  Chronicles  in  Relation  to  the  Pentateuch  (1893);  H.  H. 
Howorth,  The  True  Septuagint  Version  of  Chronicles-Ezra~Nehemiah,\n 
The  Academy  (1893),  vol.  44,  pp.  73/.;  E.  Konig,  Einl.  (1893)  §  54; 
W.  Sanday,  Inspiration  (1893)  (Bampton  Lectures),  pp.  102,  244,  253/"., 
398,  443,  455;  H.  Varley,  The  Infallible  Word  .  .  .  the  Historical 
Accuracy  of  the  Books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles  (1893);  R.  B.  Girdlestone, 
Deuierographs,  Duplicate  Passages  in  the  OT.,  their  bearing  on  tfte  Text 
and  Compilation,  etc.  (1894);  T.  F.  Wright,  Chronicles,  in  New  Church 
Review,  I.  (1894)  pp.  455-6;  W.  Bacher,  Der  Name  der  Bilcher  der 
Chronik  in  der  Septuaginta  in  Z.AW.  vol.  15  (1895),  pp.  305-8;  S.  R. 
Driver,  The  Speeches  in  Chronicles,  in  Flxp.  5th  series,  vol.  i.  (1895)  pp. 
241-56,  vol.  2,  1895,  pp.  286-308;  Valpy.  French,  The  Speeches  in 
Chronicles;  a  reply,  in  Exp.  5th  series,  vol.  2  (1895),  pp.  140-152; 
¥.Yi,a.\]\tn,  Paralipomena,  in  Kirchenlexikon,  vol.  9  (1895),  pp.  1479/.; 
S.  Krauss,  Bibl.  Volkertafel  in  Talmud,  Midrasch  und  Targum,  in 
Monatsschrift  fUr  Geschichte  u.  Wissenschaft  d.  Judenthums,  vol.  39 
(1895)  pp.  i-ii,  49-63;  G.  Wildeboer,  Lit.  d.  AT.  (1895),  pp.  404-420; 
W.  E.  Barnes,  The  Midrashic  Element  in  Chronicles,  in  E.Kp.  5th  series, 
vol.  4  (1896),  pp.  426-39;  G.  B.  Gray,  HPN.  (1896)  pp.  170-242; 
W.  E.  Barnes,  The  Religious  Standpoint  of  the  Chronicler,  in  AJSL. 
XIII.  (1896-7)  pp.  14-20;  W.  E.  Barnes,  Chronicles  a  Targum,  in 
Expos.  T.  VIII.  (1896-7)  pp.  316-19;  T.  K.  Cheyne,  On  2  Ch.  14  :  9, 
etc.,  in  Expos.  T.  VIII.  (1896-7)  pp.  431/;  H.  L.  Gilbert,  Forms  of 
Names  in  I.  Chronicles  1-7,  in  AJSL.  XIII.  (1896-7)  pp.  279-98; 
Fr.  Hommel,  Serah  the  Cushite,  in  Expos.  T.  VIII.  (1896-7)  pp.  378/.; 
W.  E.  Barnes,  .An  Apparatus  Criticus  to  Chronicles  in  the  Peshitta 


LITERATURE  53 

Version  (1897);    W.  D.  Crockett,  A  Harmony  of  the  Books  of  Samuel, 
Kings  and  Chronicles,  in  the  Text  of  the  Version  of  1884  (1897);   W.  E. 
Barnes,  Errors  in  Chronicles,  in  Expos.  T.  IX.  (1897-8)  p.  521;  John  F. 
Stenning,  Chronicles  in  the  Peshitla,  in  Expos.  T.  IX.  (1897-8)  pp.  45-7; 
W.  Bacher,  Zii  I.  Chran.  7  :  12,  in  ZAW.  vol.  18  (1898),  pp.  236-8; 
F.  Brown,  Chronicles  I.  and  II.,  in  DB.  I.  (1898)  pp.  389-397;  A. 
Klostermann,  Die  Chronik,  in  PRE.^  III.  (1898)  pp.  85-98;  Schiirer, 
Gesch.^  (1898)  II.  pp.  309,  339/.,  III.  p-  3">  Eng.  trans,  (from.  2nd  ed.) 
II.  i.  pp.  309,  340,  iii.  p.  162;    W.  J.  Beecher,  Is  Chronicler  Veracious 
Historian  for  Post-exilian  Period?  in  Tlie  Bible  Student  and  Religious 
Outlook  (Columbia,  S.  C),  vol.  3  (1899),  pp.  385-90;   Adolf  Biichler, 
Zur  Geschichte  der  Tempelmiisik  und  der    Tent  pel  psalmen,    in    ZAW. 
vol.   19  (1899),  pp.  96-133,  329-44;    Grigor  Chalateanz,  Die  Bucher 
Paralipom.  nach  der  dltesten.  Armen.   Uebers.,  etc.   (1899);    Hope  W. 
Hogg,  The  Genealogy  of  Benjamin;  a  Criticism  of  I.  Chron.  VIII.,  in 
JQR.  XI.  (1899)  pp.  102-14;  A.  van  Hoonacker,  Le  Sacerdoce  Levitique 
dans  la  Loi  et  dans  VHistoire   (1899),  pp.   21-116   {Les  pretres  el  les 
levites  dans  le  livre  des  Chroniques);   E.  Kautzsch,  The  Literature  of  the 
OT.  (1899)  pp.  1 21-8  (trans.,  with  revision,  from  supplements  to  Die 
Heil.  Schr.  d.  AT.');  J.  Koberle,  Die  Tempelsdnger  im  AT.  (1899)  pp. 
81-150  {Chronika);   O.  Seesemann,  Die  Darstellungsweise  der  Chronik, 
in  Mitth.  u.  Nachr.f.  d.  Evang.  Kirche  in  Russland,  55  (1899),  pp.  1-16; 
W.  R.  Smith  and  S.  R.  Driver,  Chronicles,  Books  of,  in  EBi.  I.  (1899) 
coll.   763-72;    T.  G.  Soares,  The  Import  of  Chronicles  as  a  Piece  of 
Religio-historical  Literature,  in  Am.  Jour,  of  Theo.  III.  (1899)  pp.  251- 
74;    M.  Berlin,  Notes  on  Genealogies  of  the  Tribe  of  Levi  in  i  Chron. 
23-26,  in  JQR.  XII.  (1900)  pp.  291-8;   J.  A.  Howlett,  Wellhausen  and 
the  Chronicler,  in  The  Dublin  Review,  vol.   126  (1900),  pp.  391-41 1; 
K.  D.  Macmillan,  Note  Concerning  the  date  of  Chronicles,  in  Presby- 
terian and  Reformed  Review,  XI.  (190c)  pp.  507-11;   Hope  W.  Hogg, 
The  Ephraimite  Genealogy  (i  Ch.  7  :  20/.),  in  JQR.  XIII.  (1900-01)  pp. 
147-54;    G.  O.  Little,  The  Royal  Houses  of  Israel  and  Judah  (1901); 
J.  Marquart,  The  Genealogies  of  Benjamin,  in  JQR.  XIV.  (1902)  pp. 
343-51;    J.  W.  Rothstein,  D.  Genealogie  d.  Kgs.  Jojachin  und  seiner 
Nachkommen   (i    Chron.   3    :    17-24)   in  Gesch.   Beleuchtung   (1902); 
W.  H.  Bennett,  Chronicles  in  JE.  IV.  (1903),  PP-  59-6.3;   Mos.  Fried- 
lande,,  Genealog.  Studien  z.  AT.  D.  Verdnderlichkeit  d.  Namen  in  d. 
Stammlisten  d.  Biicher  d.  Chronik  (1903);    C.  C.  Torrey,  The  Greek 
Versions  of  Chronicles,   Ezra,   and   Nehemiah,   in   Proceedings  of  the 
Society  of  Biblical  Archa;ology,  XXV.  (1903)  pp.  139/;   W.  J.  Beecher, 
The  Added  Section  in  I  Chron.  XI-XII,   in  Tlie  Bible  Student  and 
Teacher,  vol.  i.  New  Series  (1904),  pp.  247-50;    R.  St.  A.  Macalister, 
The  Royal  Potters  1  Chron.  42',  in  Expos.  T.  XVI.  (1905)  PP-  379/-; 
R.  St.  A.  Macalister,  The  Craftsmen's  Guild  of  the  Tribe  of  Judah,  in 


54 


I    AND    2    CHRONICLES 

Palestine  Exploration  Fund  Quarterly  Statement  (1905),  pp.  243-253, 
328-342;  P.  Asmussen,  Priesterkod.  u.  Chr.  in  ihrem  Verh.  zii  einand., 
in  Tfteolog.  Studien  u.  Kritiken  (1906),  pp.  165-179;  G.  Tandy,  /  a.  II 
Chron.,  an  Elementary  Study  in  Criticism  (Interpr.,  Oct.)  (mentioned  in 
Theolog.  Jahresbe.,  1906);  S.  A.  Cook,  Critical  Notes  on  OT.  Hist. 
(1907),  pp.  67  n.  I,  98  n.  3,  104  n.  i,  114/.,  118  n.  1,  H.  H.  Howorth, 
Some  Unconventional  Views  on  the  Text  of  the  Bible.  VII  Daniel  and 
Chronicles,  in  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archaology,  XXIX. 
(1907)  pp.  31-38,  61-69;  S.  K.  Mosiman,  Ziisammenstellung  u.  Ver- 
gleichung  d.  Paralleltexte  d.  Chr.  u.  d.  dlteren  Bucher  d.  AT.  (1907); 
S.  R.  Driver,  LOT.^^  (1908)  pp.  516-540;  C  C.  Torrey,  Tlie  Ap- 
paratus for  tlie  Textual  Criticism  of  Chronicles-Ezra-N ehemiah,  in 
Harper  Memorial  II.  (1908)  pp.  55-1 11;  W.  E.  Barnes,  The  David  of 
the  Book  of  Samuel  and  the  David  of  the  Book  of  Chro7iicles,  in  Exp. 
7th  Series.  No.  37  (1909),  pp.  49-59;  A.  Klostermann,  Chronicles,  in 
The  New  Schaff-Herzog  Encyl.  vol.  III.  (1909)  pp.  68-71;  C.  C. 
Torrey,  The  Chronicler  as  Editor  and  as  Independent  Narrator,  in 
AJSL.  XXV.  (1909)  pp.  157-73,  188-217. 


A  COMMENTARY   ON 
1  CHRONICLES 


COMMENTARY  ON  1  CHRONICLES 


I-IX.    GENEALOGICAL    TABLES  WITH    GEOGRAPH- 
ICAL AND  HISTORICAL    NOTICES. 

I.  Primeval  genealogies  with  a  list  of  kings  and  phylarchs 
of  Edom.— This  chapter  serves  to  introduce  the  genealogies  of 
the  tribes  of  Israel  by  showing  Israel's  place  among  the  nations 
and  thus  corresponds  to  the  ethnic  discussions  with  which  mod- 
em writers  frequently  open  their  histories.  Its  matter  is  derived 
entirely  from  Gn.  1-36.  All  the  genealogies  of  those  chapters  are 
included  in  this  compilation  except  that  of  the  descendants  of 
Cain  (Gn.  4i«-").  The  author's  method  of  abridgment,  in  giving 
lists  of  names  (vv.  >-"  et  al.)  without  stating  their  relation  to  one 
another,  shows  that  he  assumed  his  readers  to  have  been  thor- 
oughly familiar  with  the  narratives  of  Genesis. 

While  the  source  is  clear,  the  question  has  recently  been  raised  whether 
the  chapter  is  substantially  in  the  form  in  which  it  was  left  by  the 
Chronicler  or  whether  an  original  nucleus  by  him  received  numerous 
additions  until  the  genealogical  material  of  Gn.  was  exhausted.  Ben- 
zinger  maintains  that  the  original  text  comprised  only  vv.  '-^^  (»=''  =^-''- 
sib.  The  Vatican  text  of  (&  lacks  vv.  "-^s,  which  are  in  the  Hexapla  under 
the  asterisk  (Field),  and  a  sort  of  doublet  exists  in  vv.  '^-'^  and  vv.  -^  "-^. 
These  facts  have  furnished  the  ground  for  assuming  the  secondary 
character  of  vv.  "-'.  But  the  significant  words  vlbs  "L-fifi  AiXafi  (coi 
'kffaoiip,  found  in  this  lacuna  of  (6^,  are  certainly  a  remnant  of  v.  " 
— so  marked  in  Swete's  edition— thus  making  it  extremely  probable 
that  the  original  (&  contained  the  whole  passage.  (This  omission  by 
Origen  is  only  one  of  many  illustrations  which  might  be  cited  of  the 
poor  quality  of  the  text  which  he  had;  see  Tor.  ATC.  pp.  94/-)  The 
parallels,  vv.  "''  and  vv.  '^  ^,  are  not  indicative  of  two  sources,  since 
in  one  the  compiler  is  tracing  the  collateral  lines,  while  in  the  other  it  is 
his  purpose  to  give  the  lineal  descent  of  Abraham.     The  transposition 

57 


58  I    CHRONICLES 

of  vv.  "-"  (=  Gn.  25'2-'«)  and  vv.  «"  (=  Gn.  25'<)  has  no  significance, 
since  it  is  easily  explained,  the  descendants  of  Ishmael,  the  first-born, 
being  placed  first  and  those  of  Isaac,  by  the  compiler's  habit,  come  last. 
Equally  trivial  is  the  repetition  of  the  substance  of  v.  '*•  in  v.  "».  The 
descendants  of  Esau  (vv.  '^  "  )  are  as  much  in  place  here  as  the  descend- 
ants of  Ishmael  and  of  Abraham  by  Keturah.  Hence  there  is  little 
cause  to  doubt  that  the  first  chapter  of  the  Chronicler's  history  has 
come  down  to  us  in  essentially  the  same  form  in  which  it  left  his  hand. 

1-4.  The  ten  antediluvian  patriarchs  and  the  three  sons 
of  Noah. — This  list  of  names  is  a  condensation  of  Gn.  5  by  the 
omission  of  the  chronological  statements  and  those  of  descent  from 
father  to  son;  and  the  list  in  Gn.  is  apparently  modelled  after  the 
Babylonian  one  of  ten  ancient  kings  which  has  been  preserved  by 
Berossus  (Dr.  Gn.  p.  80,  KAT.^  pp.  531/.,  Gordon,  Early  Trad,  of 
Gn.  pp.  4Sff.).  The  names  appear  in  some  instances  to  have  been 
derived  from  the  Babylonian  list  and  are  also  directly  connected 
in  a  large  measure  with  the  names  found  in  the  genealogies  of 
Gn.  4  (J). — 1.  Adam]  i.e.,  man  or  mankind,  an  appropriate 
name  for  the  first  man,  the  father  of  the  human  race;  hence  a 
proper  name  (Gn.  4"  5'-',  RV.  wrongly  in  Gn.  3"  ^\  v.  DIN, 
3.  BDB.).— 5e//z]  (Gn.  4"  '■  5'  «  f)  derived  in  Gn.  4^  proba- 
bly from  mere  assonance,  from  n^tS^  "to  appoint,"  hence,  "sub- 
stitute"; the  meaning  or  derivation  is  otherwise  entirely 
obscure. — Eyiosh']  (w'IjS)  (Gn.  4'"  5'  ^  f)  poetical  word  for 
man  and  probably  in  folk-lore  a  name  like  Adam  for  the  first  man. 
The  third  Babylonian  name  Amelon  or  Amilarus  has  also  the  same 
meaning. — 2.  Kenan]  ([^"''5)  (Gn.  5'  '  f)  to  be  connected  with 
Kain  (j"»p)  (Gn.  4'  * ),  with  the  meaning  of  "smith,"  and  thus 
corresponding  with  the  fourth  Babylonian  name  Ammenon,  which 
is  equivalent  to  "artificer." — MahalaVel]  (Gn.  5"  "  ,  also  a  Judah- 
ite,  Ne.  w  f).  The  meaning  is  "praise  of  God."  It  is  possibly 
a  Hebraised  form  of  the  fifth  Babylonian  name  Megalarus,  a  cor- 
ruption of  Melalarus. — Jared]  (Gn.  5"  "  ,  also  a  Calebite  4"  \), 
from  the  root  meaning  to  go  down,  but  the  significance  of  the  name 
is  not  apparent. — 3.  Hanoch]  EVs.  Enoch  (Gn.  5'*  "■,  also  the  first- 
bom  of  Cain,  Gn.  4"  ' ,  also  a  son  of  Reuben,  i  Ch.  5').  He,  from 
his  "translation,"  is  the  most  notable  of  the  ten  patriarchs  (Gn. 


I.  1-4.]  ANTEDILUVIAN   PATRIARCHS  59 

5'<).  The  name  may  mean  "dedication,"  and  might  in  the  story 
of  Cain  be  connected  with  the  building  of  the  first  city  (Gn.  4''),  or 
if  derived  from  parallel  Babylonian  king  Enmeduranki.  who 
probably  was  the  mythical  high  priest  of  a  place  linking  heaven  and 
earth,  the  name  might  imply  dedication  to  the  priesthood.  This, 
considering  Enoch's  religious  character,  is  more  plausible.  The 
initiation  of  Enoch  into  heavenly  mysteries,  according  to  the  later 
Jewish  story,  probably  arose  from  a  connection  between  him  and 
the  Babylonian  parallel,  since  the  latter  was  the  possessor  of  such 
knowledge. — Methushelah]  (Gn.  521  «■  f),  "man  of  missile."  The 
corresponding  name  in  Gn.  4' Ms  Methushael  =  Babylonian  mutu- 
sha-ili,  "man  of  God."  The  corresponding  name  in  the  Babylo- 
nian hst  Amempsmus=  amel-Sin,  "man  of  the  god  Sin";  hence 
"missile,"  shelah,  is  probably  another  title  of  Sin,  i.e.,  of  the  moon- 
god. — Laniech]  (Gn.  4'8«  5"^  f).  The  important  position  of  the 
Lamech  in  the  line  of  Cain,  where  he  is  the  father  of  the  representa- 
tives of  three  social  classes — nomads,  musicians,  and  smiths — and 
in  the  line  of  Seth,  where  he  is  the  father  of  Noah  and  grandfather 
of  the  representatives  of  the  three  races  of  mankind,  reveals  the 
probable  identity  of  the  two  persons  in  origin,  but  whence  the  name 
is  derived  is  still  obscure,  probably  from  an  ancient  Babylonian 
god. — 4.  Noah]  (Gn.  52'^-  and  frequent  in  story  of  the  flood,  Gn. 
6-10,  Is.  54'  Ez.  141^-  ").  The  Noah  of  Gn.  5"  (J)  is  clearly  the 
husbandman  who  produced  wine  (Gn.  9^°^ ),  and  thus  gave  man 
rest,  refreshment,  and  comfort  in  his  toil.  Why  the  hero  of  the 
flood  also  bore  this  name  is  not  clear,  since  no  certain  connection  is 
discernible  between  the  name  Noah  (n3)  and  Ut-napishiim,  the 
name  of  the  Babylonian  hero  of  the  deluge. — Shem]  (w.  ■'•  ^*  Gn. 
^32  510  yi3  gi8,  23.  26  f.  jqi.  21  f.  31  jiio  f.  -j-)  mcans  rcnown,  i.e.,  glory, 

and  apparently  was  a  name  of  Israel  (r/.  Gn.  9=«  Blessed  be  Yah- 
weh  the  God  of  Shem,  i.e.,  of  Israel). — Ham]  (v.  »  Gn.  5"  6^"  7" 
gi8  lo'-  «■  so)  superseding  possibly  the  name  Canaan  in  an  earlier 
list  of  Noah's  three  sons  {cf.  Gn.  9"  J)  is  possibly  derived  from 
Kemet  the  Egyptians'  name  of  their  country  {DB.,  art.  Ham; 
EBi.  II.  col.  1204  absolutely  denies  this  connection).  Ham 
stands  for  Egypt  in  Ps.  78^'  105"  "  106==.  Thus  Ham  appro- 
priately represented   the   peoples   southward   from   Palestine. — 


6o  I    CHRONICLES 

Japheth]  (v.*  Gn.  5"  6'°  7"  9"  "  ^'  10'  '  "  f)-  According  to  Gn. 
9"  the  word  is  from  the  root  (nnS),  meaning  "  to  be  open  "  (so 
BDB.,  Margoliouth  in  DB.  suggests  a  derivation  from  "2^  "to  be 
fair),"  but  the  real  origin  is  still  obscure.  It  primarily  comes 
without  doubt  from  some  appellation  of  the  peoples  or  country 
lying  to  the  north  and  west  of  Israel,  because  in  those  directions 
the  descendants  of  Japheth  are  found  (w.  ^■'').  Japheth  may 
have  represented  originally  the  Phoenicians,  since  the  expression 
dwelling  in  the  tents  of  Shem  (Gn.  9")  points  to  a  land  ad- 
jacent to  Palestine  {DB.  Extra  vol.  p.  80). 

2.  irn]  so  too  Gn.  5'  '^^  ,  but  <S  Katvdi',  II  Cainan,  in  both  places, 
show  a  different  pronunciation  of  the  diphthong  which  may  have  been  in 
use  in  the  Chronicler's  day,  cf.  Ki.  SBOT.  pp.  52/.,  Kom.  pp.  2/. 

5-7.  The  descendants  of  Japheth. — These  verses  are  taken 
directly  without  change  from  Gn.  lo^-^  (P).  Whatever  variations 
the  two  texts  now  exhibit  are  due  to  the  copyists  of  one  or  the  other 
unless  the  text  used  by  the  Chronicler  differed  from  the  archetype 
of  ||.  This  is  also  true  of  all  other  cases  where  the  Chronicler 
clearly  reproduces  the  exact  words  of  his  parallels.  For  variations 
see  textual  notes.  These  nations  or  peoples  must  all  be  sought  to 
the  north  and  west  of  Palestine. — 5.  Gonier]  (v.  «  Gn.  lo^  '  Ez. 
38s  name  of  a  person  Ho.  i^  f)  ^  people  of  Asia  Minor  identical 
with  the  Gimirrai  of  Assyrian  inscriptions.  Their  territory  in 
Armenian  is  called  Gamir.  It  corresponds  to  Cappadocia.  They 
are  the  Kbnmcrians  of  the  Greeks.— .U(/^o^](Gn.  10-  Ez.  38=  39' f) 
from  collocation  in  Ezckiel  and  from  assonance  is  closely  related 
to  Gog,  which  apparently  is  the  Gagaia  of  the  Amama  tablets,  a 
designation  of  northern  l)arbarians.  The  traditional  identification 
with  the  Scythians  is  plausible  (EBi.  II.  coll.  i'j4jf.).—Madai]i.e., 
the  Medes  mentioned  frequently  in  tlie  OT. — Javan]  (v.  '  Gn. 
10'  *  Is.  66'»  Ez.  27"-  "  Dn.  8='  lo^"  1 1=  Zc.  9",  pi.  Jo.  4'  (3')  f)  the 
Greeks,  or  more  properly  the  lonians. —  Tubal  ami  Meshech] 
(mentioned  always  together  Gn.  10-  Ez.  27"  32"  38'  '  39',  except 
Is.  66",  where  Tubal  occurs  alone  and  Ps.  i2o»,  where  Meshech, 
alone).    They  are  the  Tibali  and  Mushku  of  the  Assyrian  inscrip- 


I.  6-7.]  DESCENDANTS   OF   JAPHETH  6l 

tions  and  the  Moschoi  and  Tiharenoi  of  Herodotus  (iii.  94,  vii. 
78).  In  the  Assyrian  period  their  home  was  north-ea:t  of  Cilicia 
and  east  of  Cappadocia;  later  they  retired  further  to  the  north  to 
the  mountainous  region  south-east  of  the  Black  Sea  (Dr.  Gn.). — 
Tiras'\  (Gn.  10-  f)  formerly  identified  with  the  Thracians  (so  Jos. 
Ant.  i.  6.  i)  but  now  generally  with  the  Tyrseni  (Tvpar)voi),  a  pi- 
ratical people  of  the  northern  shores  and  islands  of  the  ^gean  Sea 
(Hdt.  i.  57,  Thuc.  iv.  109).  Tiras  has  also  been  regarded  as  the 
same  as  Tarshish  v.  ^  (W.  Max  Miiller,  Orient  Lit.  Zeitiing,  15  Aug. 
1900,  col.  290). — 6.  Ashkenaz]  (Gn.  lo^  Je.  51"  f ).  Their  home, 
according  to  Jeremiah,  was  in  the  region  of  Ararat,  and  they  are 
undoubtedly  the  Ashkuza,  Ishkuza  of  the  Assyrians;  an  ally  of  the 
Assyrians  from  the  reign  of  Asarhaddon  onward,  and  possibly 
identical  with  the  Scythians  {KA  T.'  p.  loi) ;  the  Hebrew  name  has 
arisen  apparently  through  a  confusion  of  letters  (TJlDtt'K  instead  of 
TlStl'S). — Riphath^]  not  yet  clearly  identified  or  located;  ac- 
cording to  Josephus  (Ant.  i.  6.  i),  the  Va.pUa.gonlans.—Togarviah] 
(Gn.  lo^  Ez.  27'^  38"  f).  The  references  in  Ez.  indicate  a  northern 
country  furnishing  horses  and  mules,  usually  identified  with  the 
Armenians  and  by  some  connected  with  the  city  Tilgarimmu  of  the 
Assyrian  inscriptions  (EBi.  IV.  col.  5129,  Del.  Par.  p.  246). — 7. 
And  the  sons  ofJavan]  to  be  sought  naturally  among  the  countries 
or  peoples  belonging  to  the  Greeks.— Elishah]  (Gn.  10^  Ez.  27 'f),  a 
land  that  according  to  Ezekiel  furnished  "  blue  and  purple,"  hence, 
since  these  dyes  were  procured  from  shell-fish,  a  Grecian  maritime 
country:  lower  Italy  and  Sicily  have  been  suggested  (Dill.),  the 
.(Eolians  (AtoXet?)  (Del.),  EHs  (HXi?)  (Boch.),  Carthage  as 
though  called  Elissa  (SS.). — Tarshish]  (Gn.  10^  and  frequent  else- 
where), commonly  identified  with  Tartessus  in  Spain,  yet  not  con- 
clusively so.  Tarsus  in  Cilicia  has  also  been  named  (EBi.  IV.  col. 
4898). — Kittirfi]  (Gn.  10^  Nu.  24^^  Is.  231  '«  Je.  2'°  Ez.  27*  Dn. 
ii'°  f)  represents  Cyprus.  The  name  is  derived  from  the  city 
Kition  on  the  south-east  shore  of  the  island. — Rodanim  f  ]  (Gn.  10' 
wrongly  Dodanim)  people  of  the  Island  of  Rhodes. 

6.  noni]  about  thirty  mss.  (Kennic,  Gin.),  (6,  B,  and  Gn.  10'  nom, 
which  is  to  be  restored  as  the  original  (Kau.,  Ki.). — 7.  nv1ff-\D^]  Gn. 
io<  u'^a'im.      The  final  n  probably  arose  through  the  influence  of  the 


62  I    CHRONICLES 

preceding  n;;"'^^  and  is  to  be  removed  (Kau.,  Ki.). — 2'jini]  Gn.  d^jt^v 
The  former  is  the  true  reading,  supported  in  Gn.  by  some  Heb.  MSS. 
(Gin.)  and  (6  and  accepted  by  Ball  (SBOT.),  Dill.,  Holz.,  el  al. 

8-16.  The  Hamites. — This  passage  is  also  without  change 
from  Gn.  io««-  '^-'«';  vv.  =-'  (P),  «■  "-""  (J).  The  intervening 
verses,  Gn.  lo',  the  summary  Gn.  lo'-'^  descriptive  of  the  kingdom 
and  cities  of  Nimrod,  are  omitted  as  irrelevant  in  a  brief  outline. 
Geographically  the  Hamites  were  south  and  south-west  of  Palestine 
and  included  also  the  so-called  Canaanite  peoples  of  Palestine. — 
8.  Cush]  (Gn.  io«  and  frequent  elsewhere)  (see  w.  '  ')  the  land 
and  people  of  upper  Egypt,  commonly  called  Ethiopia. — Mizraim] 
Egypt.  The  Hebrew  word  is  usually  accepted  as  a  dual  referring 
to  upper  and  lower  Egypt,  though  also  regarded  simply  as  a  loca- 
tive form  {EBi.  HI.  col.  3161). — Put]  (Gn.  io«  Je.  46'  Ez.  27'°  30' 
38*  Na.  3'  f),  usually  reckoned  as  the  Libyans  (so  rendered  by  (^ 
in  Je.  and  Ez.)  but  more  probably  the  Puni  of  the  Egv-ptian  in- 
scriptions, the  district  of  the  African  coast  of  the  Red  Sea,  "from 
the  desert  east  of  upper  Egypt  to  the  mod.  Somali  country" 
(W.  Max  Miiller  in  DB.). — Canaan]  reckoned  as  a  son  of  Ham 
because  so  long  under  Egyptian  control  and  from  the  religious 
antagonism  of  Israel  toward  the  Canaanites. — 9.  The  sons  of 
Cush],  as  the  notes  below  show,  were  located  on  the  Red  Sea  and 
eastward  in  Arabia.  This  might  imply  a  migration  from  Africa 
across  the  straits  into  Arabia. — Seba]  (Gn.  10'  Ps.  72'"  Is.  43'  f), 
formerly  after  Josephus  identified  with  Meroe  between  the  Nile 
and  the  river  Atbara,  but  more  recently  after  indications  by  Strabo, 
with  a  district  on  the  west  shore  of  the  Red  Sea. — Havilah]  (Gn. 
2"  10"  "  25"  I  S.  15'  I  Ch.  I"  I).  These  passages  require  several 
Havilahs  or  they  indicate  the  uncertain  geographical  knowledge  of 
the  ancients  regarding  southern  Arabia  and  Africa.  As  repre- 
sented here  it  may  be  on  the  African  coast,  a  little  south  of  the 
straits  of  Bab-cl-Mandeb  (Dr.  Gn.),  or  Havilah  is  a  large  central 
and  north-eastern  Arabian  district  of  which  sometimes  one  part  is 
referred  to  and  sometimes  another  (EBi.  II.  col.  1974). — Sabtah] 
(Gn.  10'  f)  probably  to  be  connected  with  the  old  Arabian  town 
Sabata,  an  ancient  trading  emporium,  the  capital  of  Hadramaut. — 


I.  8-16.]  DESCENDANTS     OF   HAM  63 

Rama]  (Gn.  10'  Ez.  27"  -j-)  in  Ez.  associated  with  Sheba  and 
thus  without  doubt  a  district  of  Arabia  (the  'FafM/xavLraL  of 
Strabo). — Sabteca]  unknown  but  to  be  sought  in  Arabia. — 
Sheba]  (Gn.  10^  mentioned  frequently)  the  wealthy  district  or 
people  of  south-western  Arabia  famous  for  traders. — Dedan]  (Gn. 
10'  also  mentioned  frequently).  The  references  point  to  both 
northern  and  southern  Arabia,  due  most  likely  to  the  extension  of 
the  trade  of  the  people  who  were  probably  a  tribe  of  central  or 
southern  Arabia.  The  name  occurs  in  Sabean  and  Minean  in- 
scriptions.— 10.  Cush].  The  original  writer  of  Gn.  probably 
thought  Cush  represented  Ethiopia.  Many  modern  writers,  how- 
ever, think  of  a  Cush  representing  the  Kasshii  of  the  Assyrian 
inscriptions,  the  Yi^oaaaloL  of  the  Greek  writers,  a  predatory 
and  warlike  tribe  dwelling  in  the  mountains  of  Zagros  near  Elam, 
who  were  so  influential  that  they  provided  Babylon  with  its  third 
dynasty  of  kings  for  some  five  and  a  half  centuries,  beginning  about 
the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  B.C. — Nimrod]  (Gn.  10^ 
Mi.  5«  f)  not  yet  clearly  identified.  Two  theories  prevail  con- 
cerning him:  (i)  that  he  is  a  historical  character,  most  likely  Nazi- 
niaraddash,  one  of  the  later  Kassite  kings  (c.  1350  B.C.)  (Haupt, 
Andover  Rev.  1884,  Jul.  p.  94,  Sayce,  Pal.  Pal.  pp.  91,  269);  (2) 
that  he  is  the  same  as  the  mythological  Babylonian  hero  Gil- 
gamesh  (KAT.^  p.  581). — 11.  And  Egypt  begat].  The  change  of 
form  of  expression  is  due  to  the  use  of  the  document  J  by  the 
compiler  of  Genesis.— L;/(/i;«]  (Gn.  lo'^  Je.  46',  sg.  Ez.  30^).  In 
the  last  two  of  these  passages  this  people  is  mentioned  with  Cush 
and  Put  (see  v.  »).  Otherwise  than  thus  a  people  of  Egyptian  or 
adjoining  territory,  they  are  unknown  and  have  not  been  identified. 
—  Anamim]  (Gn.  lo'^  f)  not  yet  identified. — Lehabim]  (Gn. 
io'3  I)  equivalent  to  Lubim,  the  Libyans  (Na.  3'  2  Ch.  12'  16' 
Dn.  II"  f),  who  dwelt  on  the  western  border  of  Egypt. — Naph- 
tuhim]  (Gn.  10"  f)  not  yet  definitely  explained  or  identified 
(for  conjectures  see  EBi.  II.  col.  1697). — 12.  Pathrnsim]  (Gn. 
io'<  f)  the  people  of  Pathros  (Is.  11"  Je.  44'-  '^  Ez.  29'^  30'^  f), 
upper  Egypt.  The  word  is  an  Egyptian  compound  meaning 
south-land. — Cashlnhim]  unidentified. — The  following  clause, 
from  whence  the  Philistines  went  forth,  is  misplaced.     It  should 


64  I    CHRONICLES 

follow  Caphtorim,  the  people  of  Caphtor,  since  that  country  is  re- 
peatedly mentioned  as  the  ancient  home  of  the  Philistines  (Am. 
9'  Dt.  2"  Je.  47«),  see  further  textual  note.  Caphtor  is  usually 
identified  with  Crete  yet  also  and  perhaps  with  more  probability 
with  the  southern  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  called  by  the  Egyptians 
Kefto  (see  EBi.  III.  col.  3715).  In  either  case  its  people  are 
children  of  Egypt  through  political  relationship  of  the  Philistines 
with  Egypt. — 13.  Sidon  his  first  born\  Sidon  was  later  eclipsed 
by  Tyre,  but  its  original  greater  prominence  is  seen  in  the  fact  that 
when  T}Te  had  gained  a  reputation  the  Phoenicians  were  still 
called  Sidonians  (Dt.  y  Jos.  ly  i  K.  ii^  16"). — Heth'\  (frequent 
in  Gn.)  represents  the  Hittites,  the  Cheta  of  Egyptian  monu- 
ments and  Hatti  of  the  Assyrian,  who  from  1600  to  700  B.C.  were 
an  independent  power  north  and  north-east  of  Palestine  with 
centres  at  Kedesh  on  the  Orontes  and  Carchemish  on  the  Eu- 
phrates. Offshoots  of  this  northern  nation  seem  to  have  settled 
at  Hebron  and  elsewhere  in  Palestine.  Any  ethnic  connection 
of  the  Hittites  with  the  Canaanites  is  uncertain.  Jastrow  {EBi.  II. 
col.  2094)  regards  Heth  in  Gn.  as  a  gloss. — 14.  This  verse  with 
vv. '5  ',  giving  various  Canaanitic  peoples,  is  a  supplementarj' 
addition  to  J  in  Gn.  (SBOT.  Oxf.  Hex.,  Gu.,  Dr.,  et  al.).  For 
similar  enumerations  cf.  Gn.  15""  Ex.  3*  '"  13^  23"  =«  ^^  34" 
Dt.  7'  20"  Jos.  3'°  9'  11^  i2»  24". — The  Jebiisile]  the  tribe 
anciently  inhabiting  Jerusalem  (Jos.  15'  "  2  S.  5'-',  el  ol.,  men- 
tioned frequently). — The  Amorite]  (very  frequent)  with  a  double 
usage:  (i)  the  people  ruled  by  Sihon  east  of  the  Jordan,  Nu.  21", 
et  al. ;  (2)  the  pre-Israelitish  people  west  of  the  Jordan,  a  usage 
especially  in  E  and  D  (Dr.  Dt.  p.  11),  very  frequent  also  in  the 
inscriptions — in  Amama  letters,  northern  Palestine,  in  Assyrian 
inscriptions  the  land  of  the  Hebrew  kingdoms  and  in  general  "the 
West"  {EBi.  I.  col.  641).  (On  an  early  Amoritic  Semitic  in- 
vasion both  of  Babylonia  and  Palestine,  see  Pa.  EHSP.  pp.  25  Jf.) 
The  Amorite  is  a  racial  name  while  Canaanite  is  a  geographical 
name,  and  thus  the  two  become  general  designations  of  the  pre- 
Israelitish  inhabitants  of  Palestine  (Dr.  Gn.  p.  126). — The  Gir- 
gashite]  (Gn.  10"  15''  Dt.  7'  Jos.  3">  24"  Ne.  9*  f).  Their  lo- 
cation is  uncertain. — 15.   The  Hivite]  mentioned  frequently  and 


I.  17-23.1  DESCEJ>JDANTS   OF   SHEM  65 

usually  taken  as  a  petty  people  of  central  Palestine  connected 
with  Gibeon,  Jos.  9'  11",  also  with  Shechem,  Gn.  34^,  with  Her- 
mon,  Jos.  II',  and  Mt.  Lebanon,  Ju.  3'.  Perhaps  in  these  last 
two  passages  Hittites  should  be  read  {EBi.  II.  col.  2101).  The 
following  five  names  do  not  occur  in  other  lists  and  are  geograph- 
ical, representing  the  inhabitants  of  five  cities  of  northern  Palestine. 
— The  Arkite]  of  Arka,  mentioned  frequently  in  Assy.  ins.  and  a 
city  of  importance  in  the  Roman  period,  the  birthplace  of  Alexan- 
der Severus  (a.d.  222-235),  the  mod.  Tell  Arka,  about  twelve  miles 
north  of  Tripolis  (EBi.  I.  col.  310). — The  Sinite]  of  a  place  not 
positively  located  but  appearing  in  the  Assy.  ins.  Siannu  grouped 
with  Arka  {EBi.  IV.  col.  4644). — 16.  The  Arvadite]  of  Arvad 
(Ez.  27 «  "),  mentioned  in  the  Amama  letters  and  frequently  in 
Assy,  ins.,  the  mod.  Ruad,  twenty-five  miles  north  of  Arka  (Baed.< 
p.  354). — The  Zemarites]  (Gn.  lo'^  -j-)  of  a  city  or  fortress  Simirra, 
mentioned  frequently  in  Amama  letters  as  Siiniur  and  Assy,  ins., 
known  to  the  Greeks,  the  mod.  Sumra  (Baed.'  p.  351),  six  miles 
south  of  Arvad. — The  Hamathite]  of  the  well-known  and  fre- 
quently mentioned  Hamath  on  the  Orontes,  fifty  miles  east-north- 
east of  Arvad,  mod.  Hama  (Baed.<  pp.  368/.). 

9.  s.-i^Di]  Gn.  10'  n.-2Di. — N=ni]  Gn.  nr;-ii. — 10.  maj]  <g  -f- 
Kvvqybs  -—  n^x  is  probably  a  gloss  from  Gn.  lo'. — 11-23.  These  vv. 
are  wanting  in  (&^  (v.  s.). — 11.  a^'m"']  Qr.  D>-;iS,  Kt.  d^tiS.  Ki. 
prefers  the  latter  on  the  basis  of  ^^^,  but  Di .  is  transliterated  in  the 
same  manner  elsewhere. — 12.  DTe'Ss  dcd  Wii  n-;'N  Dnnsa  pni].  This 
transposition  seems  required  by  .\m.  9'  Dt.  2-^  Je.  47^  and,  in  spite  of 
all  the  Vrss.  giving  the  present  order,  is  regarded  as  the  original  in 
Gn.  io'«  by  Dill,  and  Ball  (SBOT.),  not,  however,  by  Holz.  Ki. 
assumes  it  to  have  been  the  original  order  in  our  text,  but  it  is  more 
probable  that  the  Chronicler  had  our  present  Gn.  text  before  him. 

17-23. — The  Semites. — These  verses,  wanting  in  (^^  and 
placed  by  Ki.  as  a  subsequent  addition  (but  v.s.),  were  taken  orig- 
inally without  change  from  Gn.  lo""^  vv. "''  '  (Ch.  v.")  P,  v\'. 
'<■"  (Ch.  w.  '*-")  J.  The  Semites  geographically  were,  in  the 
main,  in  a  central  zone  between  the  Japhethites  and  the  Hamites. 
Political  considerations  and  a  knowledge  of  racial  affinities  as  well 
as  the  geographical  situation  may  have  influenced  their  grouping. 


66  I    CHRONICLES 

— 17.  'Elam]  mentioned  frequently  in  Assy.  ins.  Elarna,  Elatnnm, 
Elamlu,  and  in  the  OT.  (Gn.  lo"  14'-  »  Is.  11"  21'  22'  Je.  25" 
4934.39  (seven  times)  Ez.  32"  Dn.  8'),  a  land  and  people  east  of  Baby- 
lonia, lying  directly  at  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the  north 
and  east.  Civilisation  early  flourished  there,  and  about  the 
twenty-third  century  b.  c.  an  Elamitic  suzerainty  was  exercised 
over  Babylonia.  Racially  the  Elamites  were  entirely  distinct  from 
the  Semites.  Their  inclusion  among  the  Semites  was  due  either 
to  their  proximity  to  Assyria  (Dr.  Gn.)  or  because  in  very  early 
times  the  land  was  peopled  in  part  at  least  by  Semites  (Del. 
Par.  p.  321). — Asshur]  the  kingdom  and  people  of  Ass)Tia,  fre- 
quent in  inscriptions  and  OT.,  situated  in  the  upper  portion  of 
the  Mesopotamian  valley  about  the  middle  course  of  the  Tigris. 
The  people  were  closely  akin  to  the  Phoenicians,  Arameans,  and 
Hebrews.  As  conquerors  from  the  fourteenth  to  the  eighth  cen- 
turies B.C.  they  have  well  been  called  the  Romans  of  the  East. — 
ArpacJishad]  (vv.  "•  "  Gn.  lo"-  "  nio-is  -j-)  obscure,  formerly 
identified  with  ' Appaira'^iTt^  (Ptol.  vi.  i.  2),  the  hill  country  of 
the  upper  Zab,  in  Assy.  ins.  Arrapha  (Del.  Par.  pp.  124  /.), 
Arhaha  (Sch.  COT.  I.  p.  97),  but  this  does  not  explain  the  final 

syllable;    hence   a  compound  of  f]"iS=Arabic  RiJ  "boundar}'" 

and  Keshed  =  Chaldeans,  hence  boundary  or  land  of  the  Chalde- 
ans (Sch.  COT.  I.  p.  98);  or  after  the  Assyrian  Arba-kisddi, 
"  land  of  the  four  sides  or  directions  "  (Del.  Par.  p.  256) ;  or  of  four 
banks,  i.e.,  of  Tigris  and  Euphrates  (Jen.  ZA.  xv,  p.  256);  or  a 
contraction  of  Ar  =  Ur,  the  ancient  home  of  Abraham  and  pa 
the  Egyptian  article  and  Keshed,  i.e.,  Arpachshad,  Ur  of  the 
Chaldeans  (Horn.  AHT.  p.  292);  or  a  contraction  through 
copyist's  error  of  "]5"iX  representing  Arrapha,  etc.  (see  above) 
and  Keshed,  the  passage  having  originally  read  Elam  and  Asshur 
and  Arpach  and  Keshed  (Cheyne,  EBi.  I.  col.  318).  This  last 
would  ])e  the  most  plausible  were  it  not  for  the  appearance  of 
Arpachshad  in  Gn.  ii"-". — Liid]  (Gn.  10"  Is.  66"  Ez.  27'°  30'  f) 
naturally  Lydians  of  Asia  Minor,  Assy.  Luddu,  also  obscure  since 
it  is  difficult  to  see  why  in  this  connection  they  should  be  men- 
tioned between  Arpachshad  and  Aram,  and  they  were  not  at  all  a 
Semitic  people.     Jensen   would   identify  them  with   a  land   of 


I.  17-23.]  DESCENDANTS   OF   SHEM  67 

Luddu  mentioned  in  Assy.  ins.  and  apparently  on  the  upper 
Tigris  [Deutsche  Lit.  Ztg.  1899,  No.  24,  v.  Gu.  Gn.). — Aram] 
frequent  in  OT.  and  ins.;  not  a  land,  rather  the  name  of  a 
Semitic  people  dwelling  north-east  of  Palestine  widely  spread. 
Their  inscriptions  of  the  eighth  century  B.C.  have  been  found  at 
Zenjirli  in  the  extreme  north  of  Syria,  and  inscriptions  at  Tema, 
north  of  Medina,  show  them  to  have  been  in  north-western  Arabia 
about  500  B.C.  Other  inscriptions  show  them  to  have  been  on  the 
lower  Tigris  and  Euphrates.  Indeed,  in  Babylonia  and  Assyria  a 
large  portion  of  the  population,  if  not  the  larger,  was  probably 
Aramean  at  a  very  early  date.  But  their  especial  land  was 
Mesopotamia,  yet  while  the  Assy.  ins.  never  place  them  west  of 
the  Euphrates,  that  was  their  home  par  excellence  in  the  OT. 
They  are  distinguished  by  special  names  as  "  Aram  of  the  two 
rivers"  (Gn.  241"  Dt.  235(4)  Ju.  3')  (rivers  uncertain,  naturally 
the  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  but  according  to  some  the  Euphrates 
and  Chabor),  "Aram  of  Damascus"  (2  S.  8='),  "Aram  of  Zobah" 
(2  S.  lo^-  «).  From  their  position  or  other  causes  their  language 
became  widespread,  both  as  a  language  of  commerce  and 
diplomacy  (Is.  36"),  and  after  the  exile  it  supplanted  Hebrew  as 
the  language  of  the  Jews  (Noeldeke,  EBi.  I.  col.  276  ff.). — The 
four  following  peoples  or  districts  are  in  Gn.  the  sons  of  Aram, 
which  statement  was  probably  originally  here  {v.  i.). — 'Uz\ 
(v.  "2  Gn.  222'  ^6-8  Jb.  I'  Je.  252°  La.  4='  f).  The  connection 
here  and  in  Gn.  22=',  where  Uz  is  a  son  of  Nahor,  suggests  a 
people  or  district  to  the  north-east  of  Palestine,  while  its  appearance 
in  the  list  of  the  Horites  (Gn.  36^8)  and  in  connection  with  Edom 
(La.  42')  suggests  a  tribe  or  locality  south-east  of  Palestine.  The 
name  has  not  yet  been  clearly  identified  in  the  Assy.  ins.  (but 
see  Del.  Par.  p.  259). — Hul\  (Gn.  10"  -j-)  unidentified  although 
possibly  to  be  seen  in  HalVa  (Del.  Par.  p.  259),  a  district  near  Mt. 
Masius. — Gether]  (Gn.  10"  -j-)  unidentified. — Meshech]  in  Gn. 
10"  Mash  f,  which  is  without  doubt  the  true  reading,  representing 
the  district  of  Mt.  Masius.  (On  Meshech  see  v.  K) — 18.  Shelah] 
(v.  2<  Gn.  io2<  ii'2  "■  '4-  15 1).  Cf.  V.  \  Since  Shelah  is  the  second 
element  of  Methuselah  (cf.  v.  =),  it  is  probably  the  name  of  a  god. 
{Cf.  Mez,  Gesch.  d.  Stadt  Harran,  p.  23,  v.  Gu.  on  Gn.  11".) — 


68  I    CHRONICLES 

Eber]  an  cpon}-m  simply  derived  from  Hebrews  ("'"2V)  or  from 
the  geographical  term  indicating  the  early  home  of  the  Hebrews 
"beyond  the  river,"  i.e.,  the  Euphrates  (Jos.  24'  ' )  or  Jordan, 
cf.  "beyond  the  Jordan"  (pi'' n  l^y)  Gn.  so"-  "  Jos.  175  Dt. 
I'- «  et  al.  (some  thirty  times),  BDB.— 19.  Peleg]  (v.  "  Gn.  io» 
iii«.  17.  18.  19  -j-)  derivation  and  representation  uncertain.  Sayce 
connects  with  the  Babylonian  palgu,  "a  canal,"  and  makes  llie 
land  Babylonia  divided  by  canals  (Expos.  T.  viii.  p.  258). 
Hommel  compares  the  land  of  el  aflag  in  central  Arabia  (Gu.  Gn.). 
Usually  the  division  of  the  land  is  interpreted  as  referring  to  the 
dispersion  of  population,  Gn.  9"  io«  ii'. — Joktan\  This  ap- 
pears in  the  primitive  tribe  Kahtan  of  Arabian  genealogists,  but 
this  fact  is  usually  assumed  to  be  derived  from  the  OT.  and  thus  of 
no  historical  value.  The  name  then  in  its  Biblical  origin  is  still 
entirely  obscure,  but  the  thirteen  sons,  vv.  '"'-",  are  clearly  Arabian 
tribes  or  localities,  only  a  few  of  whom  can  now  be  definitely 
identified. — 20.  Almodad]  unidentified,  a  compound  possibly  of 
hi<  "God"  and  TTIfi  fr.  TIT  either  active  or  passive  God  loves 
or  is  loved  (BDB.),  or  the  word  means  the  family  Mandad  in  ins., 
especially  the  Gebanites  in  their  relation  to  the  kings  of  Ma'in 
(Gl.  Skiz.  ii.  p.  425).  It  is  possibly  to  be  connected  with  places  in 
Hadramaut  (see  Holz.  Gn.). — Sheleph]  appears  in  tribal  and 
local  names  Sale/,  Salf,  near  Yemen  (Gl.  ib.). — Hazarmaveth] 
mentioned  in  Sab.  ins.  and  preserved  in  the  mod.  Hadramaut, 
the  name  of  a  district  in  southern  Arabia  a  little  east  of  Aden. — 
Jerah]  (Gn.  10"  f)  not  clearly  identified  (but  see  Gl.  ib.). — 21. 
Hadoram]  (Gn.  10",  in  i  Ch.  i8"'2Ch.  io'«  names  of  persons). 
Possibly  Dauram  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Sand. — Uzal]  (Gn.  10" 
Ez.  27"  f)  generally  identified  with  Sand,  capital  of  Yemen. 
Glaser  disputes  this  and  seeks  it  near  Medina  (EBi.  IV.  col. 
5239,  Gl.  Skiz.  ii.  pp.  427  ff.). — Diklah]  (Gn.  lo-'  f)  uniden- 
tified.— 22.  'Ebal]  ('Obal  Gn.  10")  usually  connected  with  the 
local  name  Abil  in  Yemen. — AMma^el]  (Gn.  io««  f)  unidentified. 
— Sheba].  See  v.  ».  Perhaps  here  a  colony  of  the  main  people 
is  meant. — 23.  Ophir]  (Gn.  10").  Whether  this  Ophir  is  the 
same  as  the  land  of  gold  and  the  terminus  of  the  voyages  of 
Solomon's  fleet  is  uncertain.     BDB.  regards  it  as  an   entirely 


I.  17-23.]  DESCENDANTS   OF   SHEM  69 

distinct  place.  Others  identify  the  two  and  place  Ophir  on  the 
eastern  coast  of  Arabia  stretching  up  the  Persian  Gulf  {EBi.  III. 
col.  3513  ff.). — Havilah].  See  v.  ^  This  must  be  a  Havilah  con- 
nected with  the  district  in  Arabia. — Jobab]  (Gn.  10='',  elsewhere 
name  of  a  person,  cf.  i<<)  generally  regarded  as  unidentified. 
Glaser  discusses  the  sons  of  Joktan  with  the  following  conclusion: 
"Almodad,  Shalaf,  Hadramaut,  and  Jarah  represent  the  entire 
southern  coast  of  Arabia  from  Bab-el-Mandeb  to  beyond  Mahra; 
Hadoram,  Uzal,  and  Diklah  the  Serat  range  from  San'a  to  Medina; 
Obal,  Abimael,  and  Sheba  the  Tihama  from  'Asir  and  from 
Hidjaz  (eventually  from  Yemen)  and  the  Sabderland ;  Ophir, 
Hawilah,  and  Jobab,  eastern  and  central  Arabia  unto  'Asir- 
Hidjaz"  (Skiz.  ii.  pp.  435/.). 

17.  D1N1]  ®*  (=  (6)  and  Gn.  io=3  +  oix  ij3i,  which  should  be  sup- 
plied (and  the  following  i  dropped),  since  these  words  have  probably 
fallen  from  the  text  by  a  copyist's  error  (Ki.,  Bn.),  although  it  is  pos- 
sible that  the  Chronicler  assumed  that  the  relation  of  Uz,  etc.,  to  Aram 
would  be  understood,  and  hence  the  omission,  cf.  v.  *  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe., 
Oe.).  01  iKiixm.si  for  yiyi  is  doubtless  a  corruption  of  ^nsi;?  d-\ni  before 
which  ^J3  must  have  fallen  out. — '\t^)]  six  MSS.,  §,  and  Gn.  rev  A 
district  Mash  appears  well  attested  by  the  cuneiform  inscriptions. 
^8'D  appears  in  v.  ^  Gn.  lo^  Ps.  1205,  and  from  greater  familiarity 
was  probably  inadvertently  substituted  by  a  copyist  (Bn.),  yet 
perhaps  already  in  the  Chronicler's  text  of  Gn.,  since  ®  there 
has  MofTox- — 18.  nS^']  (B^^  +  tov  Kaivai'  /cat  Kaivav  eyevvriffev  as 
(&  of  Gn.  lo-^.  This  plus  is  certainly  not  original  here.  Note  the 
addition  of  Kaivav  in  <B^  of  v.  ^K — 20.  nicnxn]  (6*  Apa/xwd,  ^ 
AffepfjiuO,  H  Asarmoth.  Ptolemy  (vi.  7.  25)  and  Strabo  (xvi.  4.  2) 
speak  of  Xarpa/JLoiTiTai  and  Xarpafidrai,  and  Sabean  inscriptions  write 
nmsn  alongside  of  niDixn  (ZDMG.  xix.  pp.  239^.,  xxxi.  74  ff.),  hence  Ki. 
(SBOT.)  points  nin —  or  pic —  cf.  rij:^s  and  ninSs.  Since  niDixn  is  a 
foreign  word  and  as  such  might  have  been  changed  by  the  Hebrews  in 
order  to  provide  it  with  a  meaning,  and  since  nin  might  well  have 
been  transliterated  /xwd  by  Greeks,  Ki.  now  {Kom.)  retains  pointing 
of  il.— 22.  ?3'3;.]  Gn.  lo^s  Sa^y. 

The  descendants  of  Japheth  are  fourteen,  of  Ham  (omitting 
Nimrod),  thirty,  and  of  Shem,  twenty-six,  making  seventy  in  all, 
representing  the  seventy  nations  of  the  globe  which  played  an 


yo  I    CHRONICLES 

important  part  in  Jewish  thouglit.     CJ.  also  the  occurrence  of 
seventy  in  Nu.  ii"  Lk.  lo'  '  . 

24-27.  The  descent  of  Abram  from  Shem. — Aljridged  from 
Gn.  1 1  If"  (P)  by  retention  of  the  names  of  the  patriarchs  only,  cJ. 
vv.  '-^  This  list  in  the  priestly  document  was  clearly  designed  to 
bridge  over  a  period  of  considerable  length  of  which  there  was 
nothing  to  record.  The  names  appear  to  be  derived  from  tribes 
or  places,  or  possibly  in  some  instances  from  deities  (see  Slielah, 
Re  u,  and  Terah),  and  also  some  are  found  in  the  older  list  of  J 
(Gn.  lo^^  "  and  see  above,  vv. '^  ' ). — Shem,  Arpachshad,  Shelah, 
'Eber,  Peleg]  (see  vv.  ■>•  »'  's-  "). — Reii]  (Gn.  ii'^.  n.  so.  u  -j-) 
probably  the  name  of  a  god  {EBi.  IV.  col.  4087,  cf.  Mez  above, 
v.  '»). — Serug]  (Gn.  ii^"  s'-  «  »  f)  a  district  and  city,  Sarugi  in 
Assy,  ins.,  near  Haran,  well  known  to  Arabic  and  Syriac  writers  of 
the  Middle  Ages. — N'ahor]  (Gn.  11",  etc.,  fifteen  times,  Jos.  24'). 
The  name  of  a  deity  (Jen.  ZA.  xi.  p.  300,  Skipwith,  JQR.  xi.p.  254) 
and  also  without  doubt  a  tribe  whose  city  was  Haran. — Terah] 
(Gn.  II"  25.  2G.  27.  28.  31.  32  Jqs.  24=  f)  idcntificd  with  an  ancient 
deity  {Tarhu,  Turgii)  whose  worship  was  widespread  in  north- 
em  Mesopotamia  and  adjoining  districts  and  whose  name  has 
been  preserved  apparently  in  the  element  TapK  of  many  Cilician 
Greek  names  (Jen.  ZA.  vi.  p.  70,  Hitliler,  p.  153). — 27.  Abram 
that  is  Abraham].  In  the  narratives  of  Gn.  the  progenitor  of 
Israel  is  first  known  as  Abram  (ii"-i7')  until  (17=')  his  name 
is  changed  to  Abraham,  and  henceforward  he  is  known  by  the 
latter  name.  The  name  Abram  is  equivalent  to  Abiram,  "the 
(divine)  father  is  lofty,"  and  Abraham  is  only  another  way  of 
spelling  the  name,  although  it  is  possible  that  two  persons,  of  the 
two  different  names,  may  have  been  fused  into  one,  "Abram  a 
local  hero  of  the  region  of  Hebron"  and  "Abraham  the  collective 
name  of  a  group  of  Aramean  people,  including  not  only  the  He- 
braic clans  but  also  the  Ishmaelites  and  a  number  of  other  desert 
tribes"  (Pa.  EHSP.  p.  41).  The  historical  character  of  Abraham 
is  maintained  by  Ewald  {Hist.  i.  pp.  300  ff.),  Kittel  (Gesch. 
i.  §  16),  Cornill  (Hist.  People  0/  Is.  p.  34),  Hommel  (AHT. 
pp.  146/.),  McCurdy  (HP.\f.  §§  444-448),  Ryle  (in  DB.),  and 
others,  l)ut  the  basis  for  this  Ix'lief  seems  somewhat  sentimental. 


I.  24-33.]         ABRAHAM,   ISHMAEL,   AND   KETURAH  7 1 

Abraham's  character  is  a  creation  of  the  prophetic  period  and  he 
seems  to  have  been  created  to  connect  together  the  peoples  kindred 
to  Israel  in  a  genealogical  system  of  relationship.  It  is  possible 
that  he  came  from  an  ancient  deity  worshipped  in  southern  Judah, 
especially  at  Hebron.  A  suggestive  name  for  this  deity  is  seen  in 
Ram  (D-l)  lofty  {cf.  "Elyon"  most  high,  Gn.  14").  A  southern 
Judean  clan  bore  the  name  of  Ram  (2").  Sarah  (princess),  the 
wife  of  Abraham,  has  been  clearly  identified  as  a  goddess  (Jen. 
ZA.  xi.  p.  299). 

24.  Ki.  after  his  view  of  <^^  inserts  ^J3  before  DU'  {v.  s.).—27. 
Kin  a-i3N]  wanting  in  <$^  and  so  omitted  by  Bn.,  but  original  (& 
probably  supported  1^  (cf.  ®aln). 

28-33.  Sons  of  Abraham,  Ishmael,  and  Keturah.— 28.   The 

sons  of  Abraham,  Isaac  and  Ishmael].  This  statement  has  no 
exact  parallel  in  form  in  Genesis.  Isaac,  although  the  younger, 
is  mentioned  first,  since  Israel  came  from  him.  Vv.  "-31  are  con- 
densed from  Gn.  25'='^-  (P)  and  vv.  ^'^-^^  from  Gn.  25'-^  (J).  The 
change  of  order  from  that  of  Genesis  introducing  the  sons  of 
Ishmael  before  those  of  Keturah  is  noticeable.— /^aac]  probably 
represents  a  tribe  whose  original  name  may  have  been  Isaac-el 
(^Spn^*^)  corresponding  to  Ishmael,  Israel,  etc.  This  tribe 
seems  to  have  dwelt  in  southern  Judah,  since  the  home  of  the 
patriarch  is  placed  there.  Why  the  tribe  should  form  a  link  in  the 
genealogy  and  become  prominent  in  the  story  is  not  clearly  kno\vn. 
The  relationship  between  Israel  and  Edom  clearly  demanded  for 
both  a  common  father,  and  he  might  well  be  seen  in  an  ancient 
tribe  which  had  been  absorbed  into  both.  A  deity  has  been  found 
also  in  Isaac  through  the  expression  "Fear  [of]  Isaac"  (Gn. 
3i«  ")  (Luther,  ZAW.  xxi.  p.  -jt,).— Ishmael]  (Gn.  i6"-  ''■  '« et  al.) 
the  personification  and  without  doubt  the  ancient  historical  name 
of  a  group  of  tribes  regarded  as  near  kinsmen  of  Israel  dwelling  in 
the  northern  part  of  the  Sinaitic  Peninsula  and,  according  to  the 
sons  mentioned  below,  extending  further  into  Arabia. — Nebaioth] 
(Gn.  2513  28'  36'  Is.  60'  t)»  and  Kedar]  (Gn.  25'^  Is.  2ii«  42"  60^ 
Je.  21°  49"  Ez.  272'  t).     Both  of  these  tribes  are  mentioned  in 


72  I    CHRONICLES 

Assy.  ins.  among  the  conquests  of  Ashurbanipal  (Del.  Par.  pp. 
296  /.,  299).  The  latter  appears  the  more  widely  spread  and 
prominent;  both  dwelt  at  some  distance  east  of  Edom  and 
Moab  and  the  latter  at  the  time  of  Ashurbanipal  e.xtended  up  to 
the  Hauran.  Whether  the  Nebaioth  were  the  later  Nabateans  is 
uncertain.  (See  EBi.  III.  col.  3254.). — Adhbe'el]  (Gn.  25"  f )  also 
in  Assy.  ins.  with  home  south-west  of  the  Dead  Sea  toward  the 
Egyptian  frontier  (Del.  Par.  p.  301). — Mibsam]  (Gn.  25'',  also  in 
the  genealogy  of  Simeon  i  Ch.  4"  f)  not  mentioned  elsewhere. — 
30.  Mishma']  (Gn.  25'^,  likewise  in  the  genealogy  of  Simeon 
I  Ch.  4«-  "  ■\)  possibly  the  name  is  preserved  in  Jebel  Misma  ,  one 
hundred  and  sixty  miles  east  of  Teima,  or  in  another  Jebel 
Misma  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  north-west  of  it  (Dill., 
see  Dr.  Gn.  p.  242). — Dumah]  (Gn.  25'^  Is.  21",  perhaps  there 
Edom,  Jos.  15"  in  Judah,  where  we  should  probably  read  Rumah 
■\)  the  oasis  Duma  now  usually  called  dl-Jbf,  on  the  southern 
border  of  the  Syrian  desert,  mentioned  by  Ptolemy  and  Arabic 
geographers  (Dr.  ib.). — Massa'\  (Gn.  25'^  |)  in  Assy.  ins.  and 
located  near  the  Nebaioth  (Del.  Par.  pp.  302  /.). — Hadad]  (Gn. 
25'*)  not  identified. — Temal  (Gn.  25'*  Jb.  6''  Is.  2i'<  Je.  25"f) 
mod.  Teima,  south-east  from  the  northern  end  of  the  Elamitic 
Gulf.— 31.  Jetur  and  Naphish]  (Gn.  25'^  i  Ch.  5"  q.  v.  f).— 
Kedniah]  (Gn.  25 '^  ■}•)  not  identified. — 32.  Keiiirah]  (Gn.  25'  < 
f).  The  name  means  "frankincense"  and  might  appropriately 
be  chosen  as  the  name  of  the  mother  of  tribes  trading  in  or 
producing  that  commodity.  The  sons  of  Keturah  were  tribes 
dwelling  east  and  south-east  of  Israel  which  the  Hebrew  historian 
recognised  as  kin  to  Israel  but  held  them  less  closely  related  than 
those  called  Ishmaelites  (v.  s.),  and  hence  the  Chronicler  called 
their  mother  a  concubine,  a  term  not  used  of  her  in  Gn.,  or  else 
from  the  feeling  that  Sarah  properly  was  Abraham's  only  wife.— 
Zimran]  (Gn.  25^  -j-)  usually  connected  with  the  city  Zabram 
(Ptol.  vi.  7.  5)  west  of  Mecca  on  the  Red  Sea.  As  a  tribal 
name  it  may  have  been  derived  from  Zemer  ("IDT),  mountain  goat. 
Very  likely  the  same  people  appear  in  the  "Zimri"  (Je. 
25"). — Jokshan]  (Gn.  25^  ^  -j-)  unknown. — Medan]  (Gn.  25'  f). 
Comparisons  of  doubtful  worth  have  been  made  with  a  Wady 


I.  24-33.]         ABRAHAM,    ISHMAEL,   AND    KETURAH  73 

Medan  near  Dedan  and  with  a  Yemenite  god  Madan  (EBi.  III.  col. 
3002).  This  probably  is  not  a  real  name  but  has  arisen  by  a 
copyist's  error  from  the  k)llmving  word. — Midian]  (Gn.  25=  and 
frequently)  a  well-known  people  early  disappearing  from  history, 
dwelling  east  of  the  Gulf  of  Akaba,  whose  nomad  branches 
made  forays  into  Edom  (Gn.  36"  Nu.  22^-  '')  and  across  Gilead 
into  Palestine  (Ju.  6-8).  The  name  Midian  appears  in  M.o8iava 
on  or  near  the  Gulf  of  'Akaba  (Ptol.  vi.  7.  2),  mod.  Madyan 
{EBi.  III.  col.  3081). — Jishak'\  (Gn.  25^  f)  unidentified  unless 
with  Yasbak,  a  district  in  northern  Syria  mentioned  in  Assy.  ins. 
{KB.  I.  p.  159). — Shimh]  (Gn.  25^  f)  the  tribe  of  Job's  friend 
Bildad  (Jb.  2").  This  has  been  identified  with  Suhii  of  the 
Assy,  ins.,  a  district  on  the  Euphrates  near  Haran,  but  this  is 
doubtful. — Sheba  and  Dedan].  Cf.  v.  \  Different  sources  give 
different  genealogical  relationships.  The  Chronicler  has  here 
omitted  from  his  source  the  sons  of  Dedan,  given  in  Gn.  253^. — 
33.  'Ephah]  (Gn.  25^  Is.  6o«,  cf.  in  Judah  and  Caleb  i  Ch.  2'^  '■) 
probably  the  Hayapa,  a  north  Arabian  tribe  mentioned  in  Assy. 
ins.  (Del.  Par.  p.  304).  It  dwelt  in  the  district  of  Midian 
(Noeldeke,  EBi.  III.  col.  3081).— '£/'/?er]  (Gn.  25s  name 
in  genealogy  of  Judah  i  Ch.  4",  Manasseh  5^^  -f)  possibly  a  dit- 
tography  of  the  previous  'EpJiaJi.  This  tribe  and  the  three  fol- 
lowing, Hanoch,  Abida' ,  and  Eldaah  (Gn.  25^  f  except  Hanoch 
cf.  V.  ',  a  Reubenite  5'),  have  not  yet  been  clearly  identified. 
{Cf.  Gl.  Skiz.  p.  449.) 

28-31.  This  condensation  has  retained  of  Gn.  2512-  i^^  only  the  first 
two  words  nnSin  n'^vs,  the  suffix  d-;-  also  being  added,  D.'^n'^in.  Vv. 
29b-3i  follow  the  text  of  Gn.  25"b-i6a  to  nSxi  almost  exactly. — 29.  Sn^tni] 
so  too  Gn.  2513,  but  (S>  l^a^e{ai)r]\  in  both  places.— 30.  yvi'r:]  Gn.  25'^  'Ci. 
— n'J'd]  Gn.  'D-1. — Tin]  some  mss.  -\-<n.  Gn.  2515  the  same  as  Ch.,  but 
there  many  mss.  t^h. — n'S^^I]  (g  OaL/xav. — 31.  ^i^^p]  51'  aiu. — 32-33. 
mS>  annas  U'j'^id]  have  no  direct  verbal  parallel  in  Gn.  The  remainder 
of  w.  52-"  follow  the  text  of  Gn.  252-',  beginning  with  per  pn,  except  that 
Itfp'  <J31  is  substituted  for  nS'  jtt'pii  and  after  j-ni  are  omitted  rn  p-i  -ijai 
D'Cn'^1  ctrvii':'!  Dii-'X.  TJ  adds  these  words,  so  also  (B^  plus  Fayov7)\ 
Kat  Naj35ai7?\  after  Kai  vioi  Aai8a.v,  following  (§  of  Gn.  25^.  The 
Chronicler  probably  omitted  the  clause  since  -\^z•n  is  a  son  of  osr 
according  to  v.  "- 


74  I    CHRONICLES 

34-42.  The  sons  of  Isaac  and  Esau,  including  the  sons  of 
Seir. — V. '*  has  no  exact  verbal  parallel  in  Genesis;  v."  is  con- 
densed from  Gn.  t,6*  '";  v.  "  from  Gn.  36"-  ''»,  where  Timna'  is 
described  as  the  concubine  of  Eliphaz  and  mother  of  Amalek;  v.  " 
is  taken  verbatim  from  Gn.  36'";  w.  "■•"  are  taken  verbatim, 
with  slight  omissions,  from  Gn.  362»-28  (P). — 34.  Esati]  (Gn. 
2^25  f.  It  ai.^  frequent  in  Gn.)  identified  with  Edom  (Gn.  36'  «  "); 
ancestor  of  the  Edomites,  Gn.  36'^'  (r/.  v.");  "probably  orig- 
inally a  god  whom  the  Edomites  regarded  as  their  ancestor" 
(Noeldeke,  EBi.  II.  col.  1182). — lsrael\  In  Gn.  the  second  son 
of  Isaac  was  primarily  called  Jacob  (Gn.  25='^).  Israel  is  the 
name  given  later  in  connection  with  a  special  revelation  (Gn. 
32"  35'°)-  The  Chronicler  prefers  Israel  to  Jacob  in  speaking 
of  the  people  (9')  and  so  the  OT.  writers  generally.  Jacob  is  more 
poetic.  The  truth  lying  back  of  the  two  names  is  probably  that 
an  older  tribe,  Jacob  or  Jacob-el,  was  fused  into  Israel. — 36. 
Cj.  Gn.  36*  '»,  where  the  mothers  of  the  sons  are  given:  Adah 
of  Eliphaz  and  Basemath  of  Re'ii'el  and  Oholibamah  of  Jeush, 
Jalam,  and  Korah. — Eliphaz']  (Gn.  36*  ^^  one  of  Job's  friends 
Jb.  2"  et  at.)  from  Teman  v.  '^ — Re'u'el]  (Gn.  36'  « ,  Moses' 
father-in-law  Ex.  2'«  Nu.  10=',  a  Gadite  Nu.  2'%  a  Benjaminite 
I  Ch.  9«).  For  the  first  half  of  the  name  cf.  v.". — Jeush]  (Gn. 
36'*-,  a  personal  name  i  Ch.  7'"  8"  23"'  "  2  Ch.  ii"). — Ja'lam] 
(Gn.  36'  "  "  f). — Korah]  both  personal  and  clan  or  guild 
name  in  Israel  doubtless  historically  showing  a  connection  with 
Edom  {cf.  2'=  9"). — 36.  {Cf.  Gn.  36".) — Tcman]  is  elsewhere 
in  OT.  the  name  of  a  district  in  northern  Edom  (Am.  i'-  Je.  49'  -" 
Ez.  25"  Hb.  3',  the  home  of  Job's  friend  Jb.  2"  cf.  1  Ch.  i"). — 
Omar]  (Gn.  36"  •*  ■\).—Zeph}]  (Zapho  Gn.  36"-  "  f)- — Ga'lavi] 
(Gn.  36"  '8  f ). — Kenaz].  Cf.  v. ",  elsewhere  connected  with  Caleb 
(Jos.  15"  Ju.  I"  3'  ")  showing  that  the  Calebites  were  closely 
allied  with  the  Edomites. — Timna  ]  in  Gn.  36'=  the  concubine  of 
Eliphaz  and  the  mother  of  Amalek.  In  Gn.  36"  i  Ch.  i"  Timna 
is  the  sister  of  Lotan,  and  in  Gn.  36*°  i  Ch.  i"  chief  or  clan  of 
Edom.  These  variations  are  not  surprising  considering  the  origin 
of  genealogies.  Gunkel  regards  Gn.  36"*  as  an  insertion  in  P. — 
'Amelek]  an   ancient   people  south   of  Canaan,  and  marauders 


I.  34-42.]  DESCENDANTS   OF   ESAU  75 

(Nu.  24'''  Ju.  3"  et  al.).  Their  place  in  Gn.  36"  as  a  subordinate 
dan  of  Esau  points  to  their  later  position  of  inferiority  or  extinc- 
tion (r/.  I  Ch.  4^3). — 37.  These  clans  from  Gn.  36'^  are  otherwise 
unknown.  But  as  the  names  of  other  clans  or  individuals  cf. 
Nahath  6"<">  2  Ch.  31",  Zerah  2'  4"  6«  9"  2  Ch.  i4«  '•^\  Shammah 
I  S.  16'  2  S.  23"-  »,  probably  i  Ch.  27^  (BDB.).  All  of  these 
sons  of  Eliphaz  and  Reu'el  are  given  in  Gn.  36''  <^-  as  chiefs 
of  Edom;  and  also  in  Gn.  36'8  Jeush,  Jalam,  and  Korah. — 
38.  Seir'\  in  Gn.  362°  called  the  Horite,  showing  that  the  writer 
there  had  in  mind  the  earlier  inhabitants  of  the  land  of  Edom. 
Hence  they  properly  are  sons  of  the  country  Seir  rather  than  of 
the  race  Edom.  Seir,  the  territorial  name  meaning  "hairy,"  is 
probably  equivalent  to  "wooded,"  "covered  with  brushwood." 
The  name  appears  in  the  Sdaira  of  the  Egyptian  inscriptions 
{EBi.  II.  coll.  1182/.).— Lotow]  (Gn.  362»-  "  f)  possibly  to  be  con- 
nected with  Lot  (Gn.  II"  12*  et  al.),  derived  from  the  ancient 
name  of  the  country  east  of  the  Jordan;  in  Egyjitian  inscriptions 
Riilen,  Luten  (Pa.  EHSP.  pp.  38,  59,  127,).— Shobal]  (v.  '"  Gn. 
36=°-  "  ",  in  Caleb  25°",  in  Judah  4'-  ^  |).  On  meaning  of  name 
as  young  lion  cf.  Gray,  HPN.  p.  109. — Ziheon^^  (v.  ■">  Gn.  36'- 
H.  20.  24.  29  -j-)_  The  name  means  hyena  (Gray,  HPN.  p.  95). — 
'Anah]  (v.  •">  Gn.  36^  '^-  i^.  20.  21.  25.  29  -|-)_  xhe  present  text  of  Gn. 
gives  Anah  (36^)  a  daughter  of  Zibeon  and  (36^0  ^  son  of 
Zibeon. — DisJion]  (Gn.  36=',  son  of  Anah  36"-  "  i  Ch.  i*'-  «, 
chief  Gn.  36"  f).  The  name  means  pygarg,  a  kind  of  antelope 
or  gazelle  {cf  Dt.  i4').—Ezer]  (v.  ^^  Gn.  3,6^'-  "•  30  f).— r)w/iaw] 
(v.*--  Gn.  362'-  ".  30  -j-)  clearly  a  mere  variant  of  Dishon. — 39. 
Lotan].  Cf.  v.  ". — Hori]  (Gn.  36",  a  Simeonite  Nu.  13*  |).  As 
a  clan  name  this  is  striking.  Perhaps  originally  in  Gn.  it  was 
the  Gentilic  adjective.  (On  meaning  cf.  Dr.  Dt.  2'\). — Homam] 
(Hemam  Gn.  36"  f).  This  name  possibly  has  connection  with 
Heman  2«  since  Zerah  was  Edomitic  as  well  as  Judaic,  cf  v.  ". 
—Timna'].  Cf.  v.  =«.— 40.  Shobal].  Cf.  \.'\—Aljan]  ('Alwan 
Gn.  36"  t)  possibly  to  be  compared  with  'Eljoii,  the  Most 
High,  the  name  of  a  deity. — Manahath]  (Gn.  36"  f).  Cf.  1  Ch. 
2"  8«  but  probably  with  no  connection  with  the  foregoing. —  Ebal] 
(Gn.    36"  t).    Cf.   with   possible   identification   in  name  (not 


76  I    CHRONICLES 

locality)  with  'Ebal  of  i-^ — Shephi]  (Shepho  Gn.  36"  f)-  Cf- 
for  meaning  ''Eti'  bareness,  bare  height. — Onam]  (Gn.  36",  a 
chief  of  Judah  i  Ch.  2"  ^'f).  Probably  the  name  is  identical 
with  Onan,  Gn.  38*  i  Ch.  2^. — Zibe'on].  Cf.  v.  '8. — Aijah]  (Gn. 
^6'*,  father  of  Rizpah  2  S.  3'  2i''-  '»  "  f)  meaning  hawk,  cf.  Lv. 
ii'«  Dt.  14".— '.4«aA].  Cf.y.'K  Gn.  36^'  adds:  "This  is  Anah 
who  found  the  hot  springs  ( ?)  in  the  wilderness,  as  he  fed  the 
asses  of  Zibeon  his  father." — 41.  'Atiah].  Cf.  v.  ". — 
Dishon].  Cf.  v.  ". — Hamran]  (Hemdan  Gn.  362«  f).  The  form 
in  Chronicles  suggestive  of  "lian  he-ass,  Hamor  the  father  of 
Shechem,  considering  the  other  animal  names  in  this  section,  is  not 
improbably  the  true  one. — Eshban]  (Gn.  36'^  f). — Jilhran]  (Gn. 
36",  also  man  or  clan  of  Asher  i  Ch.  7"  f ).  Cf.  Jether,  a  common 
n3.me.— Cher  an]  (Gn.  362' f). — 42.  Ezer].  Cf.  v. '«. — Bilhan] 
(Gn.  36",  a  Zebulunite  i  Ch.  7"'t).  Some  connect  with  Bilhah 
the  concubine  of  Jacob  (Stade,  Gesch.  i.  p.  146,  A.  i). — Zawan] 
(Gn.  36"  I). — Jaakan]  (Akan  Gn.  36"  f)  perhaps  arisen  from 
and  Akan  (jpyi)  or  possibly  to  be  connected  with  "the  sons  of 
Jaakan"  Nu.  t^t,^'^-  Dt.  10'.— Dishan].  Cf.  v.  ^".—'Uz].  Cf. 
V.  '\—Aran]  (Gn.  362'  f). 

34.  Sntj'M  vz-;]  (^^  'la/cw^  k.  'Hcrov,  *  /cat  Uffav  k.  Ia(cw/3.  The  intro- 
ductory Kai  of  the  latter  points  to  ^  as  original  (8.  This  is  adopted  by  Ki. 
and  Bn.  since  the  son  of  the  promise,  though  the  younger,  precedes  in 
V.  ". — 36.  •>flS]  about  thirty  mss.  and  Gn.  36"  ^cs.  <S  here  and  in  Gn. 
"Zuxftap  =  ifis.  This  may  represent  an  ancient  scribal  error  ("<  for  ^), 
wherefore  the  reading  of  Gn.  is  probably  original. — rjp]  (S,  &,  S,  Gn. 
36"  'pv — p'^rjJi  pjcm]  Gn.  36'2  ta-'^nS  iSni  yz'y  p  ic^'^nS  B'j'^'d  n.-ivi  j,'j::ri 
pScy  PN.  <S"  /cai  T^j  0a/avoi  ^AfioK-^K  and  *  Ga^va  5e  77  TraXXax?; 
EXi0af-  ere/cev  auTTj  (other  MSS.  ayrcp)  toi'  A/uoXtj/c  are  doubtless 
harmonising  glosses,  probably  originating  in  <§.  The  te.xt  of  Ch.  is  not 
likely  a  persistent  variant  as  Bn.  maintains.  The  Chronicler  may  have 
misread  Gn.,  taking  yj::ni  with  the  preceding  as  a  masc.  name  (cf.  v.  » 
=  Gn.  36*")  and  reading  the  following,  there  was  a  concnhtne  to 
Eliphaz  tite  son  of  Esau,  and  she  bare  to  Eliphaz  Amalek. — 37.  nn;] 
Gn.  36>»  'tv— 38.  ]V>^](&  and  Gn.  3621  n  instead  of  n,  so  Ki.  SBOT., 
Ball,  SBOT.,  on  Gn.  36='.  Ki.  Kom.  retains  '>■«.— 39.  acini]  Gn. 
36=2  Kt.  onini,  Qr.  D3''n\  (g  in  both  places  Ai/iA",  hence  Bn.,  Ki.  BH. 
DC^'^1. — 40.  j;S']  many  MSS.,  (8^  and  Gn.  36"  p^'^j?,  adopted  by  Ki.  and 
Bn. — or]  Gn.  icr.     (S*  'Zu<pap,   of  which  "  Sci>/3  is  probably  a  mu- 


I.  43-54.]  RULERS   OF   EDOM  77 

tilation,  =  -\DV  =  ids',  v.  s.  v.  'b. — 41.  jv^m-,!]  (JJal  _i_  ^^i  EXt^afia 
OvyaTTjp  Ava,  r/.  Gn.  362'. — }->cn]  (6''  'E/iepihv,  *(!-)  A;aa5a(/i).  Many 
MSS.  and  Gn.  36^^  H^D,  favoured  by  Ki.  holding  the  root  icn  better 
suited  for  a  proper  name. — 42.  Jpy]  twenty-two  MSS.  and  Gn.  36''  ]py^ 
but  read  with  Os"'-)^  IJ^  ^^  jpy,,^  c/.  Nu.  333"-  Dt.  io«. 

A  correspondence  between  the  three  lines  of  descent  from  Noah 
through  Shem,  Ham,  and  Japheth,  and  the  three  lines  from 
Abraham  through  Isaac,  Ishmael,  and  the  sons  of  Keturah,  has 
been  found.  As  the  descendants  of  Noah  appear  in  seventy 
peoples,  so  likewise  the  descendants  of  Abraham  may  be  reckoned 
as  seventy  tribes,  Ishmael  furnishing  twelve;  Keturah,  thirteen; 
Isaac,  two;  Esau,  sixteen  (five  sons  and  eleven  grandsons);  Seir, 
twenty-seven  (including  Timna  v.")  (Be.).  Another  reckoning 
omits  Timna  (v.  ")  but  includes  Ishmael  (Oe.).  Others  reject  the 
idea  of  seventy  tribes  having  been  designed  by  the  Chronicler 
(Ke.,  Zoe.).     This  latter  appears  quite  probable. 

43-51a.  The  kings  of  Edom. — Taken  from  Gn.  36"-"  (J 
generally  but  Dr.  P).  Since  no  king  is  the  son  of  his  predecessor 
and  their  residences  change,  it  is  probable  that  these  kings  were 
rulers  and  comparable  to  the  judges  in  Israel  or  represented  dif- 
ferent dynasties  frequently  changed  as  in  northern  Israel.  The 
phrase  before  there  reigned  a  king  of  the  children  of  Israel  (v.  ") 
may  either  mean  before  a  king  reigned  in  Israel,  i.e.,  before  Saul, 
or  before  a  king  of  Israel  reigned  over  Edom,  i.e.,  before  the  con- 
quest of  Edom  by  David  (2  S.  8>').  This  latter  interpretation  is 
to  be  preferred  (Buhl,  Edomiter,  p.  47,  Dill.,  Holz.,  Gu.). — 43. 
Bela  the  son  of  Be  or].  The  name  is  so  similar  to  "  Balaam  the 
son  of  Beor"  (Nu.  22-24)  that  some  have  regarded  the  two  per- 
sons as  identical  {EBi.  I.  col.  524,  Gray,  N'u.  p.  324).  Bela  also 
son  of  Benjamin,  8',  Reubenite  5'. — Dinhabah]  (Gn.  36"  f) 
location  unknown. — 44.  Jobab]  (Gn.  36",  cf.  v.  ")  otherwise 
unknown. — Zerah]  Cf.  v.  ". — Bozrah]  (Gn.  36"  Is.  34'  63'  Je. 
49"-  "  Am.  1 12  f)  mod.  Busaireh,  twenty  miles  south-east  of 
the  Dead  Sea  and  thirty-five  miles  north  of  Petra  (Dr.  Gn.). — 
45.  Husham]  (Gn.  36^^  '•  f  cf.  Hashum  Ezr.  2"  Ne.  7"). — 
Teman].  Cf.  \.^\ — 46.  Hadad]  (Gn.  36"  ',  cf.  also  vv. "  ', 
an  Edomite  who  troubled   Solomon    i  K.    ii'<   «•  f)  the  name 


78  I    CHRONICLES 

of  an  Aramean  deity  found  in  the  names  Ben-hadad,  Hadad- 
ezer. — Bedad]  (Gn.  36"  f)  possibly  to  be  connected  with  a 
range  of  hills  called  el-Ghoweithe,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
upper  Amon  (Dr.  Gn.,  Gu.  Gn.). — 47.  Samlah]  (Gn.  36"  '■  f). 
— Masrekah]  (Gn.  36"  f ).  The  name  may  mean  "  place  of  choice 
vines,"  cf.  Nahal  Sorek  "wady  of  choice  vines"  (Ju.  16'). — 48. 
Sha'ul]  (Gn.  36"  ' )  the  same  name  as  that  of  Saul,  King  of  Israel, 
and  also  of  clans  of  Simeon  (4")  and  of  Levi  (6»  (">). — Rehoboth] 
(Gn.  36",  name  of  a  well  Gn.  26",  and  Assyrian  city  Gn. 
10"  f). — The  River]  is  certainly  not  the  Euphrates  and  the  place 
Rahaba  a  little  south  of  the  mouth  of  the  Habor  (Dr.  Gn.), 
but  the  river  of  Egypt,  i.e.,  the  Wady  el-Arhh  (Gn.  15")  (Winck. 
Gesch.  Isr.  I.  p.  192). — 49.  Ba  al-hanan]  (Gn.  36"  ' ,  an  official 
of  David  i  Ch.  27"  f).  The  name  "Baal  is  gracious,"  a  synonym 
of  Hannibal  {cf.  also  Elhanan,  Johanan),  points  to  the  worship 
of  Baal  in  Edom  (Dr.  G«.).  (Still  "Baal"  is  more  a  generic  title 
than  that  of  a  specific  deity.). —  Achbor]  (Gn.  36"  ' ,  also  a  cour- 
tier of  Josiah  2  K.  22''  '*  and  perhaps  Je.  26"  36"  f,  BDB.). 
The  name  means  "mouse." — 50.  Hadad]  (Hadar  Gn.  36",  but 
some  forty  mss.  and  Samaritan  mss.  read  Hadad).  Cf.  v.  <•. — 
Pai]  (Pa  u  Gn.  36"  f).  Perhaps  we  should  follow  (^  of  Gn. 
and  read  Pe'or  (TlJJS),  a  mountain  and  city  north-east  of  the 
Dead  Sea  not  definitely  located  {cf  Nu.  23"  Dt.  3").  The 
mention  of  his  wafe  and  her  maternal  ancestry  is  striking;  pos- 
sibly through  this  connection  he  laid  claim  to  the  kingship. 
The  names  occur  only  here  and  in  Gn.  36",  e.xcept  Mehetabel, 
"God  confers  benefits,"  which  is  the  name  of  an  ancestor  of  the 
false  prophet  Shemaiah  (Ne.  6'°). — Me-zahab]  means  "waters  of 
gold." — 51*.  And  Hadad  died]  not  in  Gn.,  probably  a  copyist's 
or  the  Chronicler's  blunder,  thinking  that  the  list  of  kings  con- 
tinued. 

51''-54.  Tribal  chiefs  of  Edom.— Taken  from  Gn.  36'°  "  with 
briefer  introductory  formula  and  omission  of  the  concluding  sum- 
mary. \\'hy  the  Chronicler  should  have  given  these  a.s  ckiliarchs, 
tribal  chiefs,  when  he  omitted  in  the  previous  lists  this  title  given 
in  Gn.  36""  *'■"',  is  not  clear  unless  he  felt  that  they  were  the 
followers  of  the  kings.     This  list  has  been  differentiated  from  the 


I.  43-54.]  RULERS   OF  EDOM  79 

previous  ones  because  the  chiefs  were  heads  of  territorial 
subdivisions  and  not  purely  tribal  and  possibly  ruled  after  the 
conquest  by  Israel  (Dr.).— SI**.  The  chief  of  Timna]  and 
similarly  in  the  names  following.— ri/zma'].  Cf.  v.  ^\—Aljah] 
('Alwah  Gn.  36*°  f)  perhaps  identical  with  'Alwan  v.  40. — 
Jetheih]  (Gn.  36'°  f)-— 52.  OhoHbamah]  (in  Gn.  36^-  »•  '*•  >«  "  the 
wife  of  Esau,  36*'  as  here  ^).—Elah]  probably  the  seaport  usually 
called  Elath.—Pinon]  (Gn.  36*')  probably  Punon  of  Nu.  33*'  ' , 
between  Petra  and  Zo'ar  (Onom.  299,  123).— 53.  Kenaz].  Cf. 
V.  ".—Tetnan].  Cf  v.  ^^.—Mibsar]  and  Magdi'el]  (Gn.  36*2  f) 
both  in  the  Onom.  (277,  137)  located  in  the  district  of  Gebal  (south 
of  the  Dead  Sea),  and  the  former,  under  the  name  of  Mabsara,  as  a 
considerable  village  belonging  to  Petra.— 7raw]  (Gn.  36*')-  A 
king  of  Edom  ' Arammu  is  said  to  be  mentioned  in  Assy.  ins. 
(Ball,  Gn.  p.  94). 

43.  Snib'^  .  .  .  D^sSsn]  <gB  ol  PaffikeTi  avrwv  =  Dn^aSon  adopted 
by  Bn.,  Ki.  SBOT.  The  latter  inserts  a>o'?nn  with  the  succeeding 
relative  clause  as  a  footnote.  Ki.  Kom.  follows  %  which  is  better,  since 
<giL  make  the  originality  of  the  Vatican  text  doubtful.— Before  ySa  Gn. 
36"  has  D1N3  n'^CM. — >-'^3]  ($  BdXaK,  ®  ajr^'a  were  influenced  by  the  simi- 
larity to  the  names  in  Nu.  22  (cf.  Sayce,  art.  Edom  in  Z)S.).— 46.  113] 
<g  here  and  in  Gn.  3635  Bapad  =  ^^3.— nv>']  Qr.,  some  MSS.,  H  and  Gn. 
36M  n>lS.  (&  T€e0a{i)fi  here  and  in  Gn.  =  a  name  like  DPmjJ,  hence  Ki. 
has  a  lacuna  in  the  te.xt.— 47.  Vv.  <'b.49a  in  (gB  foUo^  y.  5u.-_50.  Sya 
|jn]  many  MSS.,  «,  Gn.  36"  +  ii3Dy  13.— Tin]  Gn.  "nn,  but  there  some 
MSS.  of  ^  and  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  Tin  which,  as  the  dynastic 
name  of  Edom,  Ball,  SBOT.  adopts.  Ki.  influenced  by  vtoj  BapaS  of 
(6^  corrects  to  mn. — >>'i3]  many  MSS.,  H,  Gn.  u'c  <!6  in  both  places 
^oyup  =  -\>'fl  and  so  Bn.  More  likely  lyfl  -  lyo.— V.  "t  is  wanting  in 
(6^,  and  so  considered  a  later  addition  from  Gn.  by  Bn.,  but  the  con- 
fusion of  the  Vatican  text  at  this  point  discredits  its  value.— 51.  pdm 
Tin]  wanting  in  Gn.— The  text  of  Gn.  36^'-  iiry  'Di'-x  nice'  nSxi 
DnDC3  oncpcS  onnfjrcS  allows  the  phylarchs  to  have  been  contempora- 
neous with  the  kings  previously  recorded,  while  its  substitute  ^diSn  vn^i 
oiiN  suggests  that  they  followed  the  kings  (Be.).  This  is  given  directly 
in  IS,  Adad  autem  morluo  duces  pro  regibus  in  Edom  esse  coeperuvt ;  so  also 
in  SI.  Probably,  however,  the  Chronicler's  change  was  simply  that  of 
condensation  without  introducing  an  exact  order  of  succession. — n^Sj.'] 
Qr.,  many  MSS.,  H,  S,  Gn.  36"  ni^y.     <S  PuiXa  =  nSiy  probably  from 


8o  I    CHRONICLES 

II-IX.  The  descendants  of  Jacob. — The  pedigrees  of  the  sons 
of  Jacob  are  arranged  according  to  the  geograjjhical  position  of 
the  territory  occupied  by  the  several  tribes.  With  Judah  (2^4") 
as  the  proper  starting-point,  the  Chronicler  passes  through  Simeon 
(421 .43)  on  the  south,  sweeps  around  the  Dead  Sea  through  the  east- 
Jordanic  tribes,  Reuben  (s'"*),  Gad  (5"").  and  the  eastern  half- 
tribe  of  Manasseh  (5"  ' )  from  the  south  to  the  north,  and,  after 
inserting  Levi  (5"-6"  (6' -«')),  with  his  cities  in  both  eastern  and 
western  Palestine  (Jos.  21),  at  this  convenient  point,  crosses  into 
the  northern  part  of  western  Palestine  to  Issachar  (7'0>  Zebulun 
(7«-"  corrected  text,  see  on  c.  7),  Dan  (7'=  corrected  text),  Naphtali 
(7'^),  Manasseh  (7'''"),  Ephraim  (7=°-"),  and  Asher  (7=°-"'),  com- 
pleting the  circle  with  Benjamin  (cc.  8,  935-44)  ^nd  the  list  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  (9''0  unless  this  list  came  from  another 
and  later  hand.  Asher  should  appear  earlier  in  the  list,  but  see 
comment  on  i  Ch.  730-31^  (Jn  27'«  »  Asher  is  wanting.)  More 
space  is  given  to  the  descendants  of  Judah  than  to  those  of  any 
other  tribe,  one  hundred  verses  in  all,  while  the  tables  of  the 
house  of  Levi  occupy  eighty-one,  Benjamin  fifty,  and  a  scant 
eighty-six  suffice  for  the  other  ten  tribes  combined.  Before 
inquiring  further  into  the  question  of  authorship — or,  more 
properly,  editorship — it  may  be  observed  that  this  is  exactly  what 
should  be  expected  from  the  Chronicler.  Chronicles-Ezra- 
Nehemiah  is  primarily  a  Levitical  history  of  the  Judean  people. 
In  the  body  of  the  work  events  of  the  N.  kingdom  are  ignored, 
except  as  they  touch  Judean  affairs.  Hence  it  is  not  strange 
that  the  Chronicler  should  have  collected  the  most  genealogical 
notices  for  Judah  and  Levi.  Benjamin  also  would  receive  special 
attention,  since  according  to  the  post-exilic  conception  that  tribe 
remained  loyal  to  the  house  of  David  and  was  part  of  the  S. 
kingdom  {v.  EBi.  art.  Benjamin,  §  7). 

The  analysis  of  these  chapters  depends  upon  the  idea  of  the  Chron- 
icler's character  and  purpose.  With  the  premise  that  he  intended  these 
chapters  only  to  serve  as  an  introduction  to  his  history  of  the  Davidic 
kings,  the  task  of  striking  out  those  parts  of  the  genealogies  carried  down 
beyond  the  time  of  David  becomes  merely  mechanical.  But  this  premise 
cannot  he  sustained  only  on  the  ground  that  these  tables  precede  the 


n.  1-2.]  THE   SONS    OF   ISRAEL  8l 

Davidic  history.  Nor  can  an  analysis  be  based  on  the  presupposition 
that  the  Chronicler  would  be  careful  to  avoid  conflicting  details  either 
in  his  own  composition  or  in  the  matter  he  incorporated,  since  all  that 
Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.  reveals  about  his  character  as  a  writer  stamps  him  as 
anything  but  consistent.  The  first  chapters  do  not  appear  to  be  only 
an  historical  introduction  cast  in  a  genealogical  mould,  but  also  a 
genealogical  and  geographical  preface  to  the  succeeding  chapters.  As 
such  they  served  a  useful  purpose,  especially  for  a  period  of  Hebrew 
history  without  a  chronological  era.  As  a  reader  consulting  a  modern 
history  of  Israel  for  information  concerning  one  of  the  kings  can  turn 
to  the  chronological  appendix  first  to  learn  the  dates  of  his  reign  which 
suggest  the  general  setting,  so  the  reader  of  Chronicles  could  learn  the 
chronological  position  by  consulting  the  table  of  the  kings  (3"'  1 ),  or, 
if  it  were  a  high  priest,  the  table  of  the  high  priests  (6'  "■  (5"  »  )  ). 
Furthermore  the  Chronicler  may  have  introduced  some  genealogies 
without  any  particular  reason  aside  from  his  own  interest  in  them.  C.  i 
clearly  shows  that  he  used  practically  all  the  genealogies  he  had  for  the 
early  history,  hence  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  following  chapters 
contain  pretty  much  everything  he  was  able  to  find.  He  seems  to  have 
considered  it  more  important  that  a  genealogy  should  be  preserved  than 
that  it  should  be  consistent  with  others  already  incorporated.  An 
account  of  the  geography  of  many  of  the  tribes  was  also  of  interest  to 
the  reader  of  the  Chronicler's  history.  This  was  probably  suggested  by 
the  account  of  the  distribution  of  territory  in  Jos.  12-24,  which  precedes 
the  history  of  the  Hebrews  in  Palestine  recorded  in  Ju.-S.-K.  These 
geographical  notices  are  omitted  strangely  enough  from  the  records  of 
those  tribes  which  occupied  what  was  known  as  Galilee  in  the  later 
times,  viz.,  Issachar,  Zebulun,  Dan,  and  Asher.  A  possible  explanation 
may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  this  territory  is  not  involved  in  the 
Chronicler's  history.  Instead  of  giving  the  dwelling-places  of  Judah 
and  Benjamin  he  inserts  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  (9'  "■),  their  com- 
mon great  city. 

II.  1-2.  The  sons  of  Israel.— These  are  introduced  as  a  basis 
for  the  subsequent  enumeration  of  the  famihes  of  Israel.  They 
are  given  as  follows,  Reuben,  Simeon,  Levi,  Judah,  Issachar,  and 
Zebulun,  the  si.x  sons  of  Leah,  Dan,  son  of  Bilhah  Rachel's  maid, 
Joseph  and  Benjamin,  sons  of  Rachel,  Naphtali,  also  a  son  of 
Bilhah,  and  Gad  and  Asher,  sons  of  Zilpah  Leah's  maid.  The 
position  of  Dan  before  the  sons  of  Rachel,  instead  of  after,  is  strik- 
ing. Otherwise  the  order  is  the  same  as  in  Gn.  35"''"  and  Ex.  i'-« 
(omitting  Joseph),  late  priestly  narratives  (P),  where  Dan  follows 
Benjamin.     The  tribes,  however,  are  not  enumerated  uniformly  in 


82  I    CHRONICLES 

the  Old  Testament,  cj.  Gn.  46''-»  49'"  Nu.  i»-"  «"-"  13*"  26'-*» 
Dt.  33«  ^<  c/  a/.  (For  a  full  exhibition  of  the  orders  of  arrangement, 
of  which  there  are  some  seventeen  different  ones  in  the  Bible,  and 
for  a  discussion  of  the  subject,  see  EBi.  art.  Tribes  by  G.  B. 
Gray,  also  art.  in  Exp.  Mar.  1902.) 

II.  3-IV.  23.  The  genealogies  of  Judah. — This  passage  con- 
tains: (i)  the  descendants  of  Judah  to  Hezron's  sons  Jerahmeel, 
Ram,  and  Caleb  (2'-');  (2)  the  descendants  of  Ram  down  to 
David  and  his  nephews  (2'"-");  (3)  descendants  of  Caleb,  including 
the  family  of  a  son  born  to  Hezron  in  his  old  age  (2"-^*);  (4)  the 
descendants  of  Jerahmeel  (2"-");  (5)  a  supplementary  table  of 
Jerahmeelites  (2"-");  (6)  supplementary  tables  of  Calebites 
(2"-");  (7)  supplementary  tables  of  the  descendants  of  Ram  (c.  3); 
(8)  a  second  genealogy  of  Judah  (4'"). 

At  first  sight  we  seem  to  have  here  a  confused  mass  of  genealogical 
matter  accumulated  through  various  insertions  (the  view  of  Bn.,  Ki.). 
Both  2'8  ^-  and  2^^  ^-  contain  tables  of  Calebites,  but  if  either  were  a 
later  addition  we  should  expect  the  interpolator  to  have  placed  his 
supplement  in  direct  connection  with  the  other,  but  now  they  are 
separated  by  vv.  ''-'".  Similarly  we  should  expect  c.  3,  if  secondare', 
to  be  placed  after  2'"-".  On  the  other  hand,  as  the  work  of  the  Chron- 
icler, the  order  is  natural.  First  he  gives  his  primary  genealogical 
material  in  the  order  Ram,  Caleb,  and  Jerahmeel,  and  then  appends 
supplementary  matter  (t;.  /.)  concerning  each  in  reverse  order.  This 
reversal  of  order  is  the  Chronicler's  habit  (r/.  i<  ^-  "  "  et  a!.).  (2'  gives 
the  sons  of  Hezron  as  Jerahmeel,  Ram,  and  Chelubai  (oi'?3).  Since 
Ram  is  considered  first  (2'°  "  ),  we  should  expect  his  name  to  appear 
after  that  of  Chelubai,  according  to  the  Chronicler's  habit  of  consider- 
ing the  last  first  (v.  s.).  The  name  Ram  may  have  fallen  from  the 
text  of  V.  '  by  haplography,  since  the  first  word  of  v.  'o  is  also  Ram, 
being  reinserted  later  in  its  present  place.  In  that  case  final  ^  of 
^3iS3  represents  the  initial  1  of  Di  pni.  One  is  tempted  to  find  support 
for  this  suggestion  in  (8°'^  where  Kal  ^Apd/x  actually  follows  6  XaXi^, 
but  since  6  'Pa/i  also  precedes  it,  the  former  could  be  due  simply  to  dit- 
tography.  However,  it  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  the  Chronicler 
would  be  consistent  with  his  usual  scheme.) 

The  first  table  of  Caleb's  descendants  (2"  "  )  is  regarded  as  secondary, 
by  Benzinger,  who  finds  the  original  list  of  Calebites  in  vv.  «-"».  This 
is  possible,  especially  if  only  one  table  of  Calebites  is  ascribed  to  the 
Chronicler,  but  against  it  may  be  urged  that  as  Jerahmeel  of  the  sons 
of  Hezron  comes  first  in  v.  ',  the  Chronicler  would  be  likely  to  place  the 


n.  1-2.]  THE  SONS   OF  ISRAEL  83 

list  of  his  descendants  last.  Since  the  position  of  Ram's  descendants 
seems  to  be  firmly  fixed  (2'"  «•),  the  proper  place  for  the  table  of  the 
Calebites  is  between  these  two,  that  is,  just  where  it  is  found.  Benzinger 
has  also  unnecessarily  considered  the  passage  concerning  the  family  of 
Segub  (22'-")  to  be  out  of  place,  but  this  passage  forms  a  necessary  intro- 
duction to  V.  "  (corrected  text  v.  i.).  Although  the  latter  is  a  doublet 
to  V.  '3'',  since  Ashur  is  probably  the  same  name  as  Hur,  and  Ephrathah 
is  to  be  identified  with  Ephrath,  the  Chronicler  who  differentiated  Hur 
and  Ashur  elsewhere  (4^')  may  have  done  so  here  also.  Then  221-23 
was  introduced  by  the  Chronicler  in  this  place  because  the  birth  of 
Segub,  Hezron's  death,  Caleb's  marriage  to  his  father's  wife,  and  the 
birth  of  Ashur  are  successive  events  in  Caleb's  life.  This  is  further 
attested  by  the  chronological  order  shown  in  v.  ",  and  Azubah  diid,  and 
Caleb  took,  etc.     On  this  principle  vv.  '8-24  constitute  a  perfect  unity. 

2J4-41  is  doubtless  an  appendix  to  the  descendants  of  Jerahmeel,  since 
V.  '">^  these  were  the  sons  of  Jerahmeel,  is  certainly  a  closing  formula. 
Hence  we  have  an  appendix  for  each  of  the  three  sons  of  Hezron, 
Jerahmeel  {2^*-*^),  Caleb  (2"-"),  and  Ram  (c.  3).  The  first  of  these  was 
probably  put  in  the  form  of  an  appendix  either  because  the  compiler 
recognised  the  variant  tradition  regarding  the  genealogy  of  Sheshan 
(cp.  v.  34  and  v.  ^i)  or  because  he  differentiated  the  two  Sheshans,  hence 
w.  ^  s.  had  no  direct  connection  with  Jerahmeel.  The  second  appendix 
with  its  geographical  names  and  the  third  with  its  list  of  kings  constitute 
proper  material  for  postscripts.  The  reverse  order  of  these  additions 
is  so  suggestive  of  the  Chronicler  that  it  is  safe  to  ascribe  them  to  his 
original  compilation  in  the  absence  of  any  strong  evidence  to  the  contrary. 

The  first  verse  of  4'-23  is  regarded  by  Benzinger  as  a  superscription  in 
which  five  descendants  of  Judah,  Perez,  Hezron,  Caleb  (so  read  for 
Carmi,  v.  i.),  Hur,  and  Shobal,  are  co-ordinated  as  sons,  while  according 
to  2'  "•  they  are  members  of  a  descending  line.  He  further  supposes 
that  the  Chronicler  then  took  these  up  in  reverse  order.  He  strikes.out 
as  secondary  the  verses  which  interrupt  this  scheme,  viz.  vv.  ^-m-  is-  21-23. 
It  is  doubtful,  however,  if  v.  •  ever  was  intended  as  a  superscription  to 
vv.  2-23.  This  verse  is  directly  connected  with  v. 2,  with  which  it  shows 
the  Judean  descent  of  the  Zorathites,  cf.  2".  The  Chronicler  apparently 
used  the  device  of  putting  the  first  five  descendants  in  juxtaposition  as  a 
convenient  abridgment  {cf.  ii  ^-  24  ff),  since  their  relationship  was  well 
known  or  could  be  learned  from  c.  2.  Where  he  passes  beyond  well- 
known  names  (v.  2)  the  relationship  is  indicated.  The  following 
genealogies  seem  to  be  nothing  more  than  short  tables  of  Judean  families 
which  the  compiler  considered  worth  preserving.  There  is  no  good 
reason  why  they  could  not  have  come  from  the  Chronicler,  nor  is  there 
much  ground  upon  which  to  argue  for  their  authenticity.  On  the  age 
of  the  material,  see  c.  4. 


84  I    CHRONICLES 

The  source  from  which  the  Chronicler  derived  those  genealogies  not 
found  in  the  OT.  is  uncertain.  There  is  little  likelihood  that  he  had  a 
book  of  Judean  genealogies.  More  probably  he  used  all  the  material 
which  came  to  hand,  connecting  the  names  when  possible  with  one  of  the 
older  branches  of  the  family^  Identity  of  names  was  sufficient  for  this 
purpose  (see  below  on   2=°). 

II.  3-8.  Sons  of  Judah. — These  verses,  e.xcept  v. «,  contain 
gleanings  from  the  historical  books.  The  writer  seems  hard  put 
to  find  descendants  for  certain  branches  of  Judah. — 3.  The  sons 
of  Judah  Er,  Onan,  etc.],  derived  from  On.  38,  cf.  Gn.  46"'. — 
And  Er  the  first  born  of  Judah,  etc.\  This  remark  is  taken  ver- 
batim from  Gn.  38',  hence  Bn.  without  reason  infers  the  passage 
secondary  to  Ch.  The  omission  to  record  the  similar  fate  of 
Onan,  Gn.  38'",  is  noticeable.  Here,  however,  as  elsewhere  the 
Chronicler  assumes  that  his  readers  are  familiar  with  the  narratives 
of  the  Hexateuch.  The  story  of  the  untimely  death  of  Er  and 
Onan  implies  that  two  of  the  ancient  clans  of  Judah  early  disap- 
peared.— The  Canaanite  mothers  Shu  a  and  Tamar  indicate  a 
union  of  Israelite  Judean  stock  with  Canaanites.  Reminiscences 
of  early  tribal  history  were  thus  preserved  in  folk-tales.  For 
descendants  of  Shelah  cf.  4='  9*  Ne.  ii\ — 4.  And  Tamar  his 
daughter-in-law  bore  to  him  Perez  and  Zerah]  derived  from  Gn. 
^8'3-3».  Perez  and  Zerah  were  the  youngest  clans  of  Judah. 
Zerah,  perhaps  the  autochthonous,  was  according  to  Stade  of  pure 
Canaanitish  stock  originally  and  at  first  surpassed  Perez,  but  later 
declined  (Ge5r/?.  I.  p.  158). — 5.  The  sons  of  Perez:  Hezron  and 
Hatnul],  also  a  direct  quotation  from  Gn.  46'=,  cf.  Nu.  26='.  On 
Hezron  see  vv.  ' "  .  Beyond  the  family  of  the  Hamulites,  Nu.  26^', 
no  descendants  of  Hamul  are  given  elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. (On  the  name  see  textual  notes.) — 6.  The  sons  of  Zerah : 
Zimri  and  Ethan  and  Heman  and  Calcol  and  Darda  *].  Zimri  is 
Zabdi  of  Jos.  7'  '»  (for  change  of  spelling  see  text.  note).  Ethan 
the  Ezrahite,  Heman,  Calcol,  and  Darda  sons  of  Mahol,  are  men- 
tioned in  I  K.  5"  (4^')  as  distinguished  wise  men  whom  Solomon 
surpassed.  Hence  since  Ezrahite  (''n"'iTS)  might  be  explained  as 
a  descendant  of  Zerah  (BDB.)  and  may  be  regarded  as  an  attrib- 
utive  of  Heman,    Calcol,   and  Darda,  the  Chronicler   evidently 


n.  3-8.]  SONS    OF   JUDAH  85 

placed  these  wise  men  as  descendants  of  Zerah  (Meyer,  Entst.  Jiid. 
p.  161).  This  identification  has  generally  been  accepted  (Be., 
Ke.,  Mov.,  but  not  by  Zoe.).  Ethan  and  Heinan  occur  also  in 
I  Ch.  as  the  names  of  two  Levitical  singers  of  the  time  of  David, 
Ethan=Juduthun,  6"  <<«>  15"  '^  and  an  Ethan  is  also  given  among 
the  ancestors  of  Asaph,  i  Ch.  6"  '«',  and  Heman  1  Ch.  6^^  <"' 
i64i.  42  25'- ■'-6.  From  the  point  of  view  of  the  Chronicler,  since 
this  Ethan  and  this  Heman  are  Levites  they  cannot  have  been 
identical  with  those  of  our  passage.  Pss.  88  and  8g,  however, 
according  to  their  titles  are  maschils  of  Heman  the  Ezrahite  and 
Ethan  the  Ezrahite.  Since  Ps.  88  is  also  Korahite  it  is  probable 
that  Ezrahite  Ethan  and  Heman  in  the  titles  of  these  Psalms  repre- 
sent both  the  Levitical  singers  and  the  wise  men  of  i  K.  5"  (4^'). 
In  short,  the  one  Ethan  and  the  one  Heman  of  Israel's  early  tradi- 
tions, synonyms  of  wisdom,  seem  each  in  the  genealogical  system 
or  notes  of  the  Chronicler  to  have  been  evolved  into  two  persons. 
Ewald  (Hist.  III.  p.  278)  thought  that  the  two  great  singers  of  the 
tribe  of  Judah  were  taken  by  the  Levitical  music  schools  into  their 
company  and  family  and  were  afterward  in  the  titles  of  Pss.  88,  89, 
reckoned  to  the  tribe  of  Levi.  When  these  wise  men  lived, 
whether  they  were  cotemporaries  of  Solomon  or  traditional  wise 
men  of  a  more  ancient  past,  we  have  no  means  of  knowing.  Ac- 
cording to  Seder  Olam  Rabba  (ed.  Meyer,  p.  52),  they  prophesied 
in  Egypt.  (For  a  fanciful  interpretation  of  their  names  connecting 
them  with  Job  and  his  three  friends  see  Klo.  on  i  K.  5".) — 7.  And 
the  sons  of  Carmi].  The  plural  (''32)  sons  of  is  sometimes  used 
in  genealogical  lists  when  only  one  son  or  descendant  follows,  if. 
vv.  8.  30.  31.  42  Gn.  36"  46"  Nu.  26K—'Achar  the  tronblcr  of  Israel, 
etc.]  'Achan  Jos.  y-  's-  '«  ="  "^^  22"  (see  text.  note).  The  brevity 
of  this  notice  of  Achar  and  the  omission  of  Zabdi  the  connecting 
link  between  Achar  and  Carmi  is  another  assumption  of  familiarity 
with  the  narratives  of  the  Hexateuch. — 8.  ' Azariah\  Nothing 
further  is  known  of  this  Azariah.  Whether  the  Chronicler  meant 
an  immediate  or  remote  descendant  of  Ethan  cannot  be  deter- 
mined. The  name  is  very  common.  No  other  Zerahites  are  given 
elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testament  except  Sibbecai  the  Hushathite, 
and  Maharai  the  Netophathite,  two  of  David's  captains,  27"-  ". 


86  I    CHRONICLES 

3.  }:v>;']  (S  Sauaj  =  rv^-. — 5.  Sicm]  the  root  Sen  with  the  meaning 
spared  BDB.  is  favoured  by  the  name  ni'^cn'  on  a  seal  {EBi.,  art. 
Hamul).  (6  Efiovr)\  (^  lefwvr]\  by  dittography  of  the  preceding  I)  = 
S-icm  =  Snichi  from  icn  +  't'n  brother-in-law  of  God.  This  seems  a  more 
likely  derivation,  cf.  4^,  but  the  meaning  is  dub.,  see  Ki.  SBOT.,  Kom., 
SS.,  We.  DC  J.,  p.  22. — 6 .  ncr]  Jos.  7'  >i3:,  <&  Zafipp{e)t  in  both  passages. 
The  confusion  of  3  and  n  is  phonetic,  of  i  and  i  graphic. — 1!^^^^^]  many 
MSS.,  <&•-  +  MSS.,  &,  (3,  I  K.  5"  yi-ni,  adopted  by  Ki. — 7.  According  to 
Jos.  7'  Carmi  was  the  son  of  Zabdi  =  Zimri  {v.  s.),  hence  'cna  ^■lot  ^J3i 
may  have  fallen  from  the  text  or  the  Chronicler  assumed  this  relationship 
was  known. — "ij;"]  Jos.  7'  p;?.  In  the  former  we  have  an  assimilation 
of  the  name  of  the  man  to  that  of  the  valley  of  Achor  (Dill.)  or  the  latter 
arose  from  a  "scribal  error,  c/.  (6^  in  Jos.  Axa/>. 

9-55.  The  Hezronites. — Whatever  may  have  been  the  relative 
position  of  this  clan  of  Judah  in  the  early  history  of  the  tribe,  to  the 
Chronicler  Hezron  was  the  all-important  clan.  Of  it  he  reckoned 
by  descent  not  only  the  royal  family  of  David  but  also  the  great 
clans  of  Jerahmeel  and  Caleb.  The  accounts  given  of  them  are 
evidently  from  various  sources.  V.  '  (excepting  the  word  Ram, 
see  below)  is  derived  from  some  old  source  other  than  the  Old 
Testament.  Vv.  '"•"  appear  to  be  taken  directly  from  Ruth. 
Vv.  ''•"  in  contents  are  drawn  from  i  and  2  S.  Vv.  "",  regarded 
by  Ki.  as  an  insertion  (but  see  above),  are  derived  partially  from 
the  Hexateuch,  although  considerable  matter  is  new.  Vv.  "-"  are 
entirely  independent  of  anything  elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testament. 
Of  these,  vv.  "-33^  according  to  Ki.,  who  follows  We.,  represent 
early  material,  vv.  "*'  late,  v\.  "-"  early,  v.  "  late,  v.  *'  early,  v.  ** 
late,  w.  <»  '  early,  v\'.  ""  late. 

9.  The  sons  of  Hezron. — Hezron]  vv.'  "  "  "  »  4<,  appears 
also  as  a  son  of  Reuben  Gn.  46'  E.\.  6'<  Nu.  26"  i  Ch.  5',  and 
as  the  name  of  a  place  indicating  the  southern  boundary  of  Judah 
Jos.  15'  (cf.  also  Kerioth-hezron  Jos.  15").  jl^iiT!  is  to  be  con- 
nected with  "1^'n  enclosure  (HWB.'',  BDB.).  A  Hezronite  then 
is  a  villager  or  dweller  in  a  permanent  settlement,  a  kraal,  in  con- 
trast to  movable  encampments,  ^^'n  appears  in  the  names  of 
several  localities  of  southern  Judah  and  Simeon  besides  the  two 
mentioned;  Hazar-addar  Nu.  34*,  Hazar-gaddah  Jos.  15",  Hazar- 
susah  in  Simeon  Jos.  19',  cf.  1  Ch.  4",  Hazar-shual  in  southern 


n.  9-17.]  THE   GENEALOGY   OF   DAVID  87 

Judah  Jos.  15='  =  I  Ch.  4'^  Ne.  11",  in  Simeon  Jos.  19^  Names 
from  this  root  are  also  common  elsewhere  {v.  BDB.).  Under 
Hezron  then  we  may  have  indicated  only  semi-nomads  inhabiting 
a  fixed  abode  and  the  name  may  have  come  from  no  political  clan 
but  only  from  a  social  class  from  which  the  Hezronites  of  Nu. 
26' ■  "  were  evolved,  and  which  occasioned  this  son  of  Perez  and 
likewise  the  son  of  Reuhen.— J  era  hmeel],  vv.  "  b.  „.  <2^  represents  a 
clan  dwelling  in  the  days  of  David  in  southern  Judah,  i  S.  27" 
2oJ9. — Ram]  as  a  second  son  of  Hezron  is  suspicious  because  (i) 
the  Old  Testament  elsewhere  knows  of  no  Judean  clan  Ram  co- 
ordinate with  Caleb  and  Jerahmeel,  (2)  the  descendants  of 
Ram,  which  follow  w. '"-'^  are  given  not  in  families  and  cities 
as  in  the  case  of  those  of  Jerahmeel  and  Caleb,  vv.  ""  "<<• 
«-«',  but  simply  in  the  pedigree  of  David.  Ram  is  plainly  intro- 
duced as  a  son  of  Hezron  by  the  Chronicler  from  Ru.  4".  The 
original  statement  from  another  source  was  evidently,  and  the 
sons  of  Hezron  Jerahmeel  and  Chelnbai,  and  this  was  the  intro- 
duction to  vv.  "-"■  *^-**-  *'■  ■",  where  the  descendants  of  Jerah- 
meel and  Caleb  are  given. — Chelubai],  equivalent  to  Caleb  w. 
'8-"  q.  V. 

10-12.  The  ancestry  of  David. — Ram  begat  'Aminadab,  etc.]. 
Omitting  the  words  prince  of  Judah,  derived  from  Nu.  i%  this 
pedigree  of  Jesse  is  taken  verbatim  from  Ru.  4' "'-12a.  it  is  ap- 
parently artificial,  for  i  and  2  S.  know  only  of  Jesse  the  father  of 
David  the  Bethlehemite.  Salma  or  Salmon  was  the  reputed 
founder  of  Bethlehem,  cf.  vv.  "  ".  Nashon  the  son  of  Aminadab, 
according  to  P,  was  the  prince  of  Judah  during  the  Exodus,  Nu.  i^ 
2'  et  al.  Out  of  these  materials  the  author  of  Ruth,  or  some  other 
genealogist,  with  the  added  names  of  Boaz  and  Obed,  possibly 
ancestors  of  Jesse,  constructed  this  genealogy,  placing  Ram  as  the 
son  of  Hezron  at  its  head.  Two  facts  probably  led  to  the  selection 
of  Ram:  (i)  in  genealogical  lore,  the  ancient  Ram  was  the  son  of 
Jerahmeel  i  Ch.  2=8,  but  David  plainly  was  not  a  Jerahmeelite, 
hence  the  father's  name  could  not  be  used  in  his  pedigree,  and  we 
have  not  Hezron,  Jerahmeel,  Ram,  but  simply  Hezron,  Ram;  and 
(2)  the  appropriate  meaning  of  the  word  "lofty,"  cf.  We.  DGJ.  pp. 
17/.,  Bertholet,  Com.  on  Ru.,  p.  69. 


88  I    CHRONICLES 

13-17.  The  family  of  Jesse. — 13.  And  Jesse  begat  his  first 
born  Eli'ab,  etc.].  According  to  i  S.  16'°  '■  17"  Jesse  had  eight 
sons,  Eliab,  Abinadab,  and  Shammah,  and  four  others  whose 
names  are  not  mentioned,  and  David  the  youngest.  &  gives  eight 
here,  adding  EUhu  from  27",  which  ^  there  has  probably  by  cor- 
ruption (2S"»^S  becoming  iri'''?i<,  (^  EXtayS).  Was  the  number 
eight  or  seven?  According  to  Budde  (SBOT.)  the  sections  con- 
taining I  S.  16"'  '  17''  are  among  the  latest  additions  to  the  book 
from  a  Midrash  after  400  b.  c.  Another  Midrash,  equally  current 
then,  may  have  been  followed  by  the  Chronicler  or  invented  by 
him,  giving  the  number  seven  and  also  the  names  of  the  three 
sons,  Nethaji'el,  Raddai,  and  Ozem,  which  are  not  given  elsewhere. 
The  genuineness  of  the  name  Nethan'el  is  doubtful,  since  (accord- 
ing to  Gray,  HPN.  p.  233)  it  is  of  post-Davidic  formation. 
Raddai  and  Ozein  (see  v.  ")  could  well  be  genuine  as  far  as  their 
forms  go. — 16.  And  their  sisters  Zerinah  ayid  Abigail].  These  are 
recorded  for  the  sake  of  their  distinguished  sons.  According  to 
2  S.  17"  1^  Abigail  was  the  daughter  of  Nahash  and  hence  she 
has  been  regarded  as  a  step-  or  half-sister  of  David  (Be.,  Ke., 
Zoe.,  Oe.,  et  al.).  Probably,  however,  the  ||  of  2  S.  17"  is  corrupt 
and  Jesse  should  be  substituted  for  Nahash  (05,  B,  We.  TS.,  Klo., 
Bu.  SBOT.). — And  the  sons  of  Zeruiah  Abishai*  Jo^ab  and 
'Asah^el].  These  heroes  are  repeatedly  named  as  sons  of  their 
mother  I S.  26^28. 2'8,etc.  The  name  of  their  father  is  nowhere  men- 
tioned. Of  the  three  brothers,  Asahel  according  to  the  narrative 
of  2  S.  2"-"  was  clearly  the  youngest,  but  which  of  the  other  two 
was  the  older  is  uncertain.  The  order  here  suggests  AbisJiai;  that 
of  2  S.  2'«,  Joab. — 17.  And  Abigail  bore  'Amasa  and  the  father, 
etc.]  derived  from  2  S.  17". — The  Ishmaelite]  the  true  reading 
{v.  i.). 

9.  13^3]  (S-^  XaXe/3  =  z^:^,  »  Xa/SeX.— 10.  "ja]  (S  tov  oXkov  =  n>3.— 
11.  m'^z'  bis]  <&  and  Ru.  4='  jisStt'  but  Ru.  4=»  n:;'-;-,  cf.  \Vc.  DGJ.  p.  37. 
— 13.  'C-n]  many  mss.  (Kennic.)  '!:•>  which  may  be  simply  a  correction 
from  the  preceding  ^v\  v.  '=.  Since  the  author  would  be  likely  to  use  the 
same  spelling,  'i"}*  has  been  taken  for  an  original  'CM,  SS.,  Ki.  SBOT. 
— 3^r^^^1].  (S  A/x.  is  a  phonetic  error  common  in  <S. — 16.  'U'sn]  ii^"  18" 
19"   "  2  S.  io'°,  but  elsewhere  in  i  and  2  S.  'C''3n,  and  so  Ki.  in  Ch.; 


n.  18-24.]  DESCENDANTS    OF   CALEB  89 

(g  'A/3«(ra,  'A/3t(rcrd. — 17.  ^'?«j72tt'''n]  2  S.  17^5  iSNTirTi.  The  latter  is  an 
error  of  transcription  or  a  Massoretic  revision,  Dr.  TS.,  Bu.  SBOT., 
and  authorities  generally. 

18-24.  The  family  of  Caleb. — Caleb  appears  in  the  history 
of  David  as  a  clan  inhabiting  southern  Judah  and  apparently  dis- 
tinct from  Judah  (i  S.  25'  30'^).  According  to  the  narrative  of  the 
Hexateuch,  Caleb  the  cotemporary  of  Joshua,  the  reputed  founder 
of  the  clan,  was  a  Kenizzite  (Nu.  32'^  Jos.  i4«-  '^),  and  since  Kenaz 
appears  among  the  grandsons  and  dukes  of  Edom  (Gn.  36"-  '^  " 
I  Ch.  1^6  53)^  the  clan  Caleb  was  originally  of  Edomitic  origin, 
kindred  with  the  Amalekites.  They  claimed  the  conquest  of 
Hebron  and  Debir  (Jos.  is''-''  Ju.  i"-'=).  Carmel  was  also 
one  of  their  towns.  Through  the  influence  of  David  during  his 
reign  at  Hebron  they  were  probably  incorporated  into  the  tribe  of 
Judah.  They  are  not  mentioned  subsequently  in  OT.  history 
until  Caleb  appears  in  our  genealogical  lists,  vv.  •«-2^-  «'"'  4"-'^\ 
His  prominence  here  shows  at  once  that  Calebites  must  have  been 
conspicuous  in  post-exilic  Judah,  forming  possibly  the  bulk  of 
the  tribe,  since  the  Chronicler  knows  so  few  other  families.  In 
these  lists  are  assigned  to  Caleb  or  his  descendants  towns  of 
southern  Judah,— Ziph,  Mareshah,  Hebron,  Korah,  etc.,  vv.  "-*', 
clearly  the  pre-exilic  dwelling-places  of  the  clan,  and  also  towns 
further  north,  Kirjath-jearim,  Bethlehem,  Eshtaol,  Zorah,  etc., 
vv.  ^"'K  These  latter  towns,  without  doubt,  were  the  post-exilic 
homes  of  the  Calebites.  During  the  exile  they  were  dispossessed 
from  their  southern  Judean  homes  apparently  by  the  Edomites, 
who  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  took  possession  of  southern  Judah, 
compelling  the  earlier  inhabitants  to  move  northward.  The 
Edomites  themselves  were  driven  northward  by  the  Nabateans 
(see  Mai.  i»),  cf.  Ez.  35"'-  '^  36^  (We.  DGJ.  pp.  28  /.,  Meyer, 
Entst.  Jud.  p.  115,  Torrey,  JBL.  XVH.  i.  1898  pp.  16  /.).  Singu- 
larly enough  in  view  of  the  prominence  given  to  Caleb  in  i  Ch., 
there  is  no  direct  mention  of  Calebites  in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah;  only 
an  indirect  reference  in  Ne.  3',  where  among  the  repairers  of  the 
wall  is  Rephaiah  the  son  of  Hur,  ruler  of  half  the  district  of  Jeru- 
salem. Now  Hur  represents  clearly,  from  the  appearance  of  the 
name  among  Caleb's  descendants  in  vv. "  ^o  41-  <,  a  Calebite  family. 


90  I    CHRONICLES 

In  the  notices  of  the  Calebites  and  Jerahmeelites  (vv.  «  "  )  in  this 
chapter  have  been  seen  reminiscences  of  an  original  migration  of  a 
portion  of  Israel  from  the  south  into  Canaan  (S.  A.  Cook,  Notes  on  OT. 
p.  40,  et  al.).  Such  an  immigration  of  Calebites,  at  least,  most  likely 
took  place  (Moore,  Ju.  p.  31),  but  a  simpler  explanation  of  these 
notices  is  that  the  descendants  of  these  clans  desired  an  honourable 
place  among  the  post-exilic  Jews  and  the  Chronicler,  favouring  this 
desire,  gave  them  a  prominent  place  in  his  work.  The  theory  that 
the  Jerahmeelites  played  any  such  conspicuous  part  in  the  history  of 
Israel  as  is  alleged  by  the  editor  of  EBi.  is  utterly  without  foundation. 

18.  And  Caleb  begat  sons  from  'Azubah  his  wife  duughter  of 
Jerioih*].  Under  Azubah  (nllTJ?,  forsaken)  is  probably  a  refer- 
ence to  the  abandoned  home  of  the  Calebites  in  southern  Judah 
(v.  s.),  and  the  daughter  of  Jerioth  (my"!'',  tents)  probably 
looks  back  to  the  early  nomadic  life  of  the  Calebites  (We.  DGJ. 
p.  26). — And  these  ivere  her  sons  Jesher  f,  Shobab,  and  Ardon  |]. 
These  sons  of  Azubah  represent  pre-exilic  Calebite  families  which 
dwelt  in  southern  Judah.  Shobab  is  also  the  name  of  a  son  of 
David  35  i4<  2  S.  5". — 19.  When  'Azubah  died  then  Caleb  took  to 
himself  Ephrath].  Since  Ephrath  is  equivalent  to  Ephratha  v.  «» 
4<,  a  name  of  Bethlehem  Mi.  5*  Ru.  4",  and  possibly  the  name  of  a 
district  in  northern  Judah  (cf.  Ps.  132^,  Del.),  this  new  marriage 
clearly  expresses  the  movement  of  the  Calebites  northward  and 
their  settlement  in  northern  Judah  (v.  5.,  cf.  v.  5»). — Hitr]  the 
leading  family  or  stock  of  post-exilic  Calebites  (cf.  Ne.  3',  v.  s.). 
Identifying  him  with  Ashhur  v.  "  4',  he  appears  as  the  father,  i.e., 
founder  or  coloniser,  of  Tekoa  and  his  sons  of  Bethlehem,  Beth- 
gader,  Kirjath-jcarim  vv. '"-".  (Such  a  shortening  as  of  Ashhur 
into  Hur  is  not  uncommon,  r/.  Ahaz  =  Jehoahaz  cor.  I.  p.  255.).— 
20.  And  Hur  begat  Uri,  etc.].  This  genealogy  of  Bezalel,  the 
reputed  skilled  workman  of  the  Tabernacle,  is  taken  verbatim 
from  P,  Ex.  31'  35",  cf.  2  Ch.  i'.  It  illustrates  how  material  has 
been  brought  together  in  these  lists.  The  identity  of  a  name 
seemed  a  sufficient  cause  to  give  a  genealogical  connection.  Proba- 
bly, however,  the  prominence  of  the  family  of  Hur  and  its  possession 
of  artisans  led  to  the  origination  of  this  descent  of  Bezalel.  Vv. 
='-"  are  singular  in  this  connection,  interrupting  the  story  of  Caleb's 
matrimonial  alliances  (but  v.s.). — 21.  And  after-wards].  The  refer- 


n.  18-24.]  DESCENDANTS    OF   CALEB  91 

ence  is  plainly  to  v.  \ — Machir  father  ofGilead]  a  son  of  Manasseh 
mentioned  as  the  father  or  conqueror  of  Gilead  in  Nu.  2629  32'' 
Jos.  17'  Dt.  3'°.  In  Ju.  5  Machir  stands  for  the  tribe  of  Manasseh. 
He  was  clearly  the  most  important  clan  of  the  tribe. — Segiib]  not 
mentioned  elsewhere,  possibly  an  error  of  transcription  for  Argob, 
the  district  inhabited  by  Jair  (Dt.  3'*  Jos.  13''),  who  in  v.  "  appears 
as  his  son. — 22.  Jair]  given  as  a  son  of  Manasseh  (Nu.  32*'  Dt. 
3»<  Jos.  13''),  also  one  of  the  minor  Judges  (Ju.  10'). — And  he  had 
twenty  three  cities  in  the  land  of  Gilead].  With  Jair  are  repeatedly 
connected  the  tent  villages  Havvolh  Jair  v.  "  Dt.  314  Nu.  32'' 
Jos.  13'";  thirty  cities  Ju.  10' '  ;  sixty  cities,  wrongly  placed  in 
Bashan,  Jos.  ly  i  K.  4".  The  number  given  for  these  towns 
evidently  fluctuated.  They  represent  the  northern  portion  of 
Gilead. — 23.  Geshnr  and  Aram]  Geshur,  an  Aramean  tribe 
dwelling  in  the  region  of  Argob  and  at  the  time  of  David  an  inde- 
pendent kingdom  y  2  S.  3'  13"  '•  15^;  Aram,  a  generic  geo- 
graphical term  for  the  country  including  northern  Mesopotamia, 
Syria,  and  as  far  south  as  the  borders  of  Palestine  {cf.  i>^).  Here 
the  Arameans  adjoining  Geshur  are  evidently  meant. — Kenath  and 
her  daughters  sixty  cities]  a  district  perhaps  the  modern  Kanawat 
east  of  Argob  in  Bashan  {cf.  Nu.  32").  When  these  were  lost  to 
Israel  is  unknown,  probably  before  the  reign  of  Omri,  since  from 
then  on  the  border  fortress  between  Israel  and  Syria  was  Ramah 
(St.  Gesch.  I.  p.  150). — All  these  were  the  sons  of  Machir]  the 
summary  of  a  section  originally  larger  probably  than  vv.  ^i". 
The  introduction  in  the  midst  of  a  list  of  Hezronites  from  the  three 
sons,  Jerahmeel,  Ram,  and  Caleb,  of  those  through  another  son 
by  a  later  marriage  renders  the  contents  of  w.  ^'-^  surprising,  and 
especially  are  they  strange  in  connecting  in  any  way  the  Hezron 
of  Judah  with  members  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh.  Whether  the 
historical  fact  of  the  incorporation  of  Judaites  with  Manassites 
lies  back  of  this  or  whether  the  whole  notice  arises  from  a  misunder- 
standing of  genealogical  material  is  uncertain.  In  the  latter  case 
Hezron  may  represent  a  Reubenite  clan  of  that  name  {cf.  5')  which 
coalesced  with  Gileadites  (Meyer,  Entst.  Jnd.  p.  160,  Steuernagel, 
Einw.  Isr.  Stdnime,  p.  19).  In  the  former  case  it  is  possible  that 
in  post-exilic  times  a  colony  of  Jews  had  settled  east  of  Jordan  in 


92  I    CHRONICLES 

Gilead,  and  that  through  this  fact  arose  this  genealogical  connection 
between  Hezron  of  Judah  and  Machir  (Bn.).  In  Jos.  19"  men- 
tion is  made  of  Judah  [on]  the  Jordan,  which  has  been  thought  to 
point  to  such  a  colony  (yet  the  phrase  may  be  a  corruption). 
Judas  Maccabeus  undertook  a  campaign  in  that  district  in  order 
to  rescue  Jews  from  the  hand  of  the  heathen.  Ki.,  on  the  other 
hand,  holds  vv.  "i-  to  contain  ancient  material  referring  to  a  union 
of  families  of  Manasseh,  refugees  from  northern  Israel,  with  those 
of  Judah  about  600  b.  c;  cf.  the  emphasis  placed  upon  the  cities 
of  Jair  in  Dt. — 24.  And  after  Hezron  died  Caleb  went  in  unto 
Ephrath  the  wife  of  his  father  *]  another  genealogical  notice  of 
the  setdement  of  the  district  of  Bethlehem  by  the  Calebites,  cf.  w. 
"•  ".  The  taking  of  a  father's  wife  was  asserting  claim  to  the 
father's  possessions  {cf.  2  S.  16"  i  K.  2''-"),  and  well  expressed  the 
legitimacy  of  Caleb's  residence  in  northern  Judah. — And  she  bore 
Ashhitr]  clearly  a  repetition  of  v.  "^  Ashhiir  and  Hur  must  be 
identical. — The  father  of  Teko'a].  Hur  was  probably  the  e.xilic 
or  post -exilic  founder  of  Tekoa,  or  the  family  settled  there. 
Tekoa,  mod.  Tekua,  is  about  five  miles  south  of  Bethlehem.  The 
place  is  frequently  mentioned  (4'  2  Ch.  ii«  20"  2  S.  14'  Am.  i'  Je. 
6-t). 

18.  myn^  nsi  na=N  nan;?  nx  "fSin  jnsn  p  aSoi]  (5^  reproduces  Si. 
A  has  for  TiStn  eXa^ev;  &  for  '.in.  js  ;  'pni,  tn.  B  combines  ^*, 
tBi,  and  &  accepit  uxorem  nomine  Azubah  de  qua  genuit  Jerioth.  This 
Ki.  {SBOT.)  follows,  niyn>  pn  tiSim  nrs  nai-j?  n.s  npS,  but  in  Kom., 
BH.  he  follows  0  pn  ^nu's  '•;  p.  We.  {DCJ.  p.  ^2>)  reads  p3 
n^i"'T  instead  of  '•>  Pxi.  iH  yields  And  Caleb  son  of  Hezron  begat  of 
Azubah  his  wife  and  of  Jerioth  (AV.,  RV.,  Kau.,  Be.,  Oe.).  Caleb  then 
has  children  of  two  wives,  but  the  context  suggests  those  of  only  one  wife, 
Azubah,  '«''•  'S".  J.  H.  Mich,  met  this  difficulty  by  regarding  Jerioth  as 
another  name  for  Azubah,  the  waw  in  pni  being  explicative.  Ke.  and 
Zoe.  follow  0  regarding  Jerioth  the  daughter  of  Caleb  and  mother  of  the 
sons  of  V.  '"».  On  the  whole,  we  prefer  the  reading  of  We.,  preferred  by 
Bn.  It  still  leaves  the  harsh  construction  of  njvp  pn  after  tSih  denot- 
ing the  mother  and  not  the  child  (ns'x  is  probably  a  gloss  to  render  this 
obvious).  A  parallel  construction,  however,  may  be  found  in  Is.  66», 
where  •\^''  Hiph.  has  the  force  to  cause  to  bear,  or  px  may  be  taken  as 
equivalent  to  pkd,  cf.  JD  iSiii  8'. — 24.  n-ax  pixn  pu-ni  ppidx  a'^oa]  IH 
adhered  to  by  Ke.,  AV.,  RV.  is  clearly  corrupt.     (S  has  ^\dev  XaX^)3 


n.  25-41.]  DESCENDANTS    OF   JERAHMEEL  93 

eti  'E<ppd9a  Kal  ij  yvpi]  'E(r€puv  'A/Stci,  so  01.  The  true  text,  rendered 
above,  undoubtedly  was  n^^x  |nxn  nt:>x  nmsN  ^Sj  Na,  We.  DGJ..  pp. 
14/.,  Ki.— iinc-vs]  =  mn-a'N,  We.  DGJ.  p.  15,  SS.,  cf.  SyatTN  =  Syaa-^s 
gss  gS9^  iina'^x  718.     In  vv.  "■  "  4^  he  is  called  -nn,  c/.    S>'3  -  Spasi-N  8'". 

25-33.  The  families  of  the  Jerahmeelites. — Jerahmeel  in  the 
time  of  David  was  an  independent  clan  like  that  of  Caleb,  in- 
habiting the  Negeb  of  Judah  (i  S.  27'°  30").  It  is  not  mentioned 
in  subsequent  history.  Whether  it  played  any  part  in  the  post- 
exilic  Jewish  community,  or  whether  this  genealogy  having  been 
preserved  with  that  of  Caleb  was  therefore  recorded  by  the  Chroni- 
cler, we  do  not  know  {v.  s.  on  vv.  "-2^).  All  the  names  given  are 
comparatively  early  ones  and  favour  the  antiquity  and  historicity 
of  the  list.— 25.  Ram]  v.",  cf.  vv.  »•  ">  Jb.  32'.  A  possible  con- 
nection has  been  seen  between  this  family  and  Abram.  The  name 
by  some  is  supposed  to  represent  an  ancient  deity  {v.  s.  i"). — Bii- 
nah  and  Oren  f ]. — Ozem]  v.  '^  f. — His  brother  *].  So  we  must 
probably  read  in  place  of  the  proper  name  Ahijah. — 26.  ' Atarah\ 
This  name  of  the  mother  of  the  most  widely  extended  family  of 
the  Jerahmeelites  is  to  be  compared  for  its  original  meaning  and 
derivation  with  Hezron,  v. ',  and  probably  arose  from  the  Jerah- 
meelites inhabiting  Ataroth  (miDy),  protected  places  (We.  DGJ. 
p.  15).  Ataroth  alone  appears  as  a  local  name,  Nu.  32'  "  Jos.  16', 
and  also  in  combination  Jos.  16*  18"  Nu.  32=5  i  Ch.  2".  That 
Atarah  was  a  second  wife  probably  shows  that  the  earlier  sons  of 
Jerahmeel  represented  nomad  families,  while  her  descendants 
those  of  a  more  settled  life. — Onam]  v. ",  also  the  name  of  a  family 
of  Edom  I"  On.  36^3  -j-^  perhaps  connected  with  Onan  the  son  of 
Judah,  V. '. — 27.  Ma'az  and  Jamin  and  'Eker].  Maaz  and  Eker 
are  mentioned  only  here.  Jamin  is  among  the  sons  of  Simeon, 
Gn.  46'°.— 28.  Shammai].  Cf.  2'^.  ss.  4o.  45  ^n.—Jada]  v.  ", 
for  compounds  of  root  from  which  it  comes  {]!T),  see  i". — 
Nadab]  v. '°  a  frequent  name. — Abishur]  v. "  f. — 29.  Abihail  *  ] 
name  of  the  wife  also  of  Rehoboam  2  Ch.  ii''  and  a  man's  name, 
a  Levite  Nu.  3=^  a  Gadite  i  Ch.  5'%  and  the  father  of  Esther  Est. 
216  g=9  ^,—Ahban and  Molid  f]-— 30.  Seled  ^\—Appaim]  v.  3>  f .— 
31.  Jish'i]  23'  4^'>-  «  52^  f ,  a  name  thus  of  frequent  occurrence. — 
Sheshan]  vv.  ='•  ''■  '^  ■\.—Ahlai]  iV  f-— 32.   Jether]  a  frequent 


94  I  CHRONICLES 

name. — 33.  Peleth]  Nu.  i6'  a  Reubenite.  Possibly  there  is  con- 
nection with  Beth-pelet  a  city  of  southern  Judah,  Jos.  15"  Ne. 
II". — Zaza]f. — These  were  the  sous  0/  Jerahme'el]  the  conclusion 
of  this  list  of  Jerahmeelites.  None  of  these  families  or  persons 
are  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testament  (except  Sheshan 
below),  and  hence  nothing  more  can  be  said  concerning  them. 
The  fact  that  Onam  is  also  the  name  of  a  family  of  Edom  and  Ja- 
min  of  one  of  Simeon  suggests  a  close  relationship  with  those 
tribes. 

25.  n>nn]  the  name  of  a  fifth  son,  Ahijah,  AV.,  RV.,  Kau.,  V,  21; 
the  name  of  the  mother  of  the  preceding  four  sons,  a  D  following  dxn 
having  fallen  out,  the  text  having  stood  'NC  dxn  Ozem  of  Ahijah, 
Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.  (S>  d8€\<p6s  avroO  =  n^ns  has  been  followed, 
so  Ki.  &  ^ayL^  =  rnx,  We.  DGJ.,  p.  15. — 29.  Sin>3N]  read  with 
many  mss.,  d"^  '?>n^jx. — 30.  d^dh]  also  v.  ".  Ki.  emends  to  onoK 
after  (&^  'Ecppdi/x,  ^  y^L^f^;^^,  since  a  name  a-.sK  is  suspicious.  We. 
DGJ.,  but  (6^  may  be  a  corruption  of  A<p<paiiJ.  (S*. — B-ja  nS]  also  v.  ", 

see  Ges.    §  iS2u. — 31.    lyr^]  (&^  'I<re/ttTj\,  $    )  «Sa),    both  of  which 

Ki.  (SBOT.)  thinks  point  to  a  divine  appellative  at  the  end,  hence 
following  the  indication  of  (B^  leaaovei  he  reads  ^^tn  -  ^yc']  -  '?3?3B'N 
cf.  We.  TS.,  on  i    S.  14". 

34-41.  The  pedigree  of  Elishama  a  descendant  of  the  Je- 
rahmeelite  Sheshan. — 34.  And  Sheshan  had  no  sons  bid  daugh- 
ters]. To  reconcile  this  statement  with  v.  '">  it  has  been  assumed 
that  Alilai  was  a  daughter  of  Sheshan,  "sons"  there  indicating 
only  descendants  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.)  This  is  possible,  but  for 
w.  "■"  the  Chronicler  probably  had  an  entirely  different  source 
from  that  of  w.  "-•'.  (Ki.  regards  them  as  a  late  section  added 
to  the  work  of  the  Chronicler,  giving  another  and  fuller  story  of 
the  lines  of  descent  from  Sheshan  and  placed  here  as  an  appendix 
to  the  families  of  the  Jerahmeelites.) — Jar  hi].  Of  this  Egyptian 
nothing  further  is  known,  and  also  nothing  further  of  the  four- 
teen descendants  recorded  in  vv.  "<'.  Although  many  of  the 
names  occur  elsewhere,  in  no  case  can  they  be  probably 
identified  with  those  persons.  We  do  not  know  also  when 
Elishama'  (v.  <■),  whose  pedigree  is  so  carefully  recorded,  flour- 
ished.    Since  Sheshan  is  the  tenth  in  descent  from  Judah,  older 


n.  42-65.]  DESCENDANTS   OF  CALEB  95 

commentators  thought  of  him  as  residing  in  Egypt  not  far  from 
the  period  of  the  Exodus  and  placed  the  period  of  Ehshama  four- 
teen generations  later  or  near  the  close  of  the  period  of  the  Judges 
(Ke.).  More  likely  Elishama  represents  some  one  near  the  time 
of  the  Chronicler.  If,  however,  Jarha  lived  as  early  even  as  1000 
B.  c,  and  Elishama  about  600  B.  c,  there  is  nothing  in  the  charac- 
ter of  the  names  given  against  the  genealogy  being  genuine.  They 
stand  in  sharp  contrast  with  others  which  appear  to  be  made  up 
from  names  current  in  the  Chronicler's  own  time  (Gray,  HPN. 

P-235)- 

42-55.  Families  of  Caleb.— C/.  w.  ''-''*.  Vv.  «-«•  *■>■  ■"•  '<" 
belong  together  and  come  apparently  from  the  same  source  as  w. 
26.33_  Vv.  "•  <'  60a^-66  appear  also  of  common  origin,  and  belong 
to  the  late  material  of  i  Ch.  (We.,  Ki.). — 42.  The  brother  of 
Jerahmeel]  v. '. — Mesha*]  an  early  family  of  Caleb  (if  text  is  not 
altered)  of  which  nothing  further  is  known;  in  2  K.  3^  the  name  of 
akingofMoab.  ^  has  Maresha,  see  below. — Ziph]  two  places  of 
this  name  are  given  among  the  towns  of  Judah:  one  Jos.  15",  still 
unidentified,  the  other  Jos.  15^^  cf.  i  S.  23 '<  ^-  26^,  the  modern  Tell 
Ziph  one  and  three-quarters  hours  south-east  of  Hebron  (Baed." 
p.  170).  This  latter  is  here  referred  to. — Maresha^]  the  name 
of  a  well-known  town  of  the  Shephelah,  Jos.  15^^  2  Ch.  11 »  149  '■ 
20"  Mi.  I '5 1,  the  modern  Merash  (Baed."  p.  116).  It  is  difficult, 
however,  to  bring  this  place  in  connection  with  Hebron,  although 
Hebron  may  in  some  way  have  been  colonised  therefrom.  Well- 
hausen  regards  the  name,  from  the  preceding  words  "sons  of," 
as  purely  gentilic,  and  not  to  be  connected  with  the  town.  Proba- 
bly both  Mesha  and  Maresha  are  due  to  dittographies  from  v.  "' 
and  the  verse  originally  read  Sons  of  Caleb  the  brother  of  Jerahmeel, 
.  .  .  his  first-born  the  father  of  Ziph  and  the  father  of  Hebron. 
The  name  of  this  first-born  may  He  hidden  in  Mesha  or  Maresha. 
— 43.  And  the  sons  of  Hebron].  The  descendants  now  given  are 
mostly,  if  not  all,  geographical  names. — Korah].  The  connection 
suggests  a  town  of  southern  Judah,  although  mentioned  elsewhere 
in  the  OT.  only  as  a  family  or  descendant  of  Levi. — Tapptiah] 
equivalent  to  Beth-tappuah  Jos.  15",  the  mod.  Taffuh  west  of 
Hebron    {SWP.    III.    pp.    310,    379;    Baed.^   p.    152). — Rekem] 


96  I    CHRONICLES 

Otherwise  unmentioned,  probably  a  to\.Ti  of  southern  Judah.  A 
town  of  this  name  is  given  as  belonging  to  Benjamin  Jos.  i8'", 
also  the  name  of  a  king  of  Midian  Nu.  31'  Jos.  13". — Shanm] 
perhaps  the  same  as  Eshtemoa'  (Hithp.  of  same  stem)  Jos.  i^^" 
21",  cf.  the  mod.  Semua  identified  with  Eshtemoa  (Rob.  Res.  II. 
p.  194).  The  location  of  Eshtemoa  in  the  immediate  neighbour- 
hood of  Hebron  favours  this  identification.^ — 44.  Raham].  The 
root  (cni)  appears  in  Jerahmeel. — Jorkeam]  probably  Jokdean 
Jos.  15",  mentioned  before  Juttah,  mod.  Yata,  east  of  Hebron 
(Baed."  p.  169). — Shammai]  (in  v.  "  a  Jerahmeelite  tribe,  in  i" 
Edomite),  not  identified  as  a  geographical  name,  perhaps  gentilic; 
a  name  of  common  occurrence,  cf.  v.  -\ — 45.  Ma  on]  Jos.  15" 
I  S.  252,  mod.  Main  south  of  Hebron  {SWF.  III.  pp.  404,  415; 
Baed.=  p.  144). — Beth-ziir]  Jos.  15^8  2  Ch.  11'  Ne.  3'*,  mod. 
Beii  Sur,  four  miles  north  of  Hebron  {SWP.  III.  p.  311 ;  Baed.<  p. 
112). — 46.  And  Ephah  the  conciib-ine  of  Caleb*  elc.].  This  verse 
is  entirely  obscure.  Neither  Ephah,  Haran,  Moza,  nor  Gazaz 
can  be  identified  with  any  places,  families,  or  persons  mentioned 
elsewhere.  Ki.  joins  with  v.  "«  and  marks  as  a  later  addition  to  i 
Ch. — 47.  Jahdai].  The  connection  with  the  foregoing  is  not  given 
and  the  name  has  been  taken  as  that  of  another  wife  or  concubine 
of  Caleb;  more  probably  Jahdai  is  a  descendant  of  Caleb  whose 
name  in  the  original  connection  has  fallen  from  the  text.  Of  the 
following  sons  none  are  otherwise  known  unless  Pelet  is  identical 
with  Beth-pelet  a  town  of  southern  Judah  Jos.  15".  The  verse 
according  to  We.  and  Ki.  is  to  be  connected  with  v.  "=■. — 48. 
Maacah]  entirely  unknown,  since  this  cannot  be  connected  with 
the  Aramean  Maacah  or  with  various  persons  mentioned  else- 
where in  the  Old  Testament  of  the  same  name  (3'  7"  8"  11",  etc.). 
— Sheber  f]  and  Tirhanah  |]  are  equally  unknown. — 49.  And 
Shaaph  begaf*],  a  continuation  of  v."". — Madmannah]  from  Jos. 
15"  a  well-known  town  of  southern  Judah,  possibly  Umm  Deinneh, 
twelve  miles  north-east  of  Beersheba  {SWF.  III.  pp.  392,  399). — 
5'//et'a  f]  except  Qr.  2  S.  20",  entirely  unknown. — Machbena] 
perhaps  the  same  as  Cabbon,  a  city  of  southern  Judah  Jos.  is*" 
(BDB.). — Gibe  a]  possibly  the  same  as  Gibeah  Jos.  15",  mod. 
Jeba,  eiglit  miles  west  of  Bethlehem  (SW F.  III.  p.  25),  although  a 


n.  42-55.]  DESCENDANTS   OF   CALEB  97 

locality  further  south  would  be  more  natural.  The  name  "hill" 
can  readily  be  thought  of  as  belonging  elsewhere. — And  ' Achsa 
was  the  daughter  of  Caleb].  Thinking  that  the  Chronicler  dis- 
tinguished more  than  one  Caleb  and  that  the  son  of  Hezron  differed 
from  the  son  of  Jephunneh  Mov.  regarded  this  clause  as  an  inter^ 
polation  from  Jos.  15'%  cf.  Ju.  i'^  It  is  wanting  in  §.  Ke.,  recog- 
nising two  Calebs,  ben  Hezron  and  ben  Jephunneh,  held  the  latter, 
the  father  of  Achsa,  to  have  been  a  descendant  of  the  former,  and 
bath,  daughter,  here  to  signify  in  a  wide  sense  female  descendant. 
The  original  framers  of  these  genealogies  probably  sought  no 
explanation  of  a  Caleb  ben  Hezron  and  a  Caleb  ben  Jephunneh, 
but  identified  the  two  and  gave  Achsah  as  a  daughter  in  each 
case. — 50.  These  were  the  sojis  of  Caleb].  This  summary 
looks  backward,  not  forward,  cf.  v.  '^b^  a^d  closes  the  list  of  pre- 
exihc  Calebites  in  their  ancient  homes  in  the  vicinity  of  Hebron. 
The  sons  of  Hur  the  first-born  of  Ephratha].  These  words  intro- 
duce a  new  paragraph  giving  the  Calebites  of  the  post-exilic  period 
(see  above  vv.  "  ' ). — Shobal  the  father  of  Kirjath-jearim,  51, 
Salma  the  father  of  Bethlehem,  Hareph  the  father  of  Beth-gader]. 
These  three,  sons  of  Hur,  are  either  the  post-exilic  founders  of  the 
three  towns  mentioned,  or  an  adoption  of  the  reputed  founders  of 
those  places  by  the  later  Calebite  settlers.  According  to  Ru.  4=°  '■ 
Salma  was  the  great-great-grandfather  of  David. — Beth-gader] 
pT;^  Jos.  12"),  Gedor,  see  4*. — 52.  And  the  sons  of  Shobal  .  .  . 
were  Re'ajah*,  half  of  the  Manahtites^].  This  passage  is  utterly 
obscure.  The  emendations  are  derived  from  v.  ^*  42. — 53.  The 
Ithrites  and  the  Puthites  and  the  Shumathites  and  the  Mishrdites]. 
Nothing  further  is  known  of  these  families  of  Kirjath-jearim.  Two 
of  David's  heroes  were  Ithrites  2  S.  23'8 1  Ch.  ii^";  their  connection, 
however,  may  have  been  with  Yattir  i  S.  30"  (Klo.,  Sm.). — And 
from  these  went  forth  the  Zorathites  and  the  Eshta'olites].  From 
these  families  or  the  Mishraites  alone  came  the  inhabitants  of 
Zorah  (mod.  Surah,  SWP.  III.  p.  158)  Jos.  19^'  Ju.  13^  25^  etc., 
and  of  Eshta'ol  (mod.  Eshua  near  Surah,  SWP.  II.  p.  25)  Jos. 
15"  19"  Ju.  13",  etc. — 54f .  The  sons  of  Salma]  the  heading  of  the 
following  places  and  families.  On  Salma  cf.  vv.  "  ^i. — Netopha- 
thites]  Ne.  12=',  cf  2  S.  23='  2  K.  25",  the  inhabitants  of  Netophah, 


98  I    CHRONICLES 

Ezr.  2"  Ne.  7»«,  probably  a  village  near  Bethlehem,  identified  with 
the  ruin  f/w  Toba  north  of  Bethlehem  {SWP.  III.  p.  52),  or  pos- 
sibly Beit  Netlif  (Rob.  Res.  II.  pp.  16/.,  but  see  Bacd.*  p.  124). — 
Ataroth-beth-jo\ih]  an  unknown  place. — Half  the  Manahtites  tlie 
Zorites].  Cf.  v.".  One  half  of  this  otherwise  unkno\\Ti  family 
seems  to  have  dwelt  at  Kirjath-jearim  and  the  other  at  Zorah. — 
And  families  of  the  scribes  inhabiting  Jabez,  Tirathites,  Shima- 
thites,  Sucathites].  The  mention  of  the  scribes  shows  clearly  that 
we  have  a  post-exilic  notice,  since  it  is  doubtful  whether  families 
of  them  existed  earlier.  The  location  of  Jabez  is  unknown,  cf. 
4'  ' .  In  the  three  families  Jerome  recognised  three  different 
classes  of  religious  functionaries,  H  canentes  atqiie  resonantes  et  in 
tahernaculis  commorantes.  ®  explains  somewhat  similarly,  except 
that  the  Sucathites  are  those  "covered"  with  a  spirit  of  prophecy. 
Be.  follows  in,  except  that  he  regards  the  first  class  as  gate-keepers 
(Aram,  ynn  =Heb.  nj/'y')-  ^Vc.  {DGJ.  pp.  30/.)  finds  underlying 
the  three  names  rij?"iri  a  technical  term  for  sacred  music,  n*?12*ky 
the  Halacha  or  sacred  tradition,  and  n^lil'  which  he  connects, 
following  Be.  and  H,  with  nwlD  booth  (so  also  Ki.).  Buhl 
(HWB.^^)  derives  the  last  two  names  from  unknown  places.  Ke. 
interprets  as  descendants  from  the  unknown  Tira,  Shemei  and 
Sucah.  Bn.  finds  too  obscure  to  explain. — These  are  the  Kenites 
who  camefrotn  Hammath  f  the  father  of  the  house  of  Rcchab]  an 
obscure  statement.  The  Rechabites,  Je.  35*  «•,  probably  became 
an  integral  part  of  the  post-exilic  Jews,  and  families  of  scribes, 
perhaps  from  their  ancient  loyalty  to  Yahweh  (2  K.  10'^  ■■),  seem 
to  have  been  reckoned  as  belonging  to  them  along  with  their  other 
connection  with  Salma.  That  the  Rechabites  were  also  Kenites 
(Ju.  I"  4"  I  S.  15')  is  not  improbable.  An  indication  of  their 
position  in  post-exilic  Judaism  may  be  seen  in  the  fact  that  one  of 
their  number,  Malchijah  ben  Rechab,  was  the  overseer  of  one  of 
the  Judcan  districts,  Ne.  y*. 

42.  pnan  'as  ncns  ij3i  t\v  'jn  nih  n;3  jrcs  ':'Nrn-\>  ins  2*^3  'j^i]. 
This  text  is  probably  corrupt.  (6  has  nns  instead  of  >;:"3  which  Ki. 
follows  and  strikes  out  '3n  before  jnan  as  a  gloss  (Kom.,  BH.).  yv-'p 
following  "^NDm^  may  have  arisen  from  the  preceding  jtss^Sn  v.  <• 
(a  similar  confusion  from  the  present  text  appears  in  i&,  where  in  place  of 


m.  1-24.]  DESCENDANTS   OF  DAVID  99 

psfiD,  the  text  has  jrotr^SN),  and  ncns  may  be  a  transmuted  dittography 
of  yv"a  with  'J3i  added.  Under  this  conjecture  the  original  text  as  far 
as  can  be  restored  was  jn^n  ^ni  in  ^^n  Nin  nja  .  .  .  Sxcm''  ^nx  aSo  >J3. 
A  first-born  who  occupied  perhaps  first  the  district  of  Ziph,  or  small 
town  Ziph,  and  later  Hebron,  is  a  not  unnatural  supposition  from 
the  story  of  Caleb's  relation  to  Hebron  given  in  Jos.  14'  ^-  151'.  It  is 
also  possible  that  w^n  has  fallen  out  before  nsy-ia  through  the  simi- 
larity of  names. — 44.  Dyp-c]  cf.  D>npi  Jos.  1556.  The  two  names  are 
without  doubt  identical. — 47.  jtr'ij]  (U*  Trjpa-w/ji.,  cf.  ^  Zwyap,  which,  even 
if  corrupt,  supports  p  in  the  •*■  text,  hence  Ki.  y^-'.i. — 48.  ^S>].  The 
subject  nayn  requires  ni'^j,  Ges.  §  145M. — 49.  lyc  nSm]  to  be  read 
IJitt'  17M,  since  1^!:'  has  already  been  mentioned  in  v.  *',  and  v.  "  most 
probably  is  its  continuation,  We.  Z)G/.  p.  19,  Ki. — 50.  p]  some  MSS., 
(6,  "B  'J3,  required  since  several  sons  of  Hur  are  enumerated. — 51.  xd'jb'] 
(S^"^  ^a\u}fiti)v. — 52.  nx-in]  read  niNi.  This  correction  is  made  ac- 
cording to  4^,  since  the  former  is  meaningless,  so  Ki. — mnjcn]  \nnjDn 
according  to  v.  ^K — 55.  i3t'i]  Qr.  ''2Z'i\ 

III.  1-24.  The  descendants  of  David. 

1-9.  David's  children. — The  sources  of  this  Hst  are  2  S.  32-' 
^M-u  j^'.  With  the  e.xception  of  Amnon,  Adonijah,  Absalom, 
Solomon,  and  the  daughter  Tamar,  these  children  are  known 
only  by  name.  Some  names  have  suffered  in  our  passage  through 
transcription.  Instead  of  Daniel  v.  '  we  should  read  after  2  S.  3^ 
Chileah  (v.  i.).  Otherwise  the  names  of  the  sons  bom  in  Hebron 
present  no  variations.  Of  those  bom  in  Jerusalem  the  Chronicler 
gives  Shim'a  (Sj;t:tr)  v.  ',  for  Shammua  (yiDt^)  2  S.  5'^  Elish- 
amd  (j;otr''^S)  V.  «  for  Elishud  {-^y^^b^)  14^  2  S.  s''  which 
should  be  read  here  (Bn.,  Ki.).  The  textual  corruption  in  this 
latter  case  is  very  evident,  since  Elishamd  appears  as  the  name  of  a 
son  in  V.  8  2  S.  5'=.  The  two  names  Eliphelet  (t^'^S'^^S)  v.  «,  and 
Nogah  (riJJ)  V.  ',  which  are  wanting  in  2  S.,  have  clearly  been 
developed  in  transcription  and  should  be  struck  from  the  text  (Ki.). 
Instead  of  Eljadd  (yT^^X)  (v. «  2  S.  5'^),  the  original  true  name 
probably  was  Bdaljadd  (yT'^^i),  given  in  14',  the  change 
having  been  made  to  avoid  the  use  of  Baal  (Ki.,  Dr.  TS.).  Bath- 
shu'a  (yitTTin)  V.  \  instead  of  Bath-sheba'  (yZw*  i13)  2  S.,  i  K., 
is  a  phonetic  variation  arising  from  the  similar  sound  of  2  bh 
and  T  w.  The  length  of  David's  reign  in  Hebron  and  of  that  in 
Jerusalem  are  taken  from  2  S.  5^ 


lOO  I    CHRONICLES 

1.  fnana  n'^xi]    2  S.  3-  jnanj   d^j3  nnS  nV-vi.  —  I'^tj]   on   con- 

struction, see  Dav.  Syn.  §  8i  R.  3. — -ii32n]  2  S.  11^33  ^n'v — >j8'] 
read  with  OS  ''jc'ri,  cf.  other  ordinals  with  art.  2  S.  3'  has  inj2'ci.->'N»ji] 
a  corruption  of  3n':'d  of  2  S.  where  (6  has  Ao\oi/ict  =  hn'^i,  so  also 
(S'^'-  here,  but  "  Aafj.vnj\.  These  variations  point  to  a  corruption  of  2n'^3 
into  hnSt  into  Sn^ji,  so  Ki.  In  favour  of  this  are  the  errors  of  trans- 
mission in  vv.  6(  (v.  5.).  The  name  of  the  second  son  of  David  still 
remains  doubtful,  however,  since  the  name  3nSo  occurs  nowhere  except 
in  2  S.  3'  and  ax*^  looks  like  a  dittography,  see  Stenning,  DB.,  art. 
Chileab.— S>JON^]  2  S.  +  Saj  nc-s,  but  (S  there  agrees  with  Ch.— 2. 
D1^:;'3N'^]  twenty  mss.  and  2  S.  omit  '^. — 3.  ^•jox'^]  2  S.  3^  Sa^as  p,  but  (6 
there  read  'x'^.  ^  has  been  corrected  from  l|  of  2  S. — irrs]  2  S.  3'  nt's 
Til.  #  corrected  from  2  S. — 4.  iS  nSi:  n-yz']  2  S.  nnS  n'?''  n^.s.  ^ 
conflates. — 5.  'uin'^si]  cf.  14*  =  2  S.  5'*. — ^i^Vij]  point  with  many 
MSS.  ■n'^^j,  Ges.  §  6gt. — xysi:']  14'  2  S.  5"  "idk',  c/.  i  S.  16'. — yvi'  r^'-] 
one  MS.,  H,  2  S.  II  and  i  K.  i  >'3U'  P2,  <S  B-npai^ee  {v.  s.). — 6.  yre^Sx'] 
two  MSS.,  145,  2  S.  5'*  yjiT^ — (v.  s.). — 6.  7.  njji  b'?£3''Ssi]  wanting  in  2  S. 
(v.  s.). — 8.  J,'!**?**]  14'  J7T''^>'3i  (v.  s.). — ri;'rn]  must  be  read  npac  after 
striking  out  njji  ioSdiSni  {v.  s.). 

10-14.  The  line   of   descent   from    Solomon    to    Josiah. 

— These    are    the    kings   of    Judah    who    reigned    during   this 
period. 

15-16.  From  Josiah  to  Jehoiachin. — 15.  The  sons  of  Jo- 
siah]. The  four  sons  are  mentioned  because  with  Josiah  the 
regular  succession  from  father  to  son  of  the  kings  of  Judah  ceased. 
Their  names  and  order  of  enumeration  present  difficulties.  Three 
sons  of  Josiah  are  mentioned  in  2  K.  whose  births  were  in  the  fol- 
lowing order:  Jehoiakim,  2  K.  23=^;  Jehoahaz,  2  K.  23";  Zedekiah, 
2  K.  24'8.  According  to  Je.  22"  Shallum  was  another  name  of 
Jehoahaz.  The  Chronicler  then  has  either  given  Johanan  an 
otherwise  unknown  eldest  son  of  Josiah,  and  has  misplaced  in  re- 
spect to  birth  Shallum, \\\\o  should  be  recorded  as  older  than  Zede- 
kiah (Shallum  and  Zedekiah  were  sons  of  the  same  mother  Hamu- 
tal,  2  K.  23"  24'»),  or  Johanan  stands  for  Jehoahaz  (as  a  copyist 
error,  Ki.)  and  Shallum  was  regarded  as  still  a  difTerent  son. — 16. 
The  sons  of  Jehoiakim].  On  the  plural  sons  cf.  2'. — Jeconiah] 
Je.  24'  29=,  called  also  Coniah,  Je.  22=*-  "  37',  the  king  Jehoiachin 
2  K.  24»-'5. — Zedeki<ih  his  son]  is  otherwise  unknown;  probably 
an  error,   having  arisen  because  Zedekiah  succeeded   upon  the 


m.  1-24.]  DESCENDANTS   OF   DAVID  lOI 

throne  his  nephew   Jehoiachin  (r/.  v.  '«,  2  K.   24").     The  state- 
ment may  be  from  a  glossator. 

17-24.  The  house  of  David  from  the  captivity  in  the  line 
of  Jehoiachin. — 17  f.  Atid  the  sons  of  Jeconiah  the  captive 
She'alti'el  his  son  and  Malchiram  and  Pedaiah  and  Shen'azzar, 
Jekamiah,  Hoshania  and  Nedabiah].  The  adjectiv'e  captive 
{assir  "lDi<)  having  lost  the  art.  was  taken  in  (S,  H,  ®,  also  AV., 
RVm.,  as  a  proper  name.  In  ^  it  makes  a  part  of  the  following 
name.  Kimchi,  followed  by  some  of  the  older  commentators,  re- 
garded the  last  si.x  as  sons  of  Shealtiel,  since  Zerubbabel  v.  " 
appears  in  Hg.  i'-  '2-  "  et  al.  Ezr.  3^  et  al.  as  his  son,  i.e.,  grandson. 
But  the  copula  before  Malchiram  suggests  the  usual  interpretation, 
i.  e.,  that  all  of  them  were  sons  of  Jeconiah.  ^  introduces  his 
son  (1i;3)  after  each  name,  giving  a  continuous  line  of  descent 
from  Jeconiah,  and  in  v.  '^  Pedaiah  is  omitted  and  Zerubbabel 
and  Shimei  are  made  the  sons  of  the  preceding  Nedabiah. 
This  last  is  clearly  wrong.  Of  these  sons  nothing  further  is 
known  unless  Shenazzar  is  identical  with  Sheshbazzar  "the 
prince  of  Judah"  (Ezr.  i'*  ").  This  is  probable  {cf.  Meyer, 
Enlst.  Jud.  pp.  75  ff.,  Rothstein,  die  Genealogie  des  K.  Jojackin, 
p.  29)  {v.  i.).  Koster  regards  Shenazzar  as  a  fiction  of  the  Chron- 
icler in  order  to  make  of  the  Persian  officer  an  Israelite  {IVieder- 
stellung  Israels,  pp.  28  /.  40).  Meyer  regards  the  Davidic 
descent  as  real.  Rothstein  identifies  Shenazzar  with  Pedaiah 
(op.  cit.  pp.  27  ff.). — 19.  The  sons  of  Pedaiah  Zerubbabel 
and  Shimei].  In  Ezr.  32-  »  52  Ne.  12'  Hg.  i'-  '^  '^  2^-  "^  cf.  Mt.  i'^ 
Lk.  3",  Zerubbabel  who  was  the  prince  of  Judah  under  whom  the 
Jews  returned  from  Babylon  is  called  the  son  of  Shealtiel.  This 
also  is  the  reading  of  ($^^,  Salathiel  taking  the  place  of  Pedaiah. 
d  also  omits  Shimei.  The  usual  explanation,  however,  has  been 
that  Pedaiah  was  Zerubbabel's  real  father,  but  succeeding  Shealtiel, 
of  whom  no  sons  are  mentioned,  as  the  head  of  the  family  of  David 
or  Judah,  Zerubbabel  was  called  his  son.  Of  Shimei  nothing 
further  is  known. — A^id  the  sons*  of  Zerubbabel :  Meshullam  {cf. 
5")  and  Hananiah  and  Shelomith  their  sister]  otherwise  un- 
known; the  unusual  mention  of  the  daughter  Shelomith  shows 
either  a  marked  personality  or  the  founder  of  a  family. — 20.  And 


I02  I    CHRONICLES 

Hashtibah  ■\  and  Ohel  f  and  Berechiah  and  Hasadiah  f ,  Jushab- 
hesed  f  five]  are  also  otherwise  entirely  unknown.  It  is  not 
evident  why  these  sons  should  have  been  enumerated  as  five; 
possibly  they  were  children  of  one  mother  or  born  in  Pal- 
estine after  the  return  (Be.)  (see  te.xt.  n.).  The  names  of 
Zerubbabel's  children  have  been  thought  to  express  the  hopes 
of  Israel  at  that  time,  Meshidlam  meaning  "Recompensed," 
cf.  Is.  42";  Hananiah,  "Yahweh  is  gracious";  Shelomith, 
"Peace";  Hashubah,  "Consideration";  Ohel,  "Tent,"  i.  e., 
"Dwelling  place  of  Yahweh";  Berechiah,  "Yahweh  blesses"; 
Hasadiah,  "Yahweh  is  kind";  Jushab-hesed,  "Kindness  returns" 
(Be.). — 21.  And  the  son  of  Hananiah  Pelatiah  and  Jesha  iah],  on 
son  for  sons,  cf.  2^, — the  sons  of  Rephaiah,  the  sons  of  Arnan,  the 
sons  of'Obadiah,  the  sons  of  Shecatiiuh].  This  list  has  been  inter- 
preted in  two  ways,  (i)  Hananiah  was  the  father  of  six  sons 
before  four  of  whom  sons  was  written  because  they  were 
founders  of  distinguished  families  of  the  time  of  the  writer  (Be.). 
(2)  From  sons  of  Rephaiah  to  the  end  of  the  chapter  is  a  genealog- 
ical fragment  representing  branches  of  the  family  of  David,  whose 
connection  with  Zerubbabcl  was  unascertainable  (Ke.,  Mov.  p. 
30).  Instead  of  ''^3  (B,  V,  ^  have  ^^2  "his  son"  and  the  verse 
reads  And  the  son  of  Hananiah  was  Pelatiah  and  Jcshiah  his  son, 
and  Arnan  his  son,  and  Obadiah  his  son,  and  Shecaniah  his  son. 
This  is  preferred  by  Bn.,  Ki.,  Kuenen,  Einl.  pp.  114  /.  et  al. 
and  brings  the  descendants  of  David,  including  those  of  w."-*, 
to  eleven  generations  after  Zerubbabel,  and  thus,  it  may  well 
be  assumed,  to  the  time  of  the  Chronicler  {v.  Intro,  pp.  5  /.). — 
22-24.  Of  the  persons  here  named  nothing  further  is  known.  In 
V. "  the  sons  of  Shemaiah  are  enumerated  as  six.  Since  only 
five  are  given,  a  name  has  either  fallen  from  the  text,  or  we 
should  omit  and  the  sons  of  Shemaiah  and  read  and  Ilattiish  {v.  i.). 
None  of  the  names  here  given  as  descendants  of  Zerubbabel 
appear  in  the  genealogies  of  Christ  recorded  in  Mt.  i'  "■  Lk. 
3"  fl-.  Some  have  thought  to  identify  or  connect  Hattiish  with 
the  one  recorded  in  Ezr.  8-.  Ki.  holds  that  if  this  is  the  case 
he  is  the  son  of  Shecaniah  and,  as  mentioned,  and  the  sons  of 
Shemaiah  should  be  struck  out.     Then  and  the  sons  at  the  begin- 


m.  1-24.]  DESCENDANTS   OF   DAVID  I03 

ning  of  the  verse  is  correct  and  the  number  six  is  accounted  for. 
The  name  Hattush,  however,  is  not  infrequent  (Ne.  3'"  10'  12'). 


17-24.  Rothstein  in  his  somewhat  fanciful  monograph  on  these  verses 
{op.  cit.  s.)  presents  the  following:  In  vv.  '^  '•  read  i^dnh  and  omit  iJ3 
at  end  of  v.  '^.  Shealliel  and  Malchiram  were  born  before  Jehoiachin 
was  released  by  Evil-Merodach  and  were  probably  put  to  death  by 
Nebuchadrezzar,  in  view  of  the  rebellious  character  of  the  Jews,  that  the 
line  of  David  might  be  childless.  The  name  Shealliel,  "  I  have  asked  of 
God,"  was  given  because  the  father  had  prayed  for  a  son,  and  the  name 
Malchiram,  '  My  king  is  exalted,"  because  it  was  of  double  meaning, 
a  possible  expression  of  allegiance  to  the  Babylonian  king  or  of  trust  in 
Yahweh  the  King.  Pedaiah  and  the  other  sons  were  born  after  their 
father's  deliverance.  This  is  revealed  in  the  meaning  of  Pedaiah, 
"Yahweh  hath  redeemed,"  and  of  the  other  compounds  of  Yahweh, 
which  are  similar  expressions  of  hope  and  trust.  Shenazzar  on  the  other 
hand  is  not  the  name  of  another  son,  but  the  Babylonian  name  of 
Pedaiah  which  reappears  in  the  Sheshbazzar  of  Ezr.  i '.  Sheshbazzar  and 
Pedaiah  are  the  same  person.  The  correctness  of  Pedaiah's  fatherhood 
of  Zenibbabel  (v.  ")  is  maintained.  Zerubbabel's  name  implies  his  birth 
in  Babylon,  while  his  brother  Shimei=She»2aiah  "  Yahweh  hath  heard  " 
was  born  in  Palestine.  At  the  beginning  of  v.  20  read  aVrc  •'J3  (v.  also 
s.)  and  revise  the  names  reading  n^pu'n  "Yahweh  considers,"  instead  of 
nj^-n  (v.  5.),  and  Ss^n-  (Sxin^)  "Yahweh  causes  to  live,"  instead  of  Sdk 
(v.  s.)  and  niu'v  "Yahweh  brings  quietness,"  instead  of  iDn  acv 
{v.  s.).  V.  ='  should  read  nijon  .  .  .  n^oni  n^'i'tt"!  rr^BSfl  n'jjn  >j3i,  the 
verse  mentioning  only  the  sons  of  Hananiah,'"ija  being  repeated  through 
copyist  error.  Instead  of  lJ->x  read  n^JiN.  In  v.  "  eliminate  n^j'ci:'  ij3i 
as  copyist  error  and  read  t^iani.  Skj"!  is  an  equivalent  for  Snjii  and  in 
place  of  the  unexampled  nn2  read  ^>^Iy  and  instead  of  nnj?j  read 
nnj^j.  In  V.  -2  read  •'J31  instead  of  ]2^.  The  remaining  names  of  the 
section,  in  vv.  "'•,  are  correctly  transmitted  and  full  of  meaning.  In 
^rp_i>*?N  "Unto  Yahweh  are  mine  eyes"  is  a  confession  and  prayer  of 
trust  in  Yahweh  for  the  fulfilment  of  promised  deliverance  from  present 
humiliation. 

17.  idn]  read  iDNn,  the  preceding  word  ending  in  n  has  caused  the 
loss  of  the  art. — 18.  nxxjirn]  has  been  identified  with  isars'  of  Ezr.  i' 
(v.  s.).  A  comparison  of  the  Greek  MSS.  of  i  Esd.  2>'  and  2  Esd.  i' 
shows  that  SavajSao-irapos  was  the  original  form  in  <S  of  Ezr.,  hence 
-\X3tt'tt'  probably  read  ii'3j'.:'  originally. — i'^'^T'in]  is  either  abbreviated 
from  nr\\  or  a  textual  error  (BDB.).— 19.  nna]  (§"*  +  iomss.  SntiSni:' 
may  be  a  correction  from  Hg.  or  Ezr.  (v.  s.),  either  by  the  original 
translator  or  by  a  later  scribe.     Possibly  something  has  fallen  from  the 


I04  I    CHRONICLES 

text  after  n'lD-pi]  read  with  some  Mss.,  (8,  &,  "031,  so  Kau.,  Ki.,  Bn. 
— 20.  Since  seven  sons  and  one  daughter  are  inconsistent  with  the  clos- 
ing word  'i'zn,  Bn.  regards  this  verse  as  a  later  interpolation.  Ki. 
suggests  the  insertion  of  a^u'B  ■•jai  at  the  beginning  {BH.,  .so  also  Roth- 
stein,  op.  cit.). — 21.  jai]  some  mss.,  (&,  &,  ®,  'J3i — jj]  (g,  B,  (&)  four 
times  1J3  -h  iJO  at  the  end  {v.  s.). — 22.  rt^izv  ^jai]  may  be  an  error  for 
'V  pi,  so  (S,  B,  S»  (but  z'.  5.). — 23.  pi]  read  with  some  MSS.,  (S,  (J, 
■•jai. — 24.  iny-i\n]  Qr.  in^'iT'"!,  05*  fi5oi/(a  (so  (S  in  5"  9'),  B  Oduia  = 
Livnin. 

IV.  1-23.  Fragmentary  genealogies  of  families  of  Judah. 

The  meaning,  date,  and  connection  of  these  genealogical  notices  are 
very  if  not  entirely  obscure.  They  look  almost  like  a  gathering  of  genea- 
logical pebbles  rolled  together  from  various  quarters,  consisting  of 
older  and  younger  parts  that  are  kept  together  only  by  the  common  con- 
nection with  the  tribe  of  Judah  (Zoe.).  Several  of  the  leading  "  fathers" 
are  Calebites,  i.e.,  Shobal,  Hur,  Ashhur,  Chelub,  Kenaz,  Othniel,  and 
Caleb.  Hence  the  lists  represent  members  of  that  clan,  and  Caleb 
should  be  substituted  for  Carmi  in  v.'  (We.,  Ki.,  Zoe.).  Whether  the 
names  and  relationships  reflect  pre-ex.  conditions  or  post-ex.  is  difficult 
to  determine.  Ki.  in  SBOT.  regarded  the  passage,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  V.  1  and  a  few  phrases,  as  from  the  older  sources  of  Ch.  along 
with  2^"-  "-"  "•  <'.  We.'s  view  is  similar,  that  in  the  main  pre-cx. 
conditions  are  reflected.  Be.  held,  on  the  other  hand,  from  the  mention 
of  a  number  of  the  names  in  the  history  given  in  Ezr.  and  Ne.,  that  we 
have  a  classification  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  actually  made  in  the  time 
between  Zerubbabel  and  Ezra,  so  that  these  apparently  broken  and 
incoherent  genealogies  were  plain  to  the  readers  of  the  time  of  the 
Chronicler.  Meyer  also  finds  in  the  passage  a  reflection  of  the  same 
conditions  when  the  Calebites  had  settled  westward  in  Judah  (Entste- 
hung,  p.  164).  Bn.  finds  also  post-exilic  conditions  (Kom.  p.  13).  Ki. 
in  Kom.  adopts  this  view. 

1.  Introduction. — The  sons  of  Judah;  Perez,  Hezron,  Caleb*, 
Hur,  Shobal].  ^  and  all  Wss.  have  Canni  ("':;"2),  but  clearly 
from  2<-  '•  »•  '"  \vc  should  read  Caleb  (Wc.,  Ki.,  Zoe.,  Bn.)  (per- 
haps originally  '^2h'2  easily  transmuted  into  ''a"i2,  cj.  2'  ''2*^2). 
According  to  2'  '  "  '  "  these  sons  of  Judah  are  not  co-ordinate, 
but  after  the  analogy  of  i',  a  line  of  descent.  The  treatment,  how- 
ever, in  the  following  vv.  suggests  co-ordinate  sons  of  whom  the 
youngest,  Shobal,  is  considered  first,  v. »,  then  the  next  older,  Hur, 
vv. '-'",  and  then  the  ne.xt,  Caleb,  vv.  "-".     Next  should  follow  sons 


IV.  1-23.]  GENEALOGIES    OF   JUDAH  I05 

of  Hezron  and  of  Perez.     The  sons  of  Shelah  vv.  =■  "  may  then 
be  regarded  as  an  appendix. 

Bn.  finds  in  v.  "  either  a  fragment  of  the  line  of  Hezron  and  in  w. 
17-20  the  line  of  Perez;  or  following  2"*  (as  the  text  stands!)  where  Ashhur 
is  a  son  of  Hezron,  the  line  of  Hur  having  been  restricted  to  vv.  '-<  and 
that  of  Hezron  through  Ashhur  appearing  in  2"  +  45-10,  he  regards  these 
verses  {2-*  +  4^"')  as  the  original  Hezron  list  of  c.  4,  which  originally 
stood  after  the  Caleb  list,  w.  "-'^  and  he  holds  also  The  sons  of  Perez 
were  Jehallelel  and  Ezrah  to  have  fallen  out  before  vv. '^-2",  and  thus  he 
would  bring  everything  into  order.  Ki.  adopts  essentially  this  second 
alternative.  Both  Bn.  and  Ki.  regard  the  sons  of  Shelah,  vv."  23^  as  a 
later  addition. 

2-10.  Sons  of  Shobal  and  Hur. — 2.  And  Reaiah  the  son  of 
Shobal].  Cf.  2".  Reaiah  is  a  family  name  among  those  who 
returned  with  Zerubbabel,  Ezr.  2<'  Ne.  7'". — Jahath]  is  a  fre- 
quent Levite  name  (6^-  ^^  "o-  ")  23'"  '■  24^2  2  Ch.  341^  f). — 
Ahumai  |  and  Lahad  f]  entirely  obscure.  Instead  of  Ahumai 
we  should  probably  read  after  (g  Ahimai  (Gray,  HPN.  p.  279), 
especially  if  a  compound  of  Ri<,  since  all  other  proper  names 
which  are  compounds  are  spelled  thus  (see  list  under  nS,  BDB.). 
— These  are  families  of  the  Zorathites].  Cf.  2",  where  Zorath- 
ites  are  connected  with  families  of  Kiriath-jearim  whose  father 
was  Shobal.  Zorah,  mentioned  in  Ne.  11",  was  a  residence  of 
post-exilic  Jews,  and  hence  of  interest  to  the  Chronicler.  Ki. 
(SBOT.)  regards  v."'  as  from  a  later  hand  than  x.^\ — 3.  And 
these  are  the  sons  of  Hur  *  father  of  'Etani].  ||  is  meaningless. 
This  restoration  is  the  most  plausible  (v.  i.).  'Etatn  is  obscure. 
Since  Hur  appears  in  v.  ■■  as  the  founder  of  Bethlehem,  we  might 
conclude  (adopting  the  reading  above)  that  v. '  refers  to  the  post- 
exilic  localities  of  the  Calebites  and  identify  Etam  with  the  one 
near  Bethlehem  (2  Ch.  ii«)  mod.  Ain  Aitam  (Bn.)  (Etam,  DB.). 
But  Jezreel  and  Gedor,  the  names  of  towns  of  southern  Judah 
(Jos.  15"-'*),  suggest  that  our  record  is  of  pre-exilic  conditions  and 
Etam  may  be  the  one  in  Simeon  near  Rimmon,  cf.  v.  ".  No  de- 
cision can  be  reached. — Ishnia  f]  and  Idbash  f ]  are  entirely 
obscure,  also  their  sister  Hazzelelponi  or  the  Zelelponite  f  or  Zelel 
shade  {cf.  Zillah  Gn.  4")  {v.  i.). — 4.  Penu^el  and  '/sser]  persons, 


lo6  I    CHRONICLES 

families,  or  localities  otherwise  unknown.  The  former  cannot  be 
connected  with  Penuel  east  of  the  Jordan  (Bn.  mentions  Penuel  a 
clan  of  Benjamin  8");  'Ezer  may  be  identified  with  'Ezrah  v. ". — 
The  location  of  Hnshah  is  unknown.  Two  heroes  of  David's 
guard  were  Hushites,  2  S.  21"  23"  i  Ch.  11"  2o<  27". — Gedor]. 
Cf.  V.  '»  12',  mentioned  with  Halhul  and  Beth-zur,  Jos.  15*8,  and 
generally  identified  with  mod.  Jedur  (Rob.,  Res.^  ii.  p.  13),  six  and 
one-half  miles  north  from  Hebron.  Beth-gader  (2'')  is  the  same 
place. — These  are  the  sons  oj  Hur  the  first  born  of  Ephrathah  the 
father  of  Bethlehem].  Cf.  2^°  ' .  The  words  after  Hur  are  ace.  to 
Ki.  (SBOT.)  a  gloss.— 5.  Ashhur].  Cf  2^*.— Father  of  Tekoa]  sl 
gloss  ace.  to  Ki.  (SBOT.)  cf  2". — The  reference  under  the  wives 
Hel'ah  and  N'a  arah  is  obscure.  No  such  places  or  districts  have 
been  identified  in  Judah.  (A  town  Na  arah  was  on  the  borders 
of  Ephraim,  Jos.  16'.)  Possibly  Naarah  ("lyJ),  "maiden,"  is 
enigmatic,  denoting  earlier  settlements  or  conditions,  and  Helah 
(^l^^^^),  "weak,"  later  and  less  favourable  ones.  The  names  of 
several  children  of  both  wives,  however,  may  be  connected  with 
southern  Judah,  the  pre-exilic  home  of  the  Calebites. — 6.  Ahiizzam 
|].  Cf.  Ahuzzath  the  friend  of  Abimelech,  Gn.  26='. — Hepher]  the 
name  of  a  town  mentioned  with  Tappuah  (Jos.  12'")  and  Socoh 
I  K.  4'",  and  hence  evidently  of  southern  Judah. — Temeni-\]  the 
word  (^iCn)  means  a  Southerner,  i.  e.,  of  southern  Judah,  cf 
Teman  (patronymic  ''j!2\1)  the  name  of  Edom,  Gn.  36",  etc. — 
And  the  Ahashtarites  f  ]  ('•"iriunxr!)  entirely  obscure.  The  word 
has  been  given  a  Persian  origin  (BDB.).  Be.  thought  there  was  no 
occasion  for  this.  A  textual  corruption,  however,  may  underlie  it 
and  the  reference  still  be  to  early  abodes  or  families  of  the  Calebites. 
Or  it  may  have  originally  stood  without  the  connective  in  apposi- 
tion with  the  preceding  names,  being,  at  the  time  of  the  Chronicler, 
a  family  name  of  those  who  traced  their  origin  to  the  places  of 
southern  Judah  previously  mentioned.  Possibly  also  it  simply 
summarises  the  previous  families  as  the  Ashhiirites  (EBi.  II.  col. 
1921)  {v.  i.). — 7.  Zereth  f  and  Zohar*].  The  latter  is  the  family 
name  of  Ephron  of  Hebron,  Gn.  23'  25',  and  of  a  son  of  Simeon, 
Gn.  46'°. — Ethtian]  ("inX)  probably  identical  with  Ithnan 
(ijn'')  a  city  of  southern  Judah   Jos.  15". — 8.  And  Koz].     The 


IV.  1-23.]  GENEALOGIES    OF   JUDAH  107 

abrupt  introduction  of  Koz  is  striking.  Perhaps  he  has  fallen 
from  the  list  of  the  sons  of  Helah  and  should  be  supplied,  so  ©. 
He  is  thus  restored  at  the  end  of  v. '  by  Ki.  {v.  i.).  Possibly  his 
name  was  struck  out  from  these  lists  intentionally,  since  Hakkoz 
appears  as  a  post-exilic  priestly  family  (24'°  Ezr.  2«'  Ne.  7")  and 
the  writer  desired  that  the  Judean  Calebite  or  non-Levitical  origin 
of  this  family  might  not  appear.  The  identity  of  names,  however, 
may  be  purely  accidental  (r/.  24'").— '.4;n<6  f]  probably  to  be  con- 
nected with  'Anab  {2^^),  Jos.  15=",  a  town  near  Debir,  mod. 
'Anab  {SWP.  III.  pp.  392/.).  The  names  Koz  {f^'p)  thorn,  and 
^Anuh  (31  jy)  grape,  suggest  an  allegory,  a  thorn  here  bringing  forth 
a  grape,  cf.  Mt.  7'^  (Zoe.). — Of  Zobebah  f  and  the  families  of 
Aharhel  f  son  of  H arum  f  nothing  further  is  known.  Instead  of 
Zobebah  probably  Jabez  should  be  read  {i'.  i.). — 9.  And  Jabez 
was  more  honorable  than  his  brethren].  The  abrupt  introduction 
of  Ja'bez  if  not  corrupted  into  Zobebah  (v. «)  is  striking.  He 
probably  belonged  to  the  family  of  Koz  and  was  the  reputed 
founder  of  Jabez  (2*5),  and  hence  represents  Calebite  scribes  of  the 
family  of  Hur  who  had  enjoyed  some  special  prosperity.  The 
cause  of  this  prosperity  is  given  in  vv.  ^b.  10.  His  mother  had  given 
him  a  name  of  ill  omen,  but  he  had  prayed  that  its  significance 
might  not  be  fulfilled  and  God  granted  his  request. — Now  his 
mother  called  his  name  Jabez  (l^^y)  saying  I  have  borne  him  with 
pain  (i^'J?)]  a  popular  etymology  and  explanation  of  the  name 
Jabez.  Cf.  similar  explanations  of  the  names  Moab  and  Ammon 
(Gn.  19"  ' ),  and  of  the  sons  of  Jacob  (Gn.  29=2. 33. 35  ^o=-  «,  etc.). 
The  transposition  of  the  letters  2"i'J?  to  |'2>;  is  noticeable.  The 
name  is  equivalent  to  DXy^  meaning  He  causeth  pain. — 10.  And 
Ja'bez  called  on  the  God  of  Israel  saying,  Oh  that  thou  wouldest 
surely  bless  me  and  enlarge  my  border  and  that  thy  hand  woidd  be 
with  me  and  thou  wouldest  keep  back  evil  so  that  no  sorrow  shoiddest 
befall  me!].  A  prayer  that  the  evil  signified  by  his  name  might 
be  averted. — And  God  granted  that  which  he  asked].  This  ex- 
plains V.  «". 

3.  DH'j?  ''3X  n'-xi]  some  MSS.  ^i2  instead  of  ox  and  others  os—'ja; 
(g  Kal  oJJTOi  viol  Airdv;  B  '  *^i  1  tV]?  ^tnols  ^t\aiO,  And  these 
are   the   sojis  of  Aminadah;  B  Ista   quoqiie  stirps  Etam.     Something 


Io8  I    CHRONICLES 

seems  to  have  fallen  from  ^.  Kau.  follows  (&.  Ki.  ';!<  iin  'ja  h'^ni 
DQ'i'  (And  these  are  tJie  sons  of  Hur  the  father  of  Etam)  (also  Bn.). — 
'jiflS'^xn]  may  be  read  the  Zelelponite  or  taken  as  a  personal  name 
Zelelponi,  meaning,  Give  shade  thou  that  turnest  to  me  (BDB.).  It 
is  better  to  see  in  ''JiD  a  dittography  from  the  following  Snub.  The 
name  then  is  SSxn  or  perhaps  S'^x.  One  is  tempted  to  write  SnSs 
shade  of  God. — 6.  qthn]  some  MSS.,  ®  2tnN,  B  Oozam. — 'i-cnNn] 
perhaps  a  corruption  of  'iincNn  the  Ashhurites  {v.  s.). — 7.  inxi]  read 
with  Qr.  "insi,  (5  Kal  Zdap. — pPNi]  21  +  y•\p^,  adopted  by  Klo.  PRE.^ 
iv.  94,  followed  by  Ki.,  Bn. — 8.  Ki.  following  Klo.  inserts  y^y 
among  the  sons  of  fip,  also  suggesting  as  possible  that  naasn  =  y^'P 
— 9.  T3>"]  in  popular  etymology  derived  from  as;?  (v.  s.).  It  is  not 
necessary  to  suppose  with  Klo.  that  the  name  read  3S>\  cf.  T". — 10. 
on]  a  particle  of  wishing,  BDB.  cn  ib  (3),  Ges.  §  1516,  or  of  con- 
dition with  conclusion  suppressed,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Ges.  §  167a. — nj'-^p  niB'jri] 
is  difficult  to  translate.  (&  yvCiaiv  =  n;n^.  The  readings  ni',12  and 
nsnr;  have  been  suggested.  Ki.  thinks  an  error  lies  in  the  verb  and 
reads  'D  n''7Qi.  Better  retain  M. — "'3x^  \iSaS]  noun-suffix  as  object  of 
inf.,  Ges.  §  115c;   penult  syllable  closed,  Ges.  §  6ia. 

11-15.  The  sons  of  Caleb. — 11.  And  Calub]  i.e.,  Caleb 
(cf.  2'  and  above  on  v.'). — Of  Shiihah  f  nothing  is  known.  (^ 
has  in  place  of  the  brother  of  Shiihah,  "the  father  of  Achsah"  Jos. 
15",  clearly  a  makeshift  in  an  obscure  passage.  Buhl  {HWB.'^^) 
suggests  the  reading  Hushah,  cf.  v.  *. — Mehir  f]  and  Eshton  f ] 
are  also  entirely  obscure. — 12.  Beth-rapha]  a  place  or  family 
otherwise  unknown.  A  Benjaminite  Rapha  is  mentioned  8',  and 
Kapha  collective  sing.,  or  plural  Raphaim  (mss.  vary),  20<  refer  to 
the  giant  aboriginal  race  of  Palestine.  A  vale  (.t!Cy)  of  Rephaim 
near  Jerusalem  is  also  mentioned,  Jos.  15'  i8'«  2  S.  5"-  ". — 
Paseah']  a  post-exilic  family  name  of  Nethinim,  Ezr.  2*9  Ne.  7",  cf. 
Ne.  3«. — Tehimmh  ^father  of  the  city  Nahash\  This  looks  like 
a  reference  to  some  post-e.xilic  Jewish  settlement,  but  is  utterly 
obscure. — Recah  f  ].  (S®^  (probably  original  (&,  see  text,  n.)  have 
Recab,  and  this  probably  furnishes  the  true  reading  and  explana- 
tion of  the  families  given  in  vv.  "  ' .  They  were  Recabites,  cf.  2". 
— 13.  And  the  sons  of  Kenaz  OthnVel  and  Seraiah].  Cf.  Ju.  i>» 
where  Othniel  is  called  the  son  of  Kenaz,  and  is  either  the  nephew 
or  brother  of  Caleb  (Moore  in  loco  favours  the  latter).  Othniel 
probably  represents  a  clan.     Seraiah  (not  an  infrequent  name 


IV.  1-23.]  GENEALOGIES   OF   JUDAH  I09 

from  the  time  of  David  onward)  as  the  brother  of  Othniel  is 
mentioned  only  here.  It  smacks  so  strongly  of  an  individual  and 
the  later  period  of  Israel's  history  that  it  probably  represents  a 
post-exilic  connection,  cj.  v.  14  (r/.  Gray,  HPN.  p.  236). — And 
the  sons  of  Othni'el  Hathath  f]  entirely  obscure. — 14.  And 
Meonothai  f]  (TlJiyOI)  probably  represents  inhabitants  of 
Ma' on,  cf.  2".  One  would  expect  a  connection  with  Othniel  to 
have  been  indicated.  Possibly  Hathath  represents  a  mutilation 
by  copyist  of  Me  onothai  or  its  original,  or  perhaps  and  Me  ono- 
thai  has  fallen  from  the  text  after  Hathath  {v.  i.). —  Ophrah] 
entirely  unkno\\Ti.  The  word  occurs  as  the  name  of  the  city  of 
Benjamin,  Jos.  18"  i  S.  13",  and  also  as  that  of  one  of  Manasseh 
Ju.  6". — And  Seraiah  begat  Joab  the  father  of  the  Ge-harashim] 
i.e.,  Valley  of  Craftsmen,  for  they  were  craftsmen].  Ge-harashim 
is  mentioned  with  Lod  and  Ono  Ne.  ii'^,  and  it  may  be  identified 
with  the  ruin  Hirsha  east  of  Lydda  (DB.).  Of  this  Joab  nothing 
further  is  known.  Probably  a  Kenizzite  Othnielite  Seraiah  was 
the  reputed  father  of  a  Joab  who  established  a  post-exilic  colony 
or  settlement  of  craftsmen  near  Ono  and  Lod.  Indeed  in  post- 
exilic  times  if  not  earlier  the  Kenites,  whom  some  have  regarded  as 
the  smiths  or  craftsmen  of  ancient  Israel  (Sayce,  Art.  Kenite,  DB.), 
may  have  been  reckoned  as  Calebites. — 15.  And  the  sons  of 
Caleb  the  son  of  Jephimneh]  Nu.  32'''  Jos.  i4«-  ".  The  link  con- 
necting Caleb  with  Kenaz  is  apparently  omitted  as  well  known. 
The  enumeration  of  descendants  of  Othniel  before  those  of  Caleb 
son  of  Jephunneh  is  in  accordance  with  the  method  in  this  chapter 
of  mentioning  the  younger  members  of  a  family  first,  cf.  Shobal 

V.  ^  before  Hur,  and  Hur  before  Caleb  or  Kenaz. — Caleb  the  son  of 
Jephunneh]  a  Kenizzite,  Jos.  14^-  ■%  one  of  the  twelve  spies  whom 
Moses  sent  into  Canaan,  Nu.  13^  14%  who  was  rewarded  for  this 
service  with  the  ancient  city  of  Hebron,  Jos.  14". —  Ir  f  *  and 
Elah  f  and  Naam  f]  entirely  obscure.  One  is  tempted  to  join  Ir 
(^••y)  city,  with  Elah  and  find  a  reference  to  the  city  Elath  (Pi^X  = 
J*l^^X),  Dill.,  Gn.  36*'.  At  all  events  Elah  is  an  Edomitic  name 
which  may  be  seen  in  El-paran  (j^S  h'^^)  the  wilderness  south  of 
Judah.  Possibly  post-exilic  Calebites  looked  upon  the  ancient 
Edomitic  city  of  Elath  as  having  belonged  once  to  their  clan. — 


no  I    CHRONICLES 

And  the  sons  of  Elah,  Kenaz*].  This  statement  is  surprising  unless 
Elah  as  suggested  is  the  name  of  the  district  of  Elath  or  El-paran, 
which  might  have  been  the  early  home  of  the  Kenizzites,  or  the 
name  of  the  tribe  of  which  Kenaz  was  an  offshoot.  Ki.  thinks  a 
name  has  fallen  from  the  text  and  that  another  son  was  enumer- 
ated with  Kenaz.  Both  Bn.  and  Ki.  regard  v. ''  as  an  insertion. 
This  is  probable;  some  one  missed  an  allusion  to  Caleb  the  hero  of 
Judah  and  inserted  a  bit  of  genealogical  lore  concerning  him. 

11.  nnv^  ^nx  ai'^3i]  (B  Kal  XaX^/3  Trarrjp  Affxa.(s)  is  a  correction  from 
2". — 12.  i:'nj]  (gi^'^  +  d8e\4>ov  'E(re\utJL{v)  tov  Xeve^(e)l,  L  a.  AdOofi  t. 
Keve^alov,  adopted  by  Bn.,  Ki.,  since  it  supplies  a  connecting  link 
with  V.  '^.  Ki.  recognises  the  difficulty  raised  by  this  unknown  E<re\w/x 
being  rejiresented  as  a  son  of  Tehinnah  and  of  Kenaz  at  the  same  time, 
which  he  cx[)lains  as  a  mi.xture  of  families.  But  Eo-eXw/x  is  merely  a 
corruption  of  Eo-e^ojv  {cf.  (&^  Addon)  =  p.iCN,  hence  (S  read  pns'S  ^nx 
vjpn  which  in  turn  originally  was  tjp  'H  'H,  the  brother  of  Eshton  was 
Kenaz,  an  early  gloss  to  connect  with  v.  ". — n^-^]  <S^^  'Prjx'^i^  of  which 
A  PTj^a  is  a  corruption,  hence  (S  =  3D"»,  cf.  2^5. — 13.  rrr.]  (gL  +  Kal 
MawvaOei,  3  et  Maonathi  =  \'?''J^;?Di,  adopted  by  Bn.  and  Ki. — 15a/3. 
%  dSn  n^y  (gR  *Hp  'A5a2,  a  "Hpa  'AXd,  H  Hit  et  Ela  =  n'i-si  -i-y,  so 
Ki.  This  we  have  adopted.  We.  (DGJ.  p.  39)  retaining  il^  sees  in 
n^y  an  equivalent  of  di"!',  a  duke  of  Edom  i". — 15t>.  'J3i  1}?^  n^K] 
some  MSS.,  <g,  B,  QI  np  nSs  ^J3i.  Possibly  a  transposition  should  be 
made  and  we  should  read  up  ^1^  nSx,  these  are  the  sons  of  Kenaz 
referring  to  the  contents  of  vv.  ''•'*.  The  clause  then  would  be 
a  gloss,  since  vv.  "-<'  without  doubt  continue  the  list  of  Calebites. 
Ki.  Kom.  supposes  something  to  have  fallen  from  the  text  before  fjpi. 

16-20.  Sons  of  Perez? — 16.  JehallePel]  only  here  and  as  a 
personal  or  family  name  of  the  sons  of  Merari  (2  Ch.  19"). 
Since  the  connection  of  Jehallclel  and  Ezrah  (v. ")  is  not  given, 
Ki.  following  Bn.  {v.  s.)  supplies:  "And  the  sons  of  Perez, 
JehaUelel  and  Ezrah."  In  view  of  the  sonship  of  Zipli  one  is 
tempted  in  the  place  of  JehaUelel  to  read  Jerahmeel,  since  in  2*' 
Ziph  is  the  son  of  Alcsha,  son  of  Caleb,  brother  of  Jerahmeel 
{EBi.  n.  col.  2346).— Z^>/^].  Cf.  2*\—Zipha  f]  fern,  of  Ziph, 
possibly  a  dittography. — Tina  f  ]  and  Asar'el  f]  entirely  obscure. 
The  latter  may  be  a  form  of  Israel  (see  te.xt.  note). — 17".  And 
the  sons*  of  Ezrah]  Ezrah  possibly  same  as  Ezer  v.  \ — Jether] 


IV.  1-23.]  GENEALOGIES    OF   JUDAH  III 

common  name,  cf.  2". — Mered  ■\].—'Epher]  name  of  son  of 
Midian  i"  Gn.  25%  and  of  member  of  tribe  of  Manasseh  5". — 
Jalon  f]. — 17''  f.  ||,  repeated  in  B,  AV.,  RV.,  gives  incomplete 
meaning.  Usually  the  clauses  are  rearranged  as  follows:  ('s*") 
And  these  are  the  sons  of  Bithiah  f  the  daughter  of  Pharaoh, 
whom  Mered  took,  i.e.,  to  wife,  (''»>)  and  she  conceived  [andbore] 
Miriam  and  Shammai  and  Jishbah  f  the  father  of  Eshtenioa  ("^ ') 
and  his  Jewess  wife  bore  Jered  the  father  of  Gedor  and  Heber 
the  father  of  Soco  and  JekuthVel  f  the  father  of  Zanoah  (Be., 
Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Kau.).  (^  adopted  by  Ki.,  requiring  only  a  slight 
change  in  the  text,  gives  the  following :  And  Jether  begot  Miriam 
and  Shammai  and  Jishbah  the  father  of  Eshtenioa  and  his  Jewish 
wife  bore  Jered  the  father  of  Gedor  and  Heber  the  father  of  Soco  and 
J ekuthiel  father  of  Zenoah;  and  these  are  the  sons  of  Bithiah  the 
datighter  of  Phara  oh  whom  Mered  took  .  .  .  The  names  of  the 
sons  of  Mered  by  Bithiah  must  then  have  fallen  from  the  text. 
This  rendering  presents  three  lines  of  maternal  descent  among  the 
grandsons  of  Ezrah  (v.  »'"),  since  a  Calebite  wife  must  be  assumed 
where  none  is  particularly  mentioned. — Miriam]  elsewhere  in  the 
OT.  only  of  Moses'  sister,  is  here  evidently  a  man's  name. — Sham- 
mai]. Cf.  2'\ — Eshtemoa]  6"  <"'  Jos.  155"  21'*  i  S.  30=8  the 
present  village  es  Semu''a  south  of  Hebron  {SWP.  III.  p.  412). — 
Jered  |]  except  antediluvian  patriarch,  Gn.  5'^  *  . — Heber]  a  name 
also  of  the  son  of  Asher  7"  '■  Gn.  46"  Nu.  26^^,  of  a  Benjaminite 
8'7,  and  of  the  Kenite  husband  of  Jael  Ju.  4"-  '■•  ^i  5='.  In  this 
last  is  an  association  with  southern  Judah.  Cf.  also  Hebron 
containing  the  same  root. — Gedor].  Cf.  v.  ^ — Soco].  Two  places 
bore  this  name,  one  near  the  valley  of  Elah  Jos.  152^  i  S.  17'  i  K. 
4'°  2  Ch.  11'  28"  modern  Kh.  Shuweikeh  {SWP.  III.  p.  53;  Rob. 
BR.^  II.  pp.  20/.),  and  the  other  south-west  of  Hebron  near  Eshte- 
moa ,  Jos.  15^',  also  identified,  modem  name  same  as  the  other 
{SWP.  III.  pp.  404,  4x0;  Rob.  BR.'  I.  p.  494)-  This  latter  is 
probably  the  one  here  mentioned. — Zanoah].  Two  places  also 
bore  this  name,  one  near  Beth-shemesh,  Jos.  15"  Ne.  3''  11'", 
mod.  Zanii'a  {SWP.  III.  p.  128;  Rob.  BR.'  II.  p.  16),  the  other 
south-west  of  Hebron,  Jos.  i56«,  mod.  Kh.  Zanuta  {SWP.  III.  pp. 
404,  410/.;  Rob.  BR.'  II.  p.  204  note).     Here  again  the  latter  is 


112  I    CHRONICLES 

probably  the  one  referred  to  in  the  text.  This  passage  as  a  whole 
points  to  some  interesting  traditions  respecting  the  origin  of  the 
families  of  southern  Judah.  In  the  "daughter  of  Pharaoh"  we 
may  see  some  intermixture  of  an  Egyptian  element  in  the  families. 
— 19.  Another  entirely  obscure  genealogical  fragment. — Hodiah] 
the  name  of  several  post-exilic  Levites,  Ne.  8'  9'  10"  *">>  14". — 
Naham  f]. — Ke  ilah]  place  of  Judah  frequently  mentioned,  Jos. 
1$**,  Ne.  3"  '  (especially  in  connection  with  David  i  S.  23'  "■), 
identified  in  mod.  Ktla  east  of  Eleutheropolis  and  north-west  of 
Hebron. — Garmite  f]. — Before  Eshtemoa  the  word  father  has 
probably  fallen  out. — Maacathile  f  ].  There  may  be  some  con- 
nection between  this  person  or  family  and  Alaacah,  the  concubine 
of  Caleb  mentioned  in  2^'. — 20.  And  the  sons  of  Shimon  f  Amnon 
and  Rinnah  f  Ben-hanan  and  Tilon  f  and  the  sons  of  Jish  i 
Zoheth  f  and  the  son  of  Zoheth  .  .  .].  This  verse  is  entirely 
obscure.  The  name  of  the  son  of  Zoheth  has  fallen  from  the  text 
and  the  relationship  between  Rinnah  and  Benhannn  (Rinnah  son 
of  Hanan)  is  not  clear.  Probably  a  connective  should  be  placed 
between  them. — Amnun]  elsewhere  name  of  David's  eldest  son 
slain  by  Absalom,  3'  2  S.  3^  13'  «•. — Jish'i].     Cf.  2". 

16.  SNnfe'Ki]  ®  l(TfpaT]\  =  Sn-iu'n.  This  Ki.  adopts  with  the  remark 
that  possibly  even  before  the  time  of  the  Massorites  the  name  Israel 
was  altered  where  employed  for  individuals  in  order  to  preserve  it 
in  the  original  form  for  the  chosen  people  only.  (K^-  Affepi]  Kal 
luaxei/x.—n .  pi]  Heb.  MSS.  (see  Gin.),  <6,  "B  '031,  so  Kau.,  Ki., 
adopted. — 17b.  The  transposition  given  above  requires  iSr^i  after  inni. 
see  BDB.  under  n-\n.  (g  Kal  iyivv-qffev  'I^^ep,  hence  Ki.  a^in  HN  "i^Sin  i.^m. 
— 19.  cnj]  (6  +  Kal  Aava  (or  AaXetXa)  irarrjp  KeeiXd,  Kal  '^ufULUv 
CSefxeywv)  iraTTjp  'loj/xdv,  Kal  vioi  Narj/x.  2e(w)/xeiw»' probably  represents 
jvci;'  or  pn^u',  thus  establishing  a  connection  with  v.  •".  Not;/*  is 
doubtless  a  corruption  from  Nax^M  =  O"^,  hence  the  phrase,  if  orig- 
inal, fell  out  by  homneotelcuton.  Ki.  BH.  restores  as  follows: 
cnj  >J31  iC(i)>  ns  <p>)p>'c^'i  r^^''yp  >3N  nr'^)''':'-!  (1) .  The  double  rela- 
tionship of  the  father  of  Keilah,  however,  introduces  a  new  difficulty. 
— 20.  pSmi]  Qr.  and  (&''  ]^^':}^. 

21-23.  Sons  of  Shelah. — A  brief  notice  of  families  of 
reputed  descent  from  Shelah,  whose  stock  seems  to  have 
almost  entirely  disappeared.    Cf.  for  the  only  other  descendants 


IV.  l-P-3.]  GENEALOGIES    OF   JUDAH  II3 

recorded  9'  Ne.  11'. — The  sojis  of  Shelah  son  of  Judah  were  'Er 
father  of  Lecah  f  and  La'dah  f  father  of  Maresha  and  families 
of  the  linen  workers  of  Beth-ashbed  f  and  Jokim  f  and  men  of 
Chozeba  f  and  Jo'ash  and  Saraph  f  who  ruled  in  Mo^ab  and 
returned  to  Bethlehem^],  'iir  elsewhere  is  the  brother  of  Shelah, 
who  died  untimely  {cf.  2=).  Since  Maresha  is  the  well-known 
town  of  the  Shephelah  and  Lecah  not  unlikely  is  the  same  as 
Lachish  (Meyer,  Entst.  p.  164)  and  Chozeba  is  probably 
identical  with  Chezib  (Gn.  38)  =  Achzib  Jos.  15"  Mi.  i'<  ap- 
parently also  in  the  Shephelah,  Beth-ashbea\  otherwise  unknown, 
is  to  be  sought  in  the  same  region.  In  the  place  of  returned  to 
Bethlehem,  AV.,  RV.  have  following  M,  Jashubilehem,  a  proper 
name  parallel  with  Saraph,  but  the  rendering  given  (Ki.)  having 
the  support  of  (B,  B,  is  undoubtedly  correct.— A^ow  the  records  are 
old]  i.e.,  those  of  these  families  of  She\3ih.— These  are  the  potters 
and  the  inhabitants  of  Neta'im  f  and  Gederah].  Netaim  is  other- 
wise unknown.  Gederah  is  mentioned  in  Jos.  i^^K  RVm.  trans- 
lates them  rendering,  those  that  divelt  among  plantations  and 
hedges.— The  clause.  They  dwelt  there  in  the  king's  service]  is  an 
evident  look  backward. — These  obscure  vv.  21-23  probably  preserve 
the  family  traditions  and  relationships  of  certain  weavers  and 
potters  of  the  post-exilic  times.  The  reference  to  Moab  and  a 
return  points  to  some  story  similar  to  that  of  Ruth.  A  connection 
between  Joash  and  Saraph,  especially  from  their  ruling  in  Moab, 
and  the  post-exilic  clan  Pahath-moab  "Governor  of  Moab,"  Ezr. 
26  84  IO30  Ne.  3"  7"  io'5  <'o,  has  been  seen  {cf  however,  Pahath- 
moab,  DB.).     Bn.  holds  v.  =3  entirely  unintelligible. 

A  very  readable  exposition  of  these  obscure  verses  in  the  light  of  the 
discovery  of  jar  handles  in  S.  Pal.  inscribed  with  names  similar  or 
identical  to  those  here  given  is  presented  in  the  Pal.  Exploration 
Fund  Quarterly  Statement  1905,  by  R.  A.  Stewart  Macalister,  under 
the  title,  The  Craftsmen's  Guild  of  the  Tribe  of  Judah,  pp.  243  ff.,  328  ff. 

21.  In  ]!2^n  a  corruption  of  SyacN  has  been  found,  see  EBi.  Names 
§  42.-22.  on';'  ^3-fM]  Be.,  adopted  by  Ki.,  onS  ng  iju-m.  Cge  ^al 
dir4<TTpe\pev  avrov  a^edtjpelv  ddovKielv.  B  renders  the  entire  verse  after 
the  style  of  an  old  midrash:  Et  qui  stare  fecit  Solem  virique  Mendacii, 
et  Securus  et  Incendens  qui  principes  fiierunt  in  Moab,  et  qui  reversi 
sunt  in  Lahem. 


114  I    CHRONICLES 

24-43.  Genealogy,  geography,  and  history  of  Simeon. 

The  notices  of  Simeon  naturally  follow  those  of  Judah  owing  to 
the  close  connection  between  the  tribes,  cf.  Ju.  i'.  The  lot  of 
Simeon  was  south  of  Judah,  and  his  cities,  Jos.  19'-',  were  within 
Judah's  limits  and  in  Jos.  1526-32. 12  included  in  the  lists  of  that  tribe. 
The  account  falls  into  four  parts:  \'\-. ""  his  sons  and  the  geneal- 
ogy of  Shimei;  w.  =«•"  their  dwelling-places;  w.  "-"  their  princes; 
w. 39-<3  historical  notices.  Of  these,  vv.  "■  "■"  are  derived  from 
canonical  sources  {v.  i.).  The  genealog)'  of  Shimei,  the  list  of 
princes,  and  the  historical  incidents  at  the  close  are  of  unknown 
origin.  The  last  were  introduced  by  the  Chronicler  simply  to 
show  additional  dwelling-places. 

24-27.  The  sons  of  Simeon  and  the  genealogy  of  Shimei. 
— 24.  These  names  appear  in  Gn.  46'°  Ex.  6'^  Nu.  26'='*.  For 
variations  see  textual  note.  Nothing  is  known  of  the  clans  which 
they  represent. — 25  f.  A  line  of  descent  from  Sha'ul,  whose  mother 
was  a  Canaanitess,  Gn.  46'°  Ex.  6",  i.e.,  the  clan  contained  Canaan- 
itish  elements. — Mibsam]  and  Mishma]  are  names  also  of  de- 
scendants of  Ishmael  i'"  Gn.  25'*,  suggesting  thus  a  commingling 
of  the  Simeonites  with  Arabians. — Hamii'el  *]  interesting  as  one 
of  the  few  OT.  names  compounded  with  DH  "father-in-law,"  i.e., 
kinsman.  Hamuel  =  "a  kinsman  is  God"  or  "kinsman  of  God." 
iH  wrongly  Havimuel  =  "heat,  wrath,  of"  or  "is  God." — 
Zaccur]  is  a  frequent  post-exilic  name. — 27.  Nothing  further  is 
known  of  this  Shimei  who  surpassed  his  brethren  in  the  number 
of  his  household  or  clan. 

28-33.  The  dwelling  places  of  Simeon. — This  passage  is  a 
transcription  with  slight  changes  (x'.  f.)  of  Jos.  19--'. — 28.  Bc'cr- 
sheba]  the  well-known  outpost  of  southern  Judah  present  ruin 
Btr  es  Seta  (SWP.  III.  p.  394). — Moladah]  Ne.  ii«,  perhaps  the 
Malathof  Jos.  (Anl.  XVIII.  6.  2)  identified  by  Robinson  (BR.^  II. 
p.  201)  with  Tell  el  Milli,  east  of  Be'ersheba'.  This  is  questioned 
by  Buhl  (GAP.  p.  183)  and  Conder  (SWP.  III.  pp.  403,  415).— 
IJazar-sInt'cil]  29  BilliaJi]  or  BilaJi  (see  text,  note),  'Ezem]  and 
Tolad]  have  not  been  identified,  likewise  30  BcthiCcl\  equivalent 
to  Beth'el  i  S.  30"  unless  Beit  Aula  west  of  Hulul  {SWP.  III.  p. 
302). — TJormaJi]  according  to  JE  in  Nu.  21'  received  its  name  "de- 


IV.  24-43.]  GENEALOGY   OF  SIMEON  I15 

struction"  from  defeat  of  the  Canaanites  before  the  entrance  of 
Israel  into  the  land  of  Canaan.  According  to  Ju.  i"  its  original 
name  was  Zephath  and  the  change  took  place  through  its  destruc- 
tion by  Judah  and  Simeon.  Arguing  from  the  name  Zephath  it  has 
been  located  at  Sebaita  (Buhl,  GAP.  p.  184).  This  is  doubtful  (see 
Moore  on  Ju.  i").  The  city  belonged  to  Judah,  i  S.  7,0^",  and  is 
frequently  mentioned  Nu.  14"  Dt.  i"  Jos.  12'^  15^"  19^ — Ziklag] 
the  city  given  to  David  for  a  residence  by  Achish  King  of  Gath, 
I  S.  27«,  perhaps  Asluj  a  heap  of  ruins  south  of  Beersheba  (Rob. 
BR.^  II.  p.  201),  but  more  generally  identified  after  Conder  (SWP. 
III.  p.  288)  with  Zuhelike  south-east  of  Gaza  (so  Buhl,  GAP.  p. 
185).  It  was  a  post-exiHc  residence,  Ne.  ii^^. — 31.  Beth-marka- 
bolh]  house  of  chariots,  not  identified. — Hazar-susim]  enclosure  of 
horses,  identified  in  the  ruin  Susim  ten  miles  south  of  Gaza  (DB.). 
— Beth-biri]  probably  corruption  of  Beth-lebaoth  Jos.  19^  A 
possible  reminiscence  of  the  Lebaiyoth  mentioned  in  the  Tell  el 
Amarna  tablets;  not  identified. — Shaaraim]  Shariihen  Jos.  i9«. 
This  latter  preserves  the  true  and  ancient  name  of  the  place,  since 
it  appears  in  the  list  of  the  towTis  conquered  by  Thotmes  III. 
(Muller,  Asien  und  Europa,  pp.  158,  161).  The  town  seems  to 
have  early  lost  its  importance  or  disappeared,  and  the  name  may 
have  been  corrupted  into  Sha'araim.  It  has  been  identified  in 
the  ruin  Tell  esh  Sheriah,  twelve  miles  north-west  of  Beersheba 
(SWP.  III.  p.  262). — These  were  their  cities  until  David  reigned] 
a  parenthetical  clause  introduced  by  the  Chronicler,  either  a  refer- 
ence to  David's  census  (Ba.)  or  more  probably  implying  that  from 
the  time  of  David  onward  these  cities  no  longer  belonged  to  Simeon 
(Be.,  Oe.).  This  was  clearly  the  case  with  Ziklag,  assigned  by 
Achish  King  of  Gath  to  David  and  afterward  transferred  to  Judah. 
Some  of  them  are  given  also  in  the  list  of  the  towns  of  Judah 
in  Jos.  is^^-'-,  cf.  also  i  S.  30^°.  Moladah,  Hazar-shual,  Beersheba, 
and  Ziklag  appear  in  Ne.  h^s-js  as  residences  of  post -exilic  Juda- 
ites. — 32.  And  their  villages]  belongs  with  the  cities  enumerated  in 
vv.  28-31,  and  is  not  a  designation  of  those  following. — 'Etam]  is  a 
textual  corruption  or  substitution  for  'Ether,  cf.  Jos.  15"  19'  i  S. 
303"  (where  M  'Ethak),  not  yet  clearly  located,  although  placed  at 
the  ruin  ' Aitun  near  EleutheropoHs  {SWP.  III.  p.  261). — 'Ain- 


Il6  I    CHRONICLES 

ritnmon]  Jos.  15"  19'  Ne.  11"  Zc.  14'°,  a  proposed  identification  is 
Kli.  Umm  er  Rumanim  north-east  of  Beersheba  {SWP.  III.  p, 
261,  Buhl,  GAP.  p.  183). — Token  f]  not  yet  identified. — 'Ashan\ 
6"  <")  Jos.  15"  19^  21 '«  (SBOT.)  I  S.  30'°,  a  priestly  city  not  yet 
identified. — Four*].  '  Ain-rimmon  was  wrongly  read  as  two  places, 
hence  ^  through  corruption  ha.s Jive. — 33.  Baal]  a  curtailment  of 
Ba'alath-be^er  ra'niath-negeb.  "Mistress  of  the  well,  the  high  place 
of  the  South"  Jos.  19',  clearly  some  old  place  of  worship  whose 
locality  is  unknown. — And  they  had  a  genealogical  enrollment]  i.e., 
the  members  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon  inhabiting  these  places  had 
records  showing  their  proper  tribal  descent  and  hence  held  a  true 
place  in  Israel.  This  observation  is  the  Chronicler's  substitute 
or  paraphrase  of  the  phrase  according  to  their  families  Jos. 
19". 

34-43.  Princes  and  conquests  of  Simeon. — A  paragraph 
slightly  annotated  taken  from  some  old  source  (Ki.).  It  contains 
a  list  of  names  w.  **■",  an  explanation  of  the  persons  mentioned 
V.  "^  their  conquest  or  raid  in  the  direction  of  Philistia  vv.  "-^i  and 
in  the  direction  of  Edom  vv.  ■"■". — 34-37.  The  descent  of  three  of 
these  Simeonites  is  given:  Joshah  one  generation,  Jehii  three,  and 
Ziza  five,  but  their  connection  with  families  of  Simeon  is  not  given, 
unless,  in  the  case  of  Ziza  (v.  "),  instead  of  Shemaiah  (n^yDtl^)  we 
read  Shimei  ("'yiSti')  cf.  vv.  '«  ' .  Judging  these  names  as  a  whole, 
they  are  of  a  late  formation  (Gray,  HPN.  p.  236). — 38.  These 
enumerated  by  name,  etc.].  This  explanatory  statement  probably 
came  from  the  Chronicler  (Ki.  SBOT.). — 39.  And  they  came  to 
the  entrance  of  Gerar^  etc.].  M,  has  Gedor  cf.  v.",  but  a  slight 
emendation  gives  Gerar  {(&,  Ki.,  Graf,  Buhl,  die  Ed.  p.  41),  which, 
considering  the  locality  of  Simeon,  is  probably  the  true  reading. 
The  expedition  then  was  toward  Philistia. — 40.  For  the  inhabitants 
there  formerly  were  of  the  children  *  of  Ham]  a  clause,  perhaps 
editorial  (Ki.  SBOT.),  explaining  the  security  felt  by  the  inhabit- 
ants or  the  liberty  felt  by  the  Simeonites  in  seizing  their  territory. 
The  Hamites  represent  either  Egyptians,  Ethiopians,  or  more 
probably  Canaanitcs.  Cf.  the  similar  quiet  and  peace  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Laish  Ju.  18". — 41.  And  came  these  who  were  writ- 
ten by  name  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah  king  of  Jiidah].     Whether 


IV.  24-43.]  GENEALOGY   OF   SIMEON  II7 

the  record  (Be.)  or  the  raid  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  RV.)  of  these  Simeonites 
was  made  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah  is  uncertain  from  the  Hebrew 
text;  probably  the  latter  and  the  written  record  may  only  refer 
to  their  mention  above  vv.  '^-". — A7id  they  smote  their  tents  and  the 
Meunim  who  were  found  there].  The  Me'unim  are  usually  con- 
nected with  the  Edomitic  city  Ma' an  south  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
twenty-five  miles  west  of  Petra  (Be.,  Ke.,  Oe.,  Zoe.,  Bn.)  (this  is 
doubtful,  Buhl,  die  Ed.  p.  41),  or  with  the  Arabian  Mineans  (Gl. 
Skiz.  p.  450,  Yemen,  Ency.  Brit^,  Winckler,  KAT?  p.  143). 
The  (^  ficvaLOVi  favours  this,  cf.  also  2  Ch.  26^ — And  they  ex- 
terminated them].  There  is  no  reference  here  to  a  religious 
motive  in  the  use  of  the  word  DIP!  to  destroy  (BDB.  cf.  2  Ch.  20^3 
32"  2  K.  19"  Is.  37")- — Unto  this  day].  Cf.  v.  ",  i.e.,  unto  the 
time  of  the  composition  of  the  Chronicler's  source. — 42.  Aiid  of 
them  of  the  sons  of  Simeon  five  hundred  men  went  to  Ml.  Seir]. 
The  relation  of  these  Simeonites  to  those  previously  mentioned  is 
entirely  uncertain.  The  word?,  from  the  sons  of  Simeon  have  been 
held  to  draw  a  distinction  between  these  five  hundred  and  the 
Simeonites  previously  mentioned  (Graf,  Der  Stamm  Simeon,  p.  30), 
and  contrariwise  to  identify  them  (Be.). — 43.  The  remnant  of  the 
Atnalekites]  i.e.,  those  who  had  survived  the  attacks  of  Saul  and 
David  (i  S.  14^^  15'  2  S.  S'^)  and  other  foes.  These  conquests  of 
Simeon  whereby  the  tribe  gained  new  possessions  remind  one  of 
the  similar  expedition  of  Dan  (Ju.  17,  18),  and  we  are  inclined  to 
receive  the  record  as  genuinely  historical  (cf.  Graf,  Der  Stamm 
Simeon,  p.  ^off.).  This  historicity  is  doubted  by  Stade  {Gesch. 
I.  p.  155)  and  Wellhausen  {Prol.  pp.  212  /.).  The  late  origin 
of  the  names  in  vv.  s'-"  (^^  s.)  may  be  said  also  to  point  in  the 
same  direction.  The  motive,  however,  for  the  fabrication  of  such 
a  story  is  not  readily  apparent.  Some  of  the  older  writers  saw  in 
this  conquest  of  Mt.  Seir  the  establishment  of  an  Israelitish  king- 
dom there  which  served  to  explain  the  oracle  concerning  Dumah 
Is.  21"  '■  (Mov.  p.  136)  and  (by  Hitzig)  the  kingdom  of  Massa 
(?)  Prov.  30'  3i>  {cf.  Nowack,  Prov.  p.  xix.).  For  a  full  discussion 
of  the  movements  of  the  tribe  of  Simeon  and  also  further  views 
on  this  passage,  which  is  accepted  as  recording  history,  cf.  art. 
by  H.  \V.  Hogg,  EBi.  IV.  coll.  4527  /• 


Il8  I    CHRONICLES 

24.  This  list  of  sons  of  Simeon  appears  also  in  Gn.  46'°  Ex.  6"  Nu. 
26'-".  The  variations  are  as  follows:  Snioj,  Gn.  and  E.x.  Snic\ 
&  has  in  all  cases  initial  \  otherwise  the  Vrss.  support  1^  in  the  several 
passages.  Epigraphically  ^  is  a  more  probable  corruption  from  :  than 
the  converse.  Either  form  is  etymologically  obscure  (Gray,  HPN. 
p.  307).  Following  I'D^  Gn.  and  Ex.  have  ins,  and  &  has  here  joi^. 
3^''  (5^  'lape/v  is  in  the  parallels  pj'',  preferred  by  Ki.  and  Bn.  (but 
(&^  'lapeiv  is  probably  influenced  by  the  preceding  lafieiv,  original  <6 
beingthat  of  A'Ia/9et/3;  ^  ,^in»  is  doubtless  corrected  from  the  parallels 
as  in  many  other  places,  hence  is  worthless  as  evidence),  mt,  Gn.  and 
Nu.  inx. — 27.  ifr]  (S^^  rpeis. — 28-31.  Jos.  ig--^  ixa  DnSnj2  onS  inM 
not  J^pxi  nrnni  "^i.-iai  iSi.iSsi  Dxyi  nSai  Syia*  nxni  mSmi  j?3tfi  Iras' 
cnnxm  m•.^'J?  B-Sa*  any  inns'!  nisaS  r^ai  noiD  nxm  paanon.  The 
changes  are  the  omission  of  J'as'  and  the  insertion  of  3  before  the  names 
except  Spa*  nxm  mSin,  as  the  use  of  ^2Z'••^  required,  and  r\nh2  for  nS3>  Ssira 
for  Sin3>  iSin  for  nSi.-iSs-,  D'^DiD  for  hdid,  inij  rr-a  for  niNaS  n^a, 
and  anys'  for  innr.  The  insertion  of  the  clause  imt  iSo  13;  onny  hSn 
has  separated  on-i-isn  from  the  previously  enumerated  cities  so  that  it 
is  in  apposition  with  the  cities  of  vJ-,  thus  all  the  Vrss.  and  Kau. — 32. 
poi  PJ7  is  one  place  and  we  should  read  jraiN  instead  of  B'cn  after 
Jos.  19',  where  pn  has  fallen  from  the  text  (Bennett,  SBOT.).  In 
Jos.  D'J''];  does  not  appear.  Probably  it  is  a  corruption  of  •\p-;,  Jos.  19' 
i5<=  I  S.  305°  (where  ^  has  iny). — 35.  Nin>i]  05"*  +  *  "**•  Kal  ovtos  read- 
ing Nini. — 37.  n^ycs']  Ki.  SBOT.  corrects  to  ■'j.'cs',  to  agree  with  v.^*, 
so  also  Stade,  ZAW.  V.  p.  167.  (gs  2vix€d>p  =  ]y;T:z',  cf.  v.  «.— 40. 
DiT"  nam  in><^]  '^'^  ^""^  '-^  ""^^'^^  "/  ("")  ^'''''  ^"^'"^^y  <^f-  J^^-  iS'"  Is.  22'* 
(BDB.  -|>  3^).— p]  (5  +  TuJv  wwj'  =  ^J3.  B  +  sljrpe.—^l. 
D'J'j.'cn]  Qr.  D''Ji>'Dn. 

V.  1-26.  The  east-Jordanic  Tribes. 

The  records  of  Reuben,  Gad,  and  the  eastern  half-tribe  of  Manasseh 
are  arranged  in  general  on  the  same  plan  as  that  of  Simeon.  There  is  (i)  a 
genealogical  introduction  giving  the  sons  of  the  progenitor  of  the  tribe 
and  any  immediate  descendants  (omitted  for  Gad  and  eastern  Manas- 
seh), (2)  an  account  of  the  territory  occupied  by  each  tribe,  (3)  a  list 
of  princes  or  chiefs,  and  (4)  historical  incidents  connected  with  new 
dwelling-places.  (2)  and  (3)  are  transposed  for  Reuben  and  Gad.  It  is 
difficult  to  see  how  this  order  could  have  been  the  result  of  various 
interpolations.  We  have  rather  a  piece  of  work  which  has  come  down 
to  us  in  essentially  the  same  form  in  which  it  left  the  Chronicler's  hand. 

1-10.  Reuben. — The  tribe  of  Reuben  early  became  insignifi- 
cant, losing  its  territory  through  the  encroachments  of  Moab  and 
being  probably  absorbed  in  Gad.     Like  the  account  of  Simeon, 


V.  1-10.]  GENEALOGY  OF   REUBEN  Iig 

that  of  Reuben  also  falls  into  four  paragraphs:  vv. '  '  a  list  of 
Reuben's  sons  with  remarks  on  the  birthright;  vv.  ■•■«  the  genealogy 
of  Beerah,  a  Reubenite  prince  carried  away  captive  by  Tiglath- 
pileser;  vv.  '-'  the  genealogy  and  dwelling-place  of  Beerah 's 
brethren;  v.'"  a  notice  of  a  war  with  the  Hagrites.  The  Chron- 
icler gives  the  sons  of  Reuben  as  they  are  found  in  Gn.  46  ^  Nu. 
26^  '■.  The  source  of  the  genealogy  of  Beerah  is  unknown. 
Vv.  *>>•  '  may  have  been  composed  by  the  Chronicler  from  Jos. 
13'^  and  Nu.  32'-  ^^.  The  incident  in  v.'"  is  introduced  to  show 
how  the  Reubenites  came  to  possess  new  dwelling-places  east 
of  Gilead. 

1-3.  And  the  sons  of  Reuben  the  first  born  of  Israel].  These 
words  are  separated  from  their  predicate  by  the  following  paren- 
thetical statements  w. '^^■=,  and  hence  are  repeated  again  in  v.'. 
— For  he  was  the  first  born  but  since  he  defiled  the  couch  of  his  father 
the  birthright  was  given  to  Joseph  son  of  Israel].  Reuben's  de- 
filement of  his  father's  couch  and  his  subsequent  loss  of  his 
birthright  are  derived  from  Gn.  35"  49^,  and  the  passing  of  the 
birthright  to  Joseph  from  Gn.  486.  The  adoption  by  Jacob  of 
Ephraim  and  Manasseh  was  equivalent  to  giving  Joseph  a  double 
portion  or  the  inheritance  of  a  first-born  Dt.  2i'5-". — But  he  is 
not  enrolled  in  the  genealogy  according  to  the  birthright].  This 
refers  to  Joseph — in  the  tribal  registers  Reuben  held  the  first  place. 
Cf  Gn.  468  a-  Ex.  6'^  ff-  Nu.  26=  «-. — For  Judah  was  mighty 
among  his  brethren  and  a  prince  was  from  him].  In  reality, 
however,  the  pre-eminence  of  the  first-born  seemed  to  belong  to 
Judah,  of  whom  was  the  house  of  David. — 4-6.  The  sons  of 
Jo'el].  The  connection  of  Joel  with  Reuben  strangely  enough  is 
not  given.  Ki.  after  g>,  A,  substitutes  Carmi  (v.  ^),  but  the  oc- 
currence of  Joel  in  v. «  is  against  this.  The  sons  of  Joel  are  the 
persons  following.  Their  names  are  not  inconsistent  with  the 
implied  date :  Ba  al  as  a  proper  name  could  only  be  early  (see 
Gray,  HPN.  p.  237).  That  a  remnant  of  the  tribe  of  Reuben 
should  have  suffered  the  captivity  of  their  Sheikh  during  the  As- 
syrian invasion  (2  K.  15")  is  historically  not  improbable.  No 
record  of  this  is  mentioned  elsewhere. — 7-9.  And  his  brethren]  i.e., 
the  brethren  of  Be'erah,  and  hence  apparently  his  contemporaries 


I20  I   CHRONICLES 

of  the  Assyrian  period  (Be.,  Bn.)  and  not  of  the  time  of  Saul  (v. '") 
(Ke.,  Zoe.,  Gray,  HPN.  pp.  237  /.).  This  latter  assumption, 
however,  is  justified  from  the  territory  assigned  to  the  Reubenites. 
They  in  all  probability  had  been  dispossessed  entirely  from  the  land 
of  Moab  by  the  time  of  Tiglath-pileser  (b.  c.  745-728). — £e/a'] 
represents  a  wide-spread  clan  whose  descent,  like  that  of  Be^erah,  is 
also  from  Jo^el,  but  by  a  different  and  shorter  line. — Shema]  is 
not  unlikely  Shiinei  or  Shemaiah  (v.  ••). — 'Aro'er]  well-known 
city  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Amon  Dt.  2'«  3'=  4'^  Jos.  12^  13', 
mentioned  as  southern  boundary  of  Reuben  Jos.  i3'«. — N'ebo] 
east  of  Jericho,  Nu.  ^2^-  ^s  ^y^  Is.  152  Je.  48'-  ",  the  name  also  of  a 
mountain  Dt.  32^'  34'. — Baal-meon]  probably  a  gloss,  since  it  is 
a  town  lying  between  Nebo  and  'Aro'er,  mentioned  in  Nu.  32'-  =' 
Jos.  13"  Je.  48"  Ez.  25',  or  else  we  have  an  example  of  the  Chron- 
icler's lack  of  geographical  knowledge.  Both  Nebo  and  Baal- 
meon  are  mentioned  on  the  Moabite  Stone. — Entrance  of  the 
wildentess]  i.e.,  the  eastern  boundary  of  their  territory  was  the 
wilderness  which  extends  east  of  Moab  and  Gilead  to  the  Eu- 
phrates.— In  die  ad^  Gilead  while  usually  designating  territory 
north  of  Moab  extending  from  Heshbon  to  the  Yarmuk,  is  also 
applied  to  the  country  as  far  south  as  the  Amon  (Dr.  Dt.  3'"). 
—10.  An  independent  notice  of  the  activity  of  the  Reubenites. — 
Hagntes\.  In  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  the  Hagrites  [Hagarann] 
are  mentioned  along  with  the  Nabateans  [Nabatii]  among  the 
conquests  of  Sennacherib  and  located  in  north-eastern  Arabia 
(COT.  II.  pp.  31  /.).  In  the  same  locality  they  are  placed  by 
Strabo  and  Pliny.  Later  in  the  Syriac,  the  name  was  used  as  a 
general  designation  of  the  Arabians,  and  at  the  time  of  the  Chron- 
icler either  this  had  taken  place  or  a  portion  of  them  had  migrated 
westward  and  were  pressing  on  the  eastern  frontier  of  Palestine 
(Gl.  Skiz.  11  f.  407/.).  Their  proximity  to  Palestine  is  clearly  indi- 
cated in  Ps.  83'  («).  A  connection  between  Hagar  the  mother  of 
Ishmael  and  the  Hagrites  is  most  probable,  although  it  has  been 
questioned  (Dill.  Gn.  25").  That  fighting  was  carried  on  with 
Arabian  tribes  in  the  days  of  Saul  is  most  likely  and  a  reminiscence 
of  this  may  be  here  found.  The  lack  of  orderly  connection  between 
the  sons  of  Reuben  and  the  notices  following,  and  the  lack  of  such 


V.  11-17.]  GENEALOGY  OF  GAD  121 

connection  between  the  notices  also,  suggest  to  some  that  we  have 
here  not  an  original  composition  of  the  Chronicler  but  a  grouping 
of  fragmentary  traditions  respecting  the  tribe  of  Reuben. 

1.  "'^JiS"']  pi.  of  extension  Ges.  §  124a,  Koe.  iii.  §  26oh;  so  used 
elsewhere  Ps.  63'  13 2^  Jb.  i7'3  except  Gn.  49^  M,  but  ^  allows  pi.  and 
parallelism  suggests  it;  Ball,  SBOT.  so  emends. — 10133]  (S  evXoylav 
i.e.  1,13-13,  also  v.  ^  ij  evXoyla  tov  'luarjcp,  but  the  context  indicates  that 
the  birthright  and  not  the  blessing  is  concerned  (Bn.). — E'n^nnS  n^^i] 
1  adversative  Koe.  iii.  §  37Sf.  On  inf.  cf.  Ges.  §  114.  2.  R.  2,  Dr.  TH.  202 
(2),  Dav.  Syn.  §  95  {b). — 2.  n'Jj'?i]  rare  use  of  S  to  introduce  a  new 
emphatic  subject,  cf.  BDB.  5  e  (e). — 4.  Snv  ij3]  d"-  IwtjX  vib$  ai/rov 
is  evidently  an  effort  to  establish  a  connection  with  the  preceding  verse. 
— n>;'2S']  (B  +  Kal  Bo^'ttia  seems  to  have  grown  out  of  a  dittography  of 
1J3. — 5.  h^'2]  (^^  IwTjX,  so  a\so  (&^  +  BaXa  (=  BaaX). — 6.  idnjSe  njSn] 
an  incorrect  way  of  spelling  idns'^si  nSjFi  2  K.  152^  i6i<i,  -ip|^s  n'^jn  2  K. 
17",  arising  probably  from  a  natural  mispronunciation  repeated  in  v.  '^ 
and  2  Ch.  2820. — 9.  m3iD  NiaS  nj?].  This  inf.  phrase  is  found  elsewhere 
with  the  proper  name  Hamath,  cf.  Am  6"  Ju.  3'  Jos.  13^,  etc.,  except  Ez. 
47'5,  where  Cornill  reads  Hamath. — .-iis  "'v'^'!']  instead  of  the  more  usual 
ni3  nnj  Dr.  TH.  190. — 10.  on''Snx3  13'^m]  (6  KaToiKovi/Te^  ev  (TK-qvats  = 
D^^nN3  a''3ir>  adopted  by  Bn.  (who  reads 'X  '•aii'''),  because  it  gives  better 
sense  than  ^. — '^>']  (&  tws  =  nj?. 

11-17.  Gad. — The  sons  of  Gad  are  introduced  by  the  state- 
ment that  they  lived  "over  against"  the  Reubenites  (v.").  This 
departure  from  the  usual  introductory  formula,  the  sons  of,  is  likely 
responsible  for  the  omission  of  Gad's  sons  as  given  in  Gn.  46" 
Nu.  26'«-''.  The  enumeration  of  the  chiefs  of  Gad  with  their 
brethren  (vv. '^-is)^  and  the  notice  concerning  their  territory  and 
date  (w.  '^-"),  are  followed  by  the  account  of  a  war  which  resulted 
in  the  extension  of  their  territory  (vv. '»-").  This  time  the  three 
east-Jordanic  tribes  combined  in  a  raid  upon  the  neighbouring 
Bedouins.  Very  likely  this  is  an  expansion,  of  a  midrashic  nature, 
of  the  same  incident  recorded  in  v. '"  (so  Bn.),  but  the  Chronicler 
found  them  different  enough  to  use  both. — 11.  The  omission  of 
the  lists  of  sons  of  Gad,  as  given  in  Gn.  46'«  Nu.  26"-'',  is  notice- 
able.— Bashan]  here  and  in  w.  >=  '«  "  the  dwelling-place  of  Gad 
with  Salecah,  mod.  Salkhad,  as  the  north-east  limit.  This  use  of 
Bashan  for  Gad's  territory  is  peculiar  (Bn.  regards  the  word  here  as 


122  I   CHRONICLES 

a  gloss;  Ba.  in  v. '"  emends  to  Jabesh).  Bashan  elsewhere  is  the 
name  of  the  country  north  of  the  Yarmuk  and  according  to  Dt.  3" 
Nu.  32"  Jos.  13"  the  territory  of  Gad  was  in  Gilead  south  of 
Bashan.  Not  unlikely  the  Chronicler,  having  located  Reuben  in 
Gilead,  was  misled  to  place  Gad  in  Bashan. — 12.  Jo^el  the  first  and 
Shapham  f  the  second  and  J  a  nai  f  and  Shaphat\  Jo'el  perhaps 
the  same  as  the  Reubenite  Joel  of  vv.  *•  «,  a  family  or  clan  whose 
members  might  be  reckoned  as  belonging  to  either  or  both  of  the 
tribes. — 13.  Of  their  fathers'  houses].  The  term  father's  house  is 
used  (i)  of  an  entire  tribe,  since  this  is  named  after  a  common 
father  Nu.  17"  "'  Jos.  22'^;  (2)  generally,  of  the  division  next  after 
the  tribe,  the  clan,  Nu.  3^^;  (3)  of  the  division  after  the  clan,  the 
family  Ex.  12'  i  Ch.  7'-  ^  Cf.  Dill.  Ex.  6'K — Micha'el]  ^X^'^D 
"Who  is  like  God."  A  name  only  occurring  in  the  post-exilic 
literature  6"  <"'  7'  S'^  i2'-»  2713  2  Ch.  21^  Ezr.  S'. — Meshullam] 
D^li'D  "Kept  safe,"  i.e.,  by  God,  also  another  name  especially  fre- 
quent in  the  post-exilic  lists  3''  8"  9'-  '•  »i  '  2  Ch.  3412  Ezr,  8'" 
io'5  29  Ne.  3<-  '■  3"  6'8  8^  lo'-  ">  ^i  (=0)  u?.  n  i2'3-  '6-  ".  33 — Sheba'] 
y^ty  perhaps  an  abbreviation  for  Elisheba  j;2w'''^X  "God 
swears "(?)  EBi.  II.  col.  3291. — And  Jorai\  and  Jacan1[  and 
Zia  f  and  Eber\  These  names  with  those  of  v. ''  correspond  well 
to  ancient  clan  names.  Apparently  eleven  clans  of  Gad  are  enu- 
merated. (^  while  mentioning  only  seven  names  in  v.  '^  has  the 
numeral  eight  instead  of  seven.  This  suggests  that  in  v.  "  originally 
stood  eight  names,  giving  the  tribal  number  of  twelve  clans.  The 
seven  or  original  eight  are  mentioned  separately  because  their  de- 
scent is  traced  in  w.  '*  '•  {v.  i.)  from  Guni  (^i  u),  which  may  be  a 
corruption  of  Shuni  (""Jlty)  a  son  of  Gad  (Gn.  46'^  Nu.  26''-'"),  or 
the  converse,  since  Guni  is  a  clan  name  of  Naphtali. — 14-15. 
These  are  the  sons  of  A bi hail]  i.e.,  those  persons  or  families  men- 
tioned in  V. ".  Abihail  elsewhere  name  of  a  Levite  Nu.  3",  and 
the  father  of  Esther  (Est.  2"  9"). — The  son  of  Huri  f  the  son  of 
Jaroah  f  the  son  of  Gile  ad  the  son  of  Micha'el  the  son  of  Jeshishai  f 
the  son  of  Jahdo  f  the  son  of  Buz  .  .  .  the  son  of  Abdi'el  the  son 
of  Guni].  There  is  a  break  in  the  pedigree  at  Buz  according 
to  fH  (so  Bn.,  Ki.,  Kau.),  but  Ahi  (TIX)  appears  as  a  fragment 
and  it  is  better  after  <K^^  to  make  the  line  of  descent  con- 


V.  18-24.]  A   WAR  OF  THE   EASTERN  TRIBES  1 23 

tinuous.  On  Guni  see  v.  •». — 16.  In  Gilead]  since  Gad's  terri- 
tory elsewhere  is  placed  in  Gilead  (Nu.  32'-  "•  "  Dt.  3'^  Jos.  22' 
j_^26). — In  Bashan]  v.  s.  v.  '•. — Pasture  lands]  only  used  here  of 
lands  in  a  district  and  not  with  a  city,  unless  we  should  so  read  the 
following  (cf.  6'°  <^^^).— Sharon]  (ilItT)  not  mentioned  elsewhere 
as  a  district  east  of  the  Jordan.  Better  after  0^^  read  Sirion 
]V'\^  (Ki.,  Bn.),  which  would  bring  the  territory  of  Gad  as  far 
north  as  Hermon  and  explain  their  dwelling  in  Bashan;  per- 
haps ]Ti'yr  is  a  corruption  of  nilT'^D  (Dt.  3'°,  see  Driver,  Com. 
4"  Jos.  13'-  "•  ''))  ^^'^  ^'^^^^  land,  between  the  Amon  and  Heshbon 
and  here  used  for  the  southern  territory  of  Gad  (Be.,  Zoe.),  we  then 
read  in  all  the  upland  pastures. — With  their  exits]  i.e.,  on  the  inter- 
pretation just  given  of  Sharon,  where  the  pasture  lands  sink  into 
the  Ghor  of  the  Jordan.  If  Sirion  is  read,  substitute  IJ?  to  for  ^^ 
with  (after  (^,  Ki.,  Bn.),  to  their  limits.— 11.  All  of  them]  i.e.,  the 
families  of  the  Gadites  mentioned  in  w.  ^'-^'.—In  the  days  of 
Jotham  king  of  Jiidah  and  in  the  days  of  Jeroboam  king  of  Israel]. 
These  two  kings,  since  Jotham  may  have  acted  as  regent  for  his 
father  Uzziah,  were  near  enough  together  to  have  been  regarded 
as  contemporaries.  The  terminus  ad  quern  of  the  history  of  these 
trans- Jordanic  tribes,  according*  to  the  Chronicler,  is  their  captivity 
through  Tiglath-pileser  during  the  period  immediately  following 
the  reigns  of  these  kings,  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  his  gene- 
alogies may  be  based  upon  some  records  made  of  families  or  locali- 
ties at  that  time. 

18-22.  Conflict  of  Reuben,  Gad,  and  the  Half-tribe  of 
Manasseh  with  adjoining  Arabian  tribes.— This  account  fol- 
lows the  genealogy  and  location  of  Gad,  perhaps  to  keep  a  propor- 
tion in  closing  the  section  on  each  tribe  with  a  notice  of  a  war,  (/. 
V.  10  Yv.  25-26^  or  since  w.  "  '•  concerning  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh 
end  with  the  fall  of  the  tribe,  the  narrative  of  a  success  in  which 
they  shared  is  placed  more  fitly  earlier.— 18.  On  the  prowess  of 
the  men  of  Gad  and  Manasseh  cf.  128-  ^K  On  the  number  44,760 
cf.  Jos.  4'^  where  40,000  from  the  eastern  tribes  cross  the  Jordan 
with  Joshua.  In  Nu.  i''-  «•  35  Reuben  has  46,500  men  of  war. 
Gad  45,600,  and  all  Manasseh  32,000.  In  Nu.  26'-  '«•  '*  Reuben 
has  43,730,  Gad  40,500,  and  all  Manasseh  52,700.-19.  Hagrites] 


124  I   CHRONICLES 

see  v.'". — Jctiir  and  Naphish  and  Nodab  f]  Arab  tribes.  The 
names  of  the  first  two  are  among  the  sons  of  Ishmael  Gn.  25" 
I  Ch.  I".  Jetur  gave  the  name  to  the  district  Iturea,  whose  inhabi- 
tants were  celebrated  in  the  Roman  times  for  their  prowess  in 
arms  (GAS.  HGHL.  p.  544).  Nothing  further  is  known  of  the 
other  two. — 20.  And  theyivere  helped  against  ihem]  i.e.,  by  God 
(for  a  similar  use  of  the  Niph.  of  ITJ?  (/.  2  Ch.  26'^  Ps.  28'). — 
And  all  that  were  with  them]  i.e.,  the  three  tribes  associated  above 
with  the  Hagrites.  The  pragmatism  of  the  Chronicler  comes  out 
strongly  in  this  verse. — 21.  For  a  similar  enumeration  of  booty, 
cf.  Nu.  3132-35. — 22.  Unto  the  captivity]  i.e.,  the  Ass>Tian  captivity 
under  Tiglath-pileser  cf.  v.  ^s.  The  period  of  this  war  is  not  men- 
tioned. The  account,  according  to  Bn.,  is  an  amplification  of 
that  of  V.  '",  and  from  another  hand  than  that  of  the  Chronicler, 
although  entirely  in  his  spirit  (cf.  v.  ").  A  historical  basis  for 
the  narrative  lies  in  the  struggles  between  the  children  of  Israel 
east  of  the  Jordan  and  their  Bedouin  neighbours. 

12.  2D'-'i]  <B^,  B  J — . — aan]  ®  6  ypafj-fxarevs. — 13.  anirias  n^a^^]  Ges. 
§  i24r  cf.  Ex.  6i<  Nu.  i^-  *  et  al. — na;'i]  nine  Mss.  tavi,  ®  k.  O^tJS. — 14. 
nn'']  dub.  one  MS.  (Kennic.)  pn^  which  was  probably  read  by  (§,  B. — 
nn^]  Baer  np:,  (&^  'lovpei,  ^  ledSai,  hence  Ki.  nn\ — Tttt  -.  tn]  <S*  trans- 
poses and  renders  as  one  proper  name  Axt/3oKf,  while  *  also  has  one 
proper  name  Za/3oL'xojU,  which  is  certainly  corrupt;  ^  omits  ^nK. — 18. 
N3X  ^xs'']  going  out  to  the  host,  i.e.,  those  able  to  go  to  war,  cf.  7"  12"-  ^ 
Nu.  I'-  2°-  ^^  et  al.  On  construction  Ges.  §  ii6h. — 19.  aiiji]  Gn.  25'» 
na-ii-ij. — 20.  Dnc>U']  prep,  aj?  with  the  suf.  of  the  third  pers.  pi.  -I-  the 
relative  .r  (u*  before  a  guttural),  -t-  is  used  instead  of  iu'n  in  the  later 
books,  Ec,  La.,  Jon.,  Ct.,  Ch.  (3  times,  25^,  see  note,  27")  and  once 
in  Ezr.  (8=°),  and  late  Pss.  cf.  Ges.  §  36. — nia>'ji]  And  he  suffered  him- 
self to  be  entreated  by  them,  inf.  abs.  with  change  of  subj.  after  a  perf. 
Ges.  §  1 13 2.  For  a  similar  use  of  lay  in  Niph.  tolerativiim,  cf.  Gn.  25-' 
2  S.  2i'<  2425  2  Ch.  33"  '»  Ezr.  8«  Is.  19--. — 21.  a^ccn]  one  MS.  (Kennic.) 
Twcn,  so  also  <!&"•*. 

23-24.  The  half  of  Manasseh  east  of  the  Jordan.— The 

genealogy  of  Manasseh  is  inserted  later  wlien  the  tribe  is  con- 
sidered as  a  whole  (7"  "  ),  hence  we  have  only  the  dwelling-places 
and  the  heads  of  fathers'  houses  of  the  eastern  half-tribe  of  Manas- 
seh in  vv.  "•". — 23.  From  Bashan]  i.e.,  from  the  territory  occupied 


V.  25-25.]  CAPTIVITY  OF  THE   EASTERN  TRIBES  1 25 

by  the  tribe  of  Gad,  see  vv.  "•  '^ — Ba  al-hemion]  not  to  be  identi- 
fied with  Baal-gad  Jos.  ii'^  12^  13^  (which  probably  should  be  the 
reading  in  Ju.  3',  so  Budde),  since  that  was  located  in  the  Lebanon 
valley  on  the  western  slope  of  Hermon.  Ba  al-hermon  of  our  verse 
must  be  sought  in  connection  with  the  eastern  slope.  It  may  well 
then  have  been  mod.  Bdneds,  which  has  usually  been  identified  as 
Baal-gad  (see  Moore  on  Ju.  3'). — Senir'\  a  peak  or  part  of  the 
range  of  Hermon,  probably  near  Damascus  between  Baalbek  and 
Horns  (see  Dr.  on  Dt.  3'  and  Haupt  Ct.  4'). — And  Mi.  Her- 
man] a  phrase  explaining  Senir  as  ML  Hermon. — They  were 
very  numerous].  The  tribe  of  Manasseh  as  a  whole,  judging  from 
its  history,  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  prolific  during  the 
early  period  of  Israel. — And  these  were  the  heads  of  their  fathers^ 
houses]  i.e.,  the  heads  of  family  groups  (cf.  Now.  Arch.  I.  pp. 
300  /.). — 24.  'Epher  *].  If  f^  is  correct  then  a  name  has  fallen 
from  the  text.  'Epher  and  Jishi  look  like  old  clan  names;  the 
others,  Eli'el,  'Azri'el,  Jeremiah  (Jirmejah),  Hodaviah,  and  Jah- 
dPel,  look  late  (Gray,  HPN.  p.  238).  Nothing  further  is  known 
of  these  families  or  their  heads.  The  names  show  no  connection 
with  the  sons  of  Manasseh  given  in  Nu.  2628  ^-  Jos.  17^  «■  unless 
'Epher  ("ISJ?)  and  Hepher  ("l2n  in  Nu.  28'^)  ^re  identical. 

25-26.  A  summary  of  the  fate  of  the  two  and  a  half  tribes. 
— 25.  And  they  transgressed]  (^yc"*!).  The  word  '7j;i2  is  a  priestly 
word  found  in  P,  Ez.,  and  Ch.  frequently  and  almost  exclusively. 
The  subject  here  is  the  two  and  a  half  tribes.  Cf.  v.  =«. — And  they 
went  a  whoring  after,  etc.]  ('''inS  IJT''"!).  Cf.  Ex.  34'5-  's  Dt.  31" 
Lv.  17^  2o5  Nu.  1539  Ju.  2"  8"-  33.  The  expression  denotes 
apostasy  from  Yahweh  in  the  worship  of  other  gods.  This 
figure  with  a  similar  force  with  the  use  of  the  noun  is  frequent  in 
the  prophets  (esp.  Ho.,  Ez.).  For  a  discussion  of  its  full  meaning 
cf.  Dr.  Dt.  3i'«. — 26.  And  the  God  of  Israel  stirred  up  the 
spirit]  (m*l  .  .  .  "lyi).  Spirit  here  denotes  an  unaccountable  and 
uncontrollable  impulse.  Cf.  for  parallel  usage  2  Ch.  2i'«  36"  Ezr. 
!'■ '  Je.  51"  Hg.  I'K—Pul]  is  identical  with  Tilgath-pilneser  {cf.  v. «). 
The  error  of  the  Chronicler  in  mentioning  them  as  two  distinct 
persons  has  arisen  from  his  source  2  K.  i5'9-  "^  where  they  are  thus 
mentioned.     Pulu  was  the  original  name  of  the  Assyrian  king  who 


126  I  CHRONICLES 

assumed  Tiglath-pileser  on  his  usurpation  of  the  throne.  Hence 
the  confusion  of  the  sacred  writers.  In  Babylonia  Tiglath-pileser 
continued  to  be  known  by  his  original  name  Pulu  {cf.  COT.  I.  p. 
219,  DB.  Tiglath-pileser). — Halah  and  Habor  {and  Hara  and)  the 
river  of  Gozan\  These  names  are  derived  from  2  K.  17'  18" 
with  the  exception  of  Hara  (Nlil),  which  is  out  of  place  (as  well 
as  the  conjunction  and  before  and  after  it)  if  not  meaningless 
(^.  i.).  The  Chronicler  identifies  the  fate  of  the  eastern  tribes 
through  the  ravages  of  Tiglath-pileser  with  that  of  Israel  in  gen- 
eral after  the  fall  of  Samaria.  Habor]  is  the  mod.  Khabur  (ancient 
Chaboras),  the  well-known  tributary  of  the  Euphrates  rising  in 
Karajab  Dagh  (ancient  Mons  Masius),  and  emptying,  after  a 
course  of  some  two  hundred  miles,  into  the  Euphrates  south-east 
of  the  mod.  town  of  ed  Deir.  Gozan]  clearly  a  district  through 
which  the  Habor  flowed,  to  be  identified  with  the  Gauzanitis  of 
Ptolemy,  and  the  Gu-za-na  (nu)  of  the  Assyrian  inscriptions 
(COT.  I.  267,  KAT.^  269).  The  meaning  and  location  of  Halah 
are  not  so  certain.  (^  in  Kings  has  "rivers  of  Gozan"  implying 
that  Halah  as  well  as  Habor  was  a  river,  but  such  a  one  has 
not  been  satisfactorily  located.  It  is  probably  a  province  (Assy. 
Halahhi)  not  so  very  far  from  Harran  {KAT.^  p.  169). — Unto  this 
day\  These  words  probably  have  arisen  by  a  misunderstanding 
of  the  te.xt  of  2  K.,  which  has  attd  cities  of  the  Modes  {v.  i.). 

23.  'xn  •'J31]  (&  K.  ol  i]iJ.i(T€is. — p-D-in  nni]  (^  +  k.  iv  r^  AiPavg. 
is  doubtless  a  gloss. — 24,  id>i]  Gin.  quotes  two  Targums  to  support 
the  omission  of  1.  which  is  wanting  also  in  (S,  B,  &,  and  so  Ki. — n>nini] 
on  pronunciation  cf.  3^4. — 26.  nrn  Dvn  ij?  jnj  nnji  N-\ni  iiani  n'^n'^] 
are  probably  derived  from  ^tD  nj?i  |JU  "^nj  nianai  rhny  of  2  K.  ij* 
18",  and  the  deviations  seem  to  have  arisen  either  from  careless  transcrip- 
tion or  because  the  Chronicler  quoted  from  memory  (Be.),  snn  may 
be  a  reminiscence  of  the  reading  ^io  >-\rt^  which  appears  in  (8  of  2  K. 
17',  18",  so  Be.,  Ki.,  Bn.  That  nrn  Dvn  ly  has  arisen  from  'iD  >i?i 
appears  probable  from  the  fact  (5'-  gives  both  in  2  K.  17'  (not  18").  Klo. 
gives  this  as  the  original  reading.  Ke.  thought  of  the  Chronicler's 
statement  resting  on  another  authority. 

V.  27-VI.  66  (VI.  1-81).  Genealogy  and  geography  of 
Levi. — This  section  contains:  (i)  the  line  of  high  priests  from 
Aaron  to  Jehozadak(i.c.,to  the  exile),  introduced  by  a  genealogical 


V.  27-41.]  THE  LINE  OF   HIGH  PRIESTS  1 27 

table  showing  Aaron's  relationship  to  Levi,  5"-^'  (6''5);  (2)  Hnes 
of  descent  of  singers  from  Levi  through  his  three  sons,  Gershon, 
Kehath,  and  Merari,  6'-'*  "s-sojj  (^)  the  genealogical  tables  of 
the  three  singers,  Heman,  Asaph,  and  Ethan,  6^^-^^  (3i-47)j  (4) 
notices  concerning  the  services  of  Levites  and  sons  of  Aaron,  6"-" 
(48-49)-  (^)  a  list  of  the  high  priests  to  Ahimaaz  (i.e.,  to  the  time 
of  David),  6"-'8  (6o-53)j  (5)  jhg  cities  assigned  to  the  sons  of  Aaron, 
639-45  (54 -60) J  (y)  t^e  tribal  territory  in  which  the  cities  of  the 
Levites  lay,  d^^-^"  (6'-");  (8)  the  cities  of  the  Kehathites  (exclusive 
of  sons  of  Aaron),  6='-"  (66 -70).  (g)  the  cities  of  the  Gershonites, 
666-61  (7i-76)j  (10)  the  cities  of  the  Merarites,  6"-"  (v^-sn.  These 
records  of  the  tribe  of  Levi  present  a  number  of  difl&culties  and 
their  meagreness  considering  the  importance  of  the  tribe  of  Levi 
is  striking.  They  are  repeated  with  more  or  less  fulness,  however, 
when  the  writer  treats  of  the  classes  of  the  priests  and  Levites 
and  singers  (235  ^-  24'  «•  "  b.  251  «•). 

V.  27-41  (VL  1-15).  The  sons  of  Levi  and  the  line  of 
high  priests  from  Aaron  to  the  captivity. 

This  line  of  high  priests  is  in  part  a  doublet  with  6^5-38  (50-53)  and  is 
regarded  by  Bn.,  and  Ki.  SBOT.,  Kom.,  as  a  later  addition,  since  a  list 
of  priests  naturally  would  follow  the  genealogical  introduction  in  6'  ^• 
(u  ff.).  As  the  matter  now  stands,  this  introduction  is  given  in  527-29» 
(6'-'»).  The  list  also  is  carried  down  beyond  David,  while  the  other 
material  of  c.  6  stops  with  David.  Hence  it  is  held  to  be  more  natural 
that  this  list  should  be  secondary  to  the  other  6^^-^^  (50-53 )  than  vice  versa, 
since  an  interpolation  which  added  nothing  would  not  naturally  be 
made.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  some  strong  internal  evidence 
against  the  priority  of  the  second  list,  635-38  (50-53 )_  Although  5"-=' 
(61-3)  and  6'-^  (15-19)  jg  duplicate  each  other  in  part,  it  is  not  unrea- 
sonable to  hold  that  the  former  passage  was  intended  to  introduce  priests 
and  the  latter  Levites.  Moreover,  6^*  w^)  describes  the  duties  of  all  the 
priests,  the  sons  of  Aaron,  and  6^'  ^-  (^4  b.)  jg  concerned  with  the  cities  of 
all  the  Aaronides.  The  list  of  high  priests  included  between  those  two 
verses  seems  out  of  place,  and  it  is  unlikely  that  the  Chronicler  intro- 
duced it  there.  A  scribe  who  expected  a  list  of  the  sons  of  Aaron  after 
the  verse  describing  their  duties — just  as  a  list  of  Levites  precedes  the 
verse  detailing  their  duties — may  then  have  inserted  this  partial  list  of 
the  high  priests  from  52"  "■  (6*  ^  ),  that  being  the  only  one  available. 
Without  the  second  list  of  the  high  priests,  the  arrangement  of  the 


128  I   CHRONICLES 

material  is  characteristic  of  the  Chronicler's  order,  i.e.,  the  genealog)'  of 
the  high  priests  and  the  genealogy  of  the  Levites;  the  duties  of  the 
Levites  and  the  duties  of  the  priests;  the  cities  of  the  priests  and  the 
cities  of  the  Levites. 

27  (1).  Gershon,  Kehath,  and  Merari].  These  three  sons  of 
Levi  appear  in  Gn.  46"  Ex.  6'«  Nu.  3"  26",  and  represent  three 
great  families  of  Levites  which  clearly  existed  at  the  time  of  the 
composition  of  P  {cf.  6'  <">  23'). — Gershon]  (j'tyi:!)  as  in  P,  else- 
where in  Ch.  Gershom  (ClU^n:,  D'^i:),  cf.  6'  ''>«'•>  e/  a/.— 28  (2). 
And  the  sons  0/ Kehath,  'Amram,  Izhar,  Hebron,  and  Uzziel].  Cf. 
as  a  source  for  these  names  Ex.  6'*  Nu.  3"  and  for  their  repetition 
53  (18)  2312.  Hehron^s  appearance  as  a  descendant  of  Levi  and  thus 
a  Levitical  family  name  shows  that  a  portion  of  the  ecclesiastical 
tribe  of  Levi  came  from  priests  who  had  ministered  at  the  sanctu- 
ary of  Hebron.  What  underlies  the  other  names  is  unknown. 
Uzziel  is  the  only  one  smacking  of  artificiality  or  a  late  formation 
(Gray,  HPN.  p.  210).— 29  (3).  Sources  for  the  children  of 
Amram  and  Aaron  are  Ex.  6'"'-  "  (except  Miriam)  Nu.  265'  ' . 
Cf.  for  repetition  23"  (except  Miriam)  24'-  '. 

30-41  (4-15).  The  line  of  high  priests. — Eleazar  v. »»  <"  was, 
according  to  P,  Aaron's  successor  in  the  high  priesthood  Nu.  20"; 
Phinehas  Eleazar's  son  and  successor,  Jos.  24"  Ju.  20".  Abishua, 
Bukki,  'Uzzi,  Zerahiah,  Meraioth,  Amariah  (vv. 3»-"  <'-'>)  are  en- 
tirely unknown,  not  mentioned  elsewhere  except  below  6"-"  ""■"' 
Ezr.  7'-'.  Ahitub  v.  ^^  («>  is  given  as  the  father  of  Zadok  2  S.  8" 
I  Ch.  18".  If  we  look  for  historical  accuracy,  he  is  not  to  be 
identified  with  Ahitub  the  father  of  Ahimelech,  the  father  of  Abia- 
thar  I  S.  14'  22",  since  the  establishment  of  Zadok  as  priest  in  the 
place  of  Abiathar  is  regarded  as  the  fulfilment  of  the  prophecy  of 
the  disestablishment  of  the  house  of  Eli  (i  K.  2---  ").  His  ap- 
pearance as  the  father  of  Zadok  in  2  S.  8",  our  author's  source,  is 
undoubtedly  due  to  a  textual  corruption  (see  i  Ch.  18").  Zadok 
v. "  <"was  priest  under  David  with  Abiathar  2  S.  8"  i5««  »•  and  put 
by  Solomon  in  the  place  of  Abiathar  (see  above).  Ahima  az  v.  "  "> 
was  a  son  of  Zadok,  cf.  2  S.  15"-  "  et  al.  ' Azariah  v. "  <»>  is  men- 
tioned as  a  son  of  Zadok  i  K.  4'.  The  notice  of  v."  *'«>/;e  //  is 
that  executed,  etc.,  out  of  place  in  v. "  »"",  belongs  to  him,  the  first 


VI.  1-38.]  GENEALOGIES  OF  LEVITES  1 29 

mentioned,  Azariah  (Be.,  Bn.,  Ki.,  Ba.,  Zoe.,  Oe.).  Of  Jehonan, 
Azariah,  Atnariah,  Ahitub,  Zadok,  Shallum,  and  'Azariah,  vv. 
35-4  0  (9-14)^  Yv^e  have  no  further  record  than  in  the  Chronicler's 
genealogies,  cf.  9"  Ezr.  y'-^  Ne.  11",  except  in  the  case  of  Ama- 
riah,  who  may  be  identified  with  Amariah  the  high  priest  during 
the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  mentioned  in  2  Ch.  ig''.  Hilkiah 
V."  ""  is  apparently  the  high  priest  of  the  reign  of  Josiah,  2  K. 
22^  el  al.  Scraiah  the  father  of  Jehozadak  v.  ^^  "••>  was  high  priest 
at  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  b.  c.  586,  and  was  taken  captive  and  put  to 
death  at  Riblah  (2  K.  25's-2'),  while  Jehozadak  went  into  captivity 
V.  ^'  "5),  and  appears  as  the  father  of  Jeshua  the  high  priest  of  the 
return,  Ezr.  3^  5=  lo's  Ne.  12"  (Jazadak)  Hg.  i'  Zc.  6".  The  pur- 
pose of  this  genealogy  is  to  connect  Jehozadak  with  Aaron  and 
thus  legitimise  his  priesthood.  The  line  of  descent  including 
Aaron  from  the  Exodus  to  the  captivit}^  consists  of  twenty-three 
members  and  is  artificial  in  structure,  since  allowing  forty  years 
or  a  generation  for  each  member,  we  have  40  x  12  +  40  x  11, 
or  920  years.  This  period  fits  into  the  priestly  chronology  of  the 
historical  books,  whereby  480  years  elapsed  from  the  Exodus  to 
the  founding  of  Solomon's  Temple  (i  K.  6'),  and  480  years  from 
thence  to  the  founding  of  the  second  Temple  (see  Chronology  of 
OT.,  DB.),  and  the  captivity  occurred  in  the  eleventh  generation 
of  this  second  period.  According  to  this  scheme  also  Azariah  the 
thirteenth   member   (v.    ==  <"')   ministers  in   Solomon's   Temple. 

As  an  apparent  list  of  high  priests  from  the  entrance  into 
Canaan  until  the  captivity,  this  genealogy  presents  some  note- 
worthy features.  Members  of  the  house  Eli:  Eli,  Phineas,  Ahitub, 
Ahimelech,  and  Abiathar  (i  S.  14'  22=°),  naturally  do  not  appear, 
since  this  house  was  set  aside  for  that  of  Zadok  (i  K.  2"-  35),  but 
the  omission  of  the  high  priests  Jehoiada  (2  K.  ii^  2  Ch.  22",  etc.) 
and  Urijah  (2  K.  16"  "  )  and  an  Azariah  in  the  reign  of  Uzziah 
(2  Ch.  2620)  between  Amariah  of  Jehosphat's  reign  and  Hilkiah 
of  Josiah's,  is  striking  {v.  s.). 

VI.  1-A  (16-19).  The  sons  of  Levi.— On  vv.  '  ^  ds.  is)  cf. 
5"-  "  (6i-  2). — Libni  and  Shitnei].  Cf.  as  a  source  for  these  names, 
Ex.  6"  Nu.  3",  and  their  repetition  23',  and  also  23'  '  26="  where 
instead  of  Libni  we  have  La  dan  (iiy?).     Libni  without  doubt  is  to 


130  I  CHRONICLES 

be  connected  with  the  priestly  city  Libnah  (Jos.  21"). — Mahli  and 
Afuslii].  Cf.  as  source  Ex.  6"  Nu.  3"  and  repetition  23"  24". 
Miishi  (""diS)  has  been  connected  with  Moses,  as  though  the 
family  derived  their  name  from  that  of  Israel's  law-jiver  (We. 
Gesch.  pp.  151/.);    also  with  Misri  or  Musri  (EBi.). 

5-6  (20-21).  A  fragment  of  the  pedigree  of  Asaph.  (Be., 
Bn.,  Ki.,  but  not  Zoe.)  Cf.  vv. 2*-2»  (39").  This  conclusion  is 
suggested  by  the  pedigree  of  Heman,  which  follows,  and  seems 
warranted  when  we  compare  the  list  of  names  (A)  with  those  in 

VV.  "-28    (39-43)    fJi). 


A 

B 

Gershom. 

Gershom. 

Libni. 

Jahath. 

Jahath. 

Shime'i. 

Zimmah. 

Zimmah. 

Jo'ah. 

Ethan. 

'Iddo. 

'Adaiah. 

Zerah.  Zerah. 

Je'atherai.  Ethni. 

The  variations  between  Jo'ah  (nST')  and  Ethan  (jri''X),  'Iddo 
("liy)  and  'Adaiah  (""'"J?),  Je'atherai  (''-ir,S"')  and  Ethni  (""inS), 
might  easily  have  arisen  in  transcription.  Shimei  may  have  been 
omitted  from  (A)  by  oversight,  or  since  Libni  is  wanting  in  (B), 
Jahath  and  Shimei  may  have  been  transposed  and  the  tradition 
may  have  fluctuated  in  regard  to  the  descent  of  Asaph  whether 
through  Libni  or  Shimei  (cf.  v.^  '">  and  23'",  where  Jahath  is  the 
son  of  Shimei)  and  B  thus  have  given  the  latter  view. 

7-13  (22-28).  A  pedigree  of  Heman  (Be.,  Bn.,  Ki.,  Ke.,  Oe., 
Zoe.). — This  pedigree  which  ends  in  Abijali  is  broken  or  irregular 
in  the  present  Heb.  text:  cf.  v.  •»  <«',  where  without  connection 
with  the  foregoing  Sha'ul  of  v. '  <'*'  we  have  The  sons  of  Elkanah 
' Amasai  and  Akimoth,  and  in  v."  '=«'  we  have  Elkanah  repeated. 
The  second  should  be  omitted  (after  ^,  ^)  and  reading  his  son 
instead  of  sons  of  (1^2  for  '•J3)  the  verse  should  read  Elkanah  his 
son  (i.e.,  the  son  of  Ahimoth),  Zophai  his  son.  In  v."  *">  at  the 
close  should  be  added  SamiCcl  his  son  (Ki.  after  (S^).  Also  in  v.  " 
Joel  should  \)G  supplied  and  the  verse  read  And  the  sons  of  Samu'el; 


VI.  1-38.] 


GENEALOGIES  OF  LEVITES 


131 


the  first-horn  Joel  and  the  second  Abijah  ("""^iS  ''Jyl'm  b'i^y^) 
(Ki.  BH.,  RV.  after  (g^,  g»,  y. '«  <")  i  S.  8^).  /o^/  was  the  father 
of  Heman  (v. '»  os))^  hence  this  pedigree  is  that  of  Heman,  and 
corresponds  to  that  given  in  \Y.ii^-ii  w^-^).  As  in  the  case 
above  of  Asaph,  the  substantial  oneness  of  these  lines  of  descent 
is  revealed  at  once  by  placing  them  side  by  side. 


A 

B 

Kehath. 

Kehath. 

'Amminadab. 

Izhar. 

Korah. 

Korah. 

Assir,  Elkanah, 

Ebiasaph. 

Ebiasaph. 

Assir. 

Assir. 

Tahath. 

Tahath. 

Uriel. 

Zephaniah. 

'Uzziah. 

'Azariah. 

Sha'ul. 

Jo'el. 

Elkanah. 

Elkanah. 

Amasai. 

Amasai. 

Ahimoth. 

Mahath. 

Elkanah. 

Elkanah. 

Zophai. 

Zuph. 

Nahath. 

Toah. 

Eliab. 

Eliel. 

Jeroham. 

Jeroham. 

Elkanah. 

Elkanah. 

Samu'el. 

Samu'el. 

Jo'el. 

Jo'el. 

Abiah. 

Heman. 

The  names  Kehath,  equivalent  to  Kohath,  Izhar,  and  Korah  (B) 
are  derived  from  Ex.  6'8   "^K 

In  respect  to  the  variations :  'Amminadab  appears  in  Ex.  6" 
as  the  father-in-law  of  Aaron,  and  may  have  been  placed  for  Izhar 
in  (A)  through  an  O'/ersight  ((g^  has  Izhar)  (v.  i.).  Assir  and 
Elkanah  are  either  redundant  in  (A)  through  a  similar  cause  or 
have  fallen  out  from  (B).  Uri'd  and  Zephaniah  are  difficult  to 
explain  as  equivalents.  The  names ' Uzziah  and  'Azariah  are  inter- 
changeable (as  in  the  case  of  the  well-known  King  of  Judah).  The 
differences  between  the  other  corresponding  names  have  probably 
arisen  through  transcription.     Cf.  the  letters  in  the  Hebrew  text. 


132  I  CHRONICLES 

This  pedigree  is  clearly  artificial.  A  portion  of  its  construc- 
tion comes  from  i  S.  i',  where  Elkanah  is  mentioned  as  s.  Jeroham, 
s.  Elihu,  s.  Tohu,  s.  Zuph.  Zuph  is  probably  a  district,  and  Tohu 
(Toah,  Nahath)  a  family  {cf.  Tahath  i  Ch.  7-";  We.  Prol.  p.  220). 
The  story  of  Samuel  shows  distinctly  that  he  was  not  a  Levite,  for 
then  he  would  have  belonged  to  the  Lord  without  the  gift  of  his 
mother  (i  S.  i"  '•).  He  is  made  a  Levite  by  the  Chronicler  ac- 
cording to  the  notions  of  his  own  times  respecting  Samuel's  service 
at  the  sanctuary.  The  names  of  Samuel's  sons  are  derived  from 
I  S.  82. 

14.  15  (29.  30).  The  pedigree  of  Asaiah  the  Merarite.— This 
pedigree  to  correspond  with  those  of  vv.  '-'^  ce-^s)  should  present  a 
line  of  descent  of  Ethan  (vv. ""  (j4-47))^  but  a  close  similarity  of 
names  is  here  wanting.  Still  they  have  been  held  sufficiently 
alike  to  warrant  this  inference  (Be.).  'Asaiah  may  be  the  one 
mentioned  in  15'  as  chief  of  the  sons  of  Merari.  It  is  noticeable  in 
this  pedigree  that  both  Libni  and  Shimei  here  are  Merarites,  while 
above  v.  ^  d')  they  are  Gershonites. 

1.  D-.:nj]  so  also  v.  2*  15^  ovjnj  vv.  =  s.  47.  se^  elsewhere  punj.  (g'>  in 
this  c.  Te{e)5ffuv,  in  15^  Vrjpffdfx,  (B'^^  in  all — ffuv,  &  ^n  a^  ^,  B  Cicrson 
in  V.  2.  Since  the  source  (E.x.  G"")  has  Gershon  and  the  Chronicler  dilTer- 
entiates  Gershom  and  Gershon  in  c.  23,  it  is  likely  that  prij  was  original 
here  also. — 7.  3^rs>*]  v.  ^  Ex.  6'8-  21  et  al.  inx',  which  seems  original 
here.  aij'Dj?  may  have  arisen  in  consequence  of  a  dittography  of  the  3 
from  the  following  ij3,  3  ins*  resembling  3iraj;  very  closely  in  ancient 
writing. — 7.  8. 1J3  T'Dni  ij3  «id''3K1  ij3  tm^Sh  ij3  iidn  ij3  mp].  Accord- 
ing to  E.x.  6^4  the  sons  of  Korah  were  1Dn>3!<i  njpSs'i  n^D.*'  Either 
the  compiler  had  a  variant  tradition  or  the  text  is  corrupt.  The  latter 
seems  probable.  i  before  lD^3.s  and  1  before  "<'Dn  are  out  of  place  in  the 
text  as  it  stands.  (6'' reads 'Apeo-ei  vlbs  avrov,  'EXxava  nal  'AjSia^dp  vlb^ 
avTov,  ' Affepel  v.  a.  Since  the  tendency  would  be  strong  to  insert 
vlbi  avTou  after  'EX/cafd  (cf.  C6''  of  v.  '"  k.  viol  EX/cava  Afiaffa  vloi 
avToO  AiiiwO  vlbi  ayroC)  this  omission  is  striking.  The  same  tendency 
would  be  potent  in  the  Heb.  text.  Consequently  we  conjecture  that  the 
original  read  1J3  ■t'DNi  vj3  (id>3N1  njpSN  t-Dn  ij3  nip  Korah  his  son,  Assir, 
Elkanah  and  Ebiasaph  his  sons,  Assir  his  son  (i.e.,  the  son  of  Ebiasaph). 
These  slight  changes  restore  the  harmony  with  v.  ^  and  with  Ex.  6-\ 
account  for  the  1  before  r|D'3X  and  for  that  before  i'Dn  (vj3  having 
been  misread  1  m),  also  explain  the  omission  of  1J3  after  njp^N  in  the 
Heb.  underlying  (S".     This  and  the  1^3  after  the  first  I'D.s  were  added  by 


VI.  1-38.]  GENEALOGIES  OF  LEVITES  1 33 

some  copyist  who  overlooked  Ex.  6-*. — 10.  nicnN]  v.  -"  and  2  Ch.  29'^ 
nnn,  adopted  by  Bn. — 11.  njp'^N  ijj  nj|-i':'N]  Kt.  tja,  so  (S,  ul,  &,  is  to  be 
preferred  to  Qr.  \ja  {v.  s.).  The  second  njp'^N,  omitted  in  some  iiss., 
05,  &,  should  be  dropped,  so  Bn.,  Ki.  (■:;.  s.). — ■'flis]  v.  "  Kt.  f]"'?,  Qr.  I^x. 
I  S.  I'  Diflis  =  ''flis  (We.  ei  a/.)  and  nis-p.  Probably  the  original 
name  was  n-is. — nnj]  v.  i^  run,  i  S.  i'  inn.  Ki.  (SBOT.,  Kom.)  adopts 
inh  as  the  best  authenticated.  The  other  forms  could  have  originated 
in  scribal  errors. — 12.  2«'''?vs]  y.  is  SniSv,  i  S.  i>  NiniSx.  The  versions 
give  no  aid.  The  last  two  (meaning  "My  God  is  God  "  and  "He  is  my 
God")  may  have  been  interchanged.  '?iS"iSn  appears  ten  times  in  the 
OT.,  all  in  Ch.,  cf.  as-^Sx  (the  brother  of  David)  2^^  1  S.  16%  and  in'SN 
(Qr.  Nin — )  I  Ch.  27'8. — ua  Snid^'  is  added  by  Ki.,  on  the  basis  of  (&^, 
as  indispensable.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  compiler,  after  gathering 
what  information  he  could  from  i  S.  i',  went  on  to  enumerate  the  sons 
of  Samuel  from  i  S.  8^  without  stopping  to  make  a  connection  so  well 
known. 

16.  17  (31.  32).  David's  appointment  of  the  singers. — 16 

(31). — House  of  Yahweh]  is  used  here  generally  both  for  the  tent 
where  David  placed  the  ark,  and  the  later  Temple  (cf.  g^^). — 
After  the  resting  of  the  ark']  i.e.,  after  the  bringing  up  of  the  ark 
from  the  house  of  Obed-Edom  to  Jerusalem  (2  S.  6"  "). — 17  (32). 
The  tabernacle  of  the  tent  of  meeting]  (IJ^ID  S"iS  Dtl'D)-  A  com- 
bination of  two  terms  employed  in  P  for  the  tabernacle  and  applied 
to  the  tent  erected  by  David  for  the  ark  {cf.  16'  «•).  Technically 
Mishkan  (tabernacle,  dwelling-place)  denoted  the  wooden  portion 
of  the  tabernacle,  while  ^Ohel  (tent)  the  curtains  or  hanging 
(Ex.  26>-  «  '•  35"  36''  '•  3933  4019  Nu.  3"  cf.  also  Ex.  39=^  40=-  6-  ", 
where  the  combination  given  above  is  used  to  indicate  the  wooden 
structure). — According  to  their  right]  (CtDSti'DS  cf.  24'^  2  Ch.  30'^). 
The  reference  apparently  is  to  the  order  or  position  prescribed 
by  David  for  the  singers,  a  subject  taken  up  in  detail  in  c.  25. 
According  to  vv.  ^^  "9)  29  («>  the  guild  of  Heman  occupied  the 
central  position  with  that  of  Asaph  on  the  right  and  Ethan  on  the 
left.  The  Chronicler  thus  held  that  the  musical  services  later 
adopted  in  the  Temple  were  established  by  David  in  connection 
with  the  tent  in  which  he  had  placed  the  ark. 

16.  i^cyn]  appointed,  a  peculiar  force  cf.  is'^f-  16''  22=  2  Ch.  8'< 
98  n>5-  22  iq5.  8  2i2i  24'3  256-  '-'  et  al.  (1.  89). — n;  '^i']  over  the  service,  cj. 
BDB.  i\  5.  h. 


134  I  CHRONICLES 

18-32  (33-47).  The  three  singers  Heman,  Asaph,  and 
Ethan,  and  their  lines  of  descent. — These  three  singers,  who 
are  assigned  to  the  time  of  David,  represented  in  reality  three  choirs 
or  guilds  of  the  post-exiHc  period  and  were  quite  modern  in  their 
development,  for  according  to  Ezr.  2*'  Ne.  7"  the  sons  of  Asaph 
and  singers  were  equivalent,  and  the  singers  were  distinct  from 
the  Levites.  (This  distinction  is  held  by  Sm.  p.  26;  OTJC.~  p. 
204;  Baudissin,  Gesch.desA.  T.  Priesterihums,  pp.  142^.,  also  DB. 
IV.  p.  92;  Nowack,  Heb.  Arch.  ii.  p.  in;  on  the  other  hand,  Tor- 
rey  claims  that  no  such  distinction  can  be  found  in  Ezr.  and  Ne., 
Comp.  and  Hist.  Value  of  Ezr.  and  Ne.  pp.  22  /.)  Gradually, 
however,  singers  were  evolved  into  Levites  and  the  three  guilds. 
Remains  of  steps  of  this  evolution  and  fluctuating  traditions  appear 
in  the  Levitical  genealogies.  In  Ex.  6='  the  three  sons  of  Korah  are 
Assir,  Elkanah,  and  Abiasaph  (=Ebiasaph),  i.e.,  father  of  Asaph, 
and  hence  we  should  expect  to  find  Asaph  a  descendant  of  Korah, 
but  according  to  vv.  ^^-^s  "s")  he  is  not.  Also  we  find  Assir  and 
Elkanah  placed  not  co-ordinate  but  following  each  other  (vv. '-» 
(22-24)  22  (37))  (yet  scc  iti  loco).  Diffcrcnt  genealogists  certainly 
worked  over  these  names.  The  sons  of  Korah  appearing  in  the 
titles  of  the  Pss.  (42.  44-49.  84.  85.  87.  88)  probably  mark  a 
step  in  this  evolution  earlier  than  the  formation  of  the  three 
guilds.  Korah  in  i  Ch.  2"  is  associated  with  Tappuah  as  a 
son  of  Hebron.  This  indicates  either  a  place  or  Judcan  family 
of  that  name  from  which  came  the  Levitical  Korahites  (We.  Is. 
uiid  Jiid.  Gesch.  pp.  151/.). 

A  noticeable  difference  of  length  appears  in  these  genealogies : 
thus  Heman  has  twenty  links,  Asaph  fifteen,  and  Ethan  only 
twelve. 

The  relation  of  the  genealogies  in  6'-''  <"  ">  to  those  of  the 
singers  in  6'"  '-  ("-<").  The  latter  genealogies  are  probably  cJcpend- 
ent  upon  the  former,  which  originally  may  have  been  of  Levites  not  classi- 
fied as  singers.  The  inconsistencies  which  make  this  statement  doubtful 
are  removed  by  textual  criticism  {v.  i.).  The  writer  simply  appropriated 
these  genealogies  in  order  to  find  Levitical  jjedigrees  for  the  singers. 
The  genealogy  of  Heman,  6""  (sa-'s)^  js  the  same  as  the  line  of  descent 
through  Kehath,  6'"  (2228)^  Heman  being  made  the  son  of  Joel,  the  son 
of  Samuel.     Thus  he  becomes  contemporaneous  with  David,  between 


VI.  1-38.]  GENEALOGIES  OF  LEVITES  I35 

whom  and  Samuel  there  is  but  one  generation,  viz.,  that  of  Saul.  This 
writer  errs  in  making  Mahath  (=  Ahimoth)  the  son  of  Amasai,  c/.  61°  <") 
where  they  are  brothers,  but  see  also  2  Ch.  29'^.  The  genealogy  of  Ger- 
shon,  6=  '■  t^"  '• ',  is  not  sufficiently  long  (only  eight  generations)  to  bring 
the  last,  Jeatherai,  down  to  the  generation  of  Saul,  hence  Malchijah, 
Maaseiah,*  Michael,  Shimea,  and  Berechiah  were  added  by  the  writer 
of  6-^-28  (39-43)^  thus  making  it  possible  to  regard  Asaph  as  the  contempo- 
rary of  David.  Similarly,  the  genealogy  of  Merari,  6'^  '•  '^^  '•',  consist- 
ing of  only  eight  generations,  is  too  short  to  reach  from  Merari  to  the 
singer  Ethan,  the  contemporary  of  David,  hence  a  number  of  generations 
were  added  by  the  writer  of  Ethan's  genealogy,  629-32  (44-47),  Moreover, 
he  seems  to  have  departed  from  the  genealogy  of  Merari  after  Shimei, 
and  to  have  added  eight  generations,  Bani,  Amzi,  Hilkiah,  Amaziah, 
Hashabiah,  Malluch,  Abdi,  and  Kishi,  before  Ethan. 

The  source  of  the  genealogies  of  the  singers.  Of  the  additional 
names  inserted  before  Asaph,  Berechiah  occurs  elsewhere  in  3^"  g'^ 
15"-  23  2  Ch.  2812  Ne.  s*-  ^°  6's  Zc.  i"-  \  =  Jeberechiah  Is.  8^  t;  Shimea 
(Nj,'nB')  in  6'5  "")  as  a  Levite  (but  spelling  'i'.nr  it  is  very  frequent  in  the 
writings  of  the  Chronicler,  especially  as  a  Levitical  name);  Michael 
eight  times  elsewhere  in  the  writings  of  the  Chronicler  and  in  Nu.  13" 
(P)  Dn.  lo"-  21  12';  Maaseiah*  nineteen  times  elsewhere  in  Ch.-Ezr.- 
Ne.  and  in  Je.  21'  2921-  25  ^5*  373;  Malchijah  twelve  times  elsewhere  in 
Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.  and  Je.  21'  38'-  ^  Hence  these  names  are  late  (except 
Shimea)  and  favourites  with  the  Chronicler.  Similarly  the  additional 
names  to  the  genealogy  of  Ethan  occur  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.  as  follows: 
Bani,  13  times  (or  15,  see  BDB.);  Amzi,  2;  Hilkiah,  5  (besides  fre- 
quently as  the  high  priest  of  Josiah's  time);  Amaziah,  2  (besides  fre- 
quently as  the  well-known  King  of  Judah);  Hashabiah,  14  (always  a 
Levitical  name);  Malluch,  6  (also  always  Levitical);  Abdi,  3  (the  last 
three  do  not  occur  elswhere);  Kishi,  as  Kushaiah  only  in  15",  but  as 
Kish,  5  times.  On  this  ground  alone  it  is  conclusive  that  these  gen- 
ealogies of  the  singers  were  composed  by  the  Chronicler  or  in  his 
day.  Furthermore,  e'^-i'*  (si-ssa)^  where  the  ear-marks  of  the  Chron- 
icler are  evident  (notice  T'Dyn,  1.  89;  onmay  Sp  oess'Da  ncj."i  and  oncpn, 
cf.  ancy  2  Ch.  7^,  anDj;n  Ne.  12"),  is  a  part  of  this  same  piece. 
Hence  it  is  most  probable  that  the  Chronicler  himself  gave  the 
singers  these  pedigrees  descending  from  the  three  sons  of  Levi.  No 
doubt  the  latter  had  already  claimed  Levitical  descent.  The  Chron- 
icler may  have  utilised  some  current  genealogies  of  the  singers  to  sup- 
plement the  Levitical  tables  of  6^  ^-  (^o  ff->.  The  identity  of  one 
name  would  be  sufficient  to  make  the  connection,  which  may  ac- 
count for  the  omission  of  the  last  four  names  of  the  table  of  Merari 
(v.  s.).  The  fact  that  Ethan  is  used  here  and  in  15"  ^-  while  elsewhere 
we  find  JediUhun  (16"  25'-  '■  «  2  Ch.  5'^  29"  35'*)  is  not  significant. 


136  I  CHRONICLES 

The  Chronicler  could  have  identified  the  two  as  well  as  a  later  interpo- 
lator. The  objection  has  been  raised  (by  Bn.)  that  elsewhere  in  Ch.- 
Ezr.-Ne. — except  15"  ^-  which  is  doubtless  dependent  on  this  passage — 
Asaph  seems  to  figure  as  the  chief  singer  (c/.  16'-'  Ne.  11")  and  he  is 
always  mentioned  first.  But  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  the  writer 
of  these  genealogies  intended  to  exalt  Heman's  guild  of  singers  above 
the  Asaphitcs.  Although  Heman  is  placed  first,  he  is  not  called  the 
chief.  Asaph's  descent  is  traced  from  Gershon,  the  oldest  of  the  sons  of 
Levi,  which  may  imply  that  his  guild  was  recognised  as  the  oldest.  His 
position  on  the  right  hand,  possibly  an  indication  of  the  position  this 
guild  occupied  in  the  service  at  the  Temple,  was  a  post  of  honour, 
cf.  Gn.  48"  Ps.  no'. 

18.  \-in|in]  (S,  U,  ^,  01  nnp. — 19-21,  On  Sni'^x,  mn,  r|«s>  nnc,  see 
above  vv.  s'^.  According  to  v.  "o  'a'cy  was  the  father  of  r^nc,  v.  ">  makes 
him  out  the  brother  of  mens  =  nns.  Possibly  v.  ="  is  dependent  on 
some  te.xt  which  had  1J3  after  ms^ns  =  nno  (cf.  (S"-  quoted  above  on 
vv.  '■  8),  or  v.  =»  is  due  to  the  carelessness  of  the  compiler.  (5^  of  v.  '» 
may  be  corrected  from  this  verse. — 22.  f]D-2H  p  T'Dn]  v.  s.  vv.  '•  «. — 
25.  n'K'yj]  read  with  some  mss.,  (5",  #  n'tr-yc,  so  Bn.,  Ki. — 28.  Bsnj] 
V.  s.  v.  '. — 29.  "Z'-p]  many  mss.,  Kt.  (Oriental  text),  (g^,  ]|  <rip,  15"' 
in'cip,  f/.  2  Ch.  29'2  nay  J3  r^p.— 30.  31.  >scn  p  n-p^n  p]  ha^  fallen 
from  the  text  of  (5°  by  homoeoteleuton.  (&^  vios  XeXx'ou-  viov  A/xacrai 
supports  ill  (Ki.  BH.  is  misleading). 

33.  34  (48.  49).  A  description  of  the  service  of  the  Levites 
and  the  priests. — This  description  is  according  to  P  and  the  as- 
signment there  by  Moses. — Their  brethren  the  Levites]  i.e.,  all 
Levites  not  singers  and  not  priests.  The  term  Levite  is  social  as 
well  as  tribal.  The  subordinate  ministry  of  the  Levites  is  here 
meant  (rf.  Nu.  3'  " ).  The  duties  of  the  priests  are  summarised 
as  service  at  the  altar  of  burnt  offering  (rf.  Ex.  27' -s),  at  the  altar  of 
incense  (cf.  Ex.  30''),  and  in  whatever  functions  were  connected 
with  the  rooms  of  the  sanctuary  (cf.  Nu.  4'«)  (the  term  holy  of 
holies  cannot  be  restricted  here  to  the  innermost  sanctuary),  also 
to  make  an  atonement  for  Israel].  The  jiriests  made  an  atonement 
through  sacrifices  for  individuals  (Lv.  4=°  "  8"  10"  et  al.)  and  for 
the  entire  people  on  the  day  of  atonement  (Lv.  16"),  and  also  on 
other  occasions  of  stress  and  fast  (2  Ch.  29=').  The  term  to  make 
an  atonement  is  used  here  to  indicate  the  priestly  ministry  in  general. 

34.  103^1]  inf.  cstr.  with  waic,  a  continuation  of  on'Kps,  Ges.  § 
ii.j/>,  Dr.  TIL  206,  Dav.  Syn.  §  92  R.  4. 


VI.  39-45.]  DWELLING-PLACES  OF   PRIESTS  I37 

35-38  (50-53).  The  high  priests  from  Aaron  to  Ahimaaz. 

Cf.  5^°-^'  (6''-8).— This  genealogy  if  not  the  original  with  the  Chron- 
icler {v.  s.)  is  repeated  here  to  give  data  to  the  time  of  David. 

39-66  (54-81).  The  dwelling-places  of  Levi.— This  section, 
with  rearrangement  and  some  slight  abridgment,  is  taken  from 
Jos.  215-39.  In  that  passage  a  general  statement  of  the  number  and 
locality  of  the  cities  of  the  priests  and  Levites  (Jos.  21^-')  precedes 
the  enumeration  of  the  separate  cities  of  both  priests  and  Levites. 
Here  on  the  other  hand  the  separate  cities  of  the  priests  are  first 
enumerated  (vv.  =«-"  ^^^-s"'  Jos.  2i"'-i3)  and  then  is  given  the 
general  summary  (w.  ^^-^°  <^'-«^'  Jos.  21^-"^)  and  then  follows  the 
enumeration  of  the  separate  cities  of  the  Levites  (vv.  ^'-^  cee.su). 
In  this  order  v.  =°  <">  forms  no  proper  introduction  to  the  following 
verses.  It  can  only  introduce  according  to  its  place  in  Jos. 
w.  69  ff.  (64  ff,).  Hence  this,  with  the  preceding  verse,  is  held  to 
have  come  from  a  marginal  annotation  made  by  some  reader 
familiar  with  the  narrative  of  Jos.  and  later  to  have  been  inserted  in 
the  text  (Be.,  Ki.),  or  the  entire  list  of  Levitical  cities  (vv.  "-" 
(66-81))  is  a  later  supplement  (Bn.),  or  a  copyist  through  error  re- 
arranged the  original  material  of  the  Chronicler.  But  it  is  more 
likely  that  the  Chronicler  himself  was  guilty  of  this  unskilful 
arrangement.  Wishing  to  separate  the  account  of  the  priestly 
cities  from  that  of  the  Levites,  he  transposed  the  verses.  That  he 
should  have  transcribed  and  left  Jos.  21'  (v.  ^o  (65))  where  it  did  not 
harmonise  with  the  text  is  not  strange.  He  is  guilty  elsewhere  of 
similar  infelicities  (see  Intro,  p.  19). 

39-45  (54-60).  The  cities  of  the  priests. — Taken  from  Jos. 
2iio-i9_ — 39,  j{ji(i  these  {i.e.,  the  following)  are  their  dwelling  places 
according  to  their  settlements  within  their  boundary]  from  the 
Chronicler,  since  these  words  are  not  in  his  source.  The  proper 
introduction  (Jos.  21')  is  given  in  v.  s°  <">  {y.  s.). — To  the  sons  oj 
Aaron,  etc.\  With  these  words  commences  abruptly  the  quota- 
tion from  the  book  of  Joshua. — Of  the  family  of  the  Kehathites]. 
Cf  5"  (6'). — The  fir st^  lot].  The  word  first,  supplied  from  Jos. 
21'°,  is  necessary  for  clearness  of  meaning. — 40  (55).  Hebron] 
Kirjath-arba  Jos.  20',  which,  according  to  Jos.  i4'5,  was  the 
more  ancient  name,  mod.  El-Khalil,  twenty-three  miles  south 


138  I   CHRONICLES 

and  a  little  west  of  Jerusalem;  one  of  the  oldest  and  most 
notable  cities  of  Palestine,  built  seven  years  before  Zoan  in 
Egypt  (Nu.  13");  the  burial-place  of  Sarah,  Abraham,  Isaac, 
and  Jacob  (Gn.  23"  25'  35"  ^  50");  David's  residence  when 
king  over  Judah  (2  S.  5');  the  place  of  the  death  of  Abner  (2 
S.  3"),  and  headquarters  of  the  rebellious  Absalom  (2  S.  15'  ' ). 
— And  the  sicburbs].  Cf.  2  Ch.  ii'<. — 41  (56).  This  verse 
harmonises  with  the  previous  verse  the  gift  of  Hebron  to  Caleb 
recorded  in  Jos.  15".  Both  verses  (this  and  the  preceding)  in 
the  book  of  Joshua  are  editorial  insertions  (Bennett,  Jos. 
SBOT.).  They  interrupt  the  narrative. — 42  (57).  Cities\  The 
plural  is  an  error.  Only  Hebron  was  a  city  of  refuge.  Hence 
after  Jos.  21"  read  city.  The  Chronicler  has  here  abridged 
{v.  i.). — Libnah].  A  city  in  the  lowland  of  Judah  of  some  histor- 
ical importance  (cf.  2  K.  8"  19^  23'').  Its  location  has  not  been 
clearly  identified. — Jaflir]  in  the  hill  country  of  Judah  (Jos.  15^' 
2i'<  I  S.  30"  f),  mod.  'Attir  thirteen  miles  south  by  west  from 
Hebron.— Eshtemoa].  Cf.  4'-.— 43  (58).  Hilen]  Holon  Jos. 
2i'5;  in  the  hill  country  of  Judah  mentioned  in  Jos.  15='  between 
Goshen  and  Gilo;  not  identified. — Debir]  also  called  Kirjath- 
sepher  (Jos.  i5'5  Ju.  i"  '•),  a  place  of  importance  in  the  Negeb 
or  southern  Judah,  identified  with  Dahariyeh,  some  ten  or  twelve 
miles  south-west  of  Hebron  {cf.  Moore,  ///.  pp.  25  /.). — 44  (59). 
Ashan'\  written  'Ain  Jos.  21'^  {v.  i.),  mentioned  among  towns  of 
Judah  Jos.  15^2,  and  of  Simeon  Jos.  19'  f  :  clearly  then  in  southern 
Judah :  not  identified. — Beth-shetnesh]  on  the  borders  of  Judah 
Jos.  IS'",  but  assigned  to  Dan  Jos.  19^',  the  mod.  \ii>i  Shems  in 
the  valley  of  Sorek  south  of  the  railway  from  Jafi'a  to  Jerusalem 
and  not  far  from  the  half-way  point  (Baed.<  pp.  14,  126).  The 
place  was  probably  an  ancient  Canaanite  sanctuary  (cf.  for  his- 
torical references  i  S.  6'  "•  i  K.  4'  2  K.  14"  2  Ch.  25^"  28"). — 
45  (60).  Geba\  a  town  frequently  mentioned  (8'  i  S.  13^  2  S.  5" 
I  K.  15"  2  K.  238  2  Ch.  16'  Ne.  11"  i2=«  Is.  io*»  Zc.  14'°),  mod. 
Jeba  south  of  the  pass  of  Michmash.  It  is  about  four  miles 
north  by  east  from  Jerusalem. —  Alemeth]  (Almon  Jos.  21") 
mentioned  in  the  genealogies  8"  9*',  identified  with  mod.  Ahmt, 
three  and  a  half  miles  north-east  of  Jerusalem,  beyond  Anathoth, 


VI.  46-66.]  DWELLING-PLACES  OF  LEVITES  139 

which  is  distinguished  as  the  home  of  Jeremiah  (Je.  i'  11 2'-  "  29" 
32'  ^-j  also  mentioned  in  2  S.  23'^  i  K.  2"  Ezr.  2^3  Ne.  7"  ii3«  Is. 
103" f),  mod.  'Anata  three  miles  north-east  of  Jerusalem. — Thirteen 
cities].  Only  eleven  are  mentioned  in  the  present  text  of  Ch., 
hence  probably  Jutta  found  in  Jos.  2i'«  and  Gibeon  in  Jos.  21" 
should  be  supplied  in  vv.  *^  '■  {v.  i.). 

39b-45  compared  with  Jos.  2i'i'-'9  show  the  following  variations,  some 
of  which  appear  abridgments  of  the  Chronicler  and  others  seem  to  have 
arisen  in  the  transmission  of  his  text,  and  should  be  restored  from  Joe. 
We  give  as  the  former:  v.  ^^^  the  omission  of  >nii  before  'jaS,  and  >J3d 
^•h  after  ipnpn  (nnoB'B'?  instead  of  'DD  in  Jos.  represents  the  true  text, 
since  the  formula /row  the  families  of  the  tribes  is  not  used,  see  SBOT. 
on  Jos.  2I'');  v.  "  pan  Nin  pjjjn  12N  yj-iN  pinp  nx  cut  down  to  pan  dm 
and  V"!!^'^  read  for  ina;  v.  "  inrnNJ  omitted  after  njs'';  v.  "  pon  omitted 
after  priN  and  nxin  after  taSpa.  The  latter  omission  appears  also  in 
V.  ^2j  cf.  Jos.  2i28.  In  vv.  •'^'-  the  sums  of  the  cities  as  given  in  Jos.  21"-  " 
are  omitted.  Variations  through  careless  transmission  appear:  v.  39b 
jiTNi  omitted  after  S-Mjn;  v.  -is  nj;  instead  of  nij7>  nisy-ija  nxi  omitted 
after  pan  and  after  in'',  which  phrase  also  with  na^  and  with  pyaj  have 
fallen  out  of  vv.  "'■;  v.  *^  Dn^-nnflK'na  instead  of  jnic-uDi.  The  yi^y 
of  v.  ^<  is  the  true  reading  instead  of  y;  of  Jos.  2i'8,  c/.  on  Jos.  in  loco 
(&,  SBOT.,  Dill.,  and  also  Jos.  15"  19^  Probably  also  with  variations 
due  to  copyists  should  be  classed:  v.  ^  |Sm  instead  of  jSn,  cf.  Jos.  15^'; 
V.  «  nnSj;  instead  of  jmSy  with  Anathoth  after  instead  of  before. 

46-50  (61-65).  A  summary  of  the  Levitical  cities. — ^Taken 

directly  from  Jos.  21=-'  {v.  s.). — 46  (61).  And  the  rest  of  the  children 
of  Kehath  had  by  lot  out  of  the  families  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim  and 
out  of  the  tribe  of  Dan  and  out  of  the  half  tribe  of  Manas seh  ten  cit- 
ies''^]. The  present  HI  is  corrupt  and  meaningless  and  must  be  thus 
restored  according  to  Jos.  21=.  Be.  suggested  that  the  confusion 
may  have  arisen  from  the  deliberate  omission  of  the  reference  to 
the  tribe  of  Dan  (rf.  7'=).  The  sons  of  Kehath,  or  the  first  main 
division  of  the  Levites,  omitting  from  their  number  the  priests,  had 
in  the  territory  of  Ephraim  and  Dan,  adjoining  Judah,and  in  West 
Manasseh  ten  cities  enumerated  in  part  in  vv.  ^i"  <66-70)_ — 47  (62). 
The  sons  of  Gershom  representing  the  second  main  division  of  the 
Levites  had  thirteen  cities,  enumerated  in  vv.  "-«'  ^^i■^i\  in  the 
territory  of  Issachar,  Asher,  Naphtali,  and  the  east-Jordanic  tribe 
of  Manasseh. — 48  (63).  The  sons  of  Merari,  the  third  and  final 


I40  I  CHRONICLES 

main  di\isi()n  of  the  Levites,  had  as  their  possession  twelve  cities 
enumerated  in  part  in  w.  "■"  ("-«i). — 49  (64).  This  verse  gives  a 
summary  of  the  preceding. — These*  cities].  The  word  Ihese 
supplied  from  Jos.  has  perhaps  fallen  from  the  te.xt. — 50  (65). 
By  lol]  out  of  place  by  copyist's  error,  belongs  to  the  previous 
verse.  This  verse  in  Jos.  begins  a  new  paragraph  and  is  here 
entirely  out  of  place  introducing  the  matter  of  vv.  ">'-«  ««b-«9> 
(V.  s.). 

46.  pnDtt'sc]  Jos.  21'  rhss'cs  to  be  preferred  (Bn.),  but  anno'^tS 
with  rt-sn:-::  as  in  vv.  *'"■  is  preferred  by  Ki.,  and  also  Bennett,  as  the  true 
reading  in  Jos.  ai^f-,  SBOT. — noa  ixnn  p  nocci  onoN  nan  is  to  be  sup- 
plied after  rno'^Tn  from  Jos.  in  place  of  ^xn  tod  n^sncD  nocn  as  is 
required  by  the  ten  cities. — 47.  aiunj]  Jos.  2i«  ps'^J,  v.  s.  v.  '. — a.-iinorr'^] 
according  to  their  families,  i.e.,  of  Gershonites,  Jos.  'ui  rn^rm  from 
families  of  the  tribe, etc.  (buti-.  5.). — Instead  of  nu-j:;  n::r:;i  Jos.  has  'xnci 
'::  na::  and  after  r"^^,  S^ua. — 48.  S^u^]  is  wanting  in  Jos.  21'  (but  cf. 
<S). — 49.  V.  s.  In  Jos.  218  the  verse  closes  with  i^a  niT  nix  is'nd 
"^lua  nca. — 50.  V.  s. — 1C>J3  ■'ja  nacci]  wanting  in  Jos.  (but  cf.  (S 
and  Jos.  21^). 

51-66  (66-81).  The  cities  of  the  Levites  (in  distinction  from 
the  priests). — Taken  directly  from  Jos.  2I"-''  with  some  abridg- 
ment, and  the  te.xt  has  evidently  suffered  through  transcription. 
— 51  (66).  And  families  of  the  sons  of  Kehath  had  cities  of 
their  lot,*  etc.]  thus  correctly  Be.,  Bn.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  after  Jos.  21". 
— 52  (67).  The  city*  of  refuge]  since  only  Shechem  was  a  city 
of  refuge. — Shechem]  a  little  over  thirty  miles  north  of  Jerusalem, 
figures  frequently  in  the  early  history  of  Israel  {cf.  Gn.  i2«  t,^)''' 
35<  Jos.  24'-  "  Ju.  9  I  K.  12).  It  is  the  mod.  Ndbidus,  a  city  of 
24,800  inhabitants  (Baed.<  p.  217). — Gezer]  an  ancient  Canaan- 
itish  city  not  occupied  by  the  Israelites  (Jos.  16'°  Ju.  1=^'  contra 
Jos.  10")  until  conquered  by  "Pharaoh  king  of  Egypt"  and  pre- 
sented to  Solomon  i  K.  g'^ :  the  mod.  Tell  Jezer,  some  twenty 
miles  west  by  north  from  Jerusalem,  and  the  site  of  recent  excava- 
tions (cf.  R.  A.  Stewart  JMacalister,  Bible  Side  Lights  from  the 
Mound  of  Gezer,  Lon.  1906). — 53  (68).  Instead  of  Jokmeam 
Jos.  (2i«)  has  Kibzaim,  which,  according  to  Be.,  Bn.,  Ki., 
is  to  be  preferred.     No  site  corresponding  to  either  name  has 


VI.  46-66.]  DWELLING-PLACES  OF  LEMTES  141 

been  found. — Beth-horon'].  There  were  an  upper  and  a  lower 
Beth-horon  (2  Ch.  8^)  "near  the  head  and  the  foot  respectively 
of  the  ascent  from  the  Maritime  Plain  to  the  plateau  of  Ben- 
jamin, and  represented  to-day  by  Beit  'Ur  el  fdka  and  Beit 
'Ur  el  lahla.'"  The  towns  are  a  little  over  two  miles  apart  and 
some  ten  or  twelve  miles  north-west  of  Jerusalem.  For  refer- 
ences to  these  towns  and  their  ascent  cf.  Jos.  10'"  '•  163-  '  18"  '• 
21"  I  S.  i3'8  2  K.  85  2  Ch.  8^  2513.  Between  v."  '^s'  and  v." 
<«»>,  intentionally  (Be.)  or  carelessly  (Bn.),  has  been  omitted  Jos. 
2123  "And  from  the  tribe  of  Dan  Elteke  and  its  suburbs  and 
Gibbethon  and  its  suburbs." — 54  (69).  Aijalon]  a  city  of  Dan; 
mod.  village  of  Ydlo,  a  little  to  the  north  of  the  Jaffa  road, 
about  thirteen  miles  from  Jerusalem.  Cf.  for  references  8'^  2  Ch. 
910  28'8  Jos.  19^2  21=4  Ju.  135  I  s.  14".  The  valley  of  Aijalon 
was  a  famous  battle-field  (cf.  GAS.  HGHL.  pp.  210-13). — 
Galh-rimmon]  (Jos.  19^5  2124  -j-)  not  identified;  probably  a  little 
to  the  east  of  Joppa. — 55  (70).  Instead  of  'Aner  ("1]J?)  read 
after  Jos.  21^5  Taanach  ("jyn),  the  frequently  mentioned  city 
of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  {cf.  7"  Jos.  122'  17"  1918  £f.  2125  Ju. 
I"  5"  I  K.  4'2),  mod.  Taanniik  some  four  and  a  half  miles 
south-southwest  from  Lejjiin  (Megiddo)  (BDB.). — Read  also 
instead  of  5 j/e am  {U^12)  Ible'am  (Dy^D'').  Cf.  Jos.  17"  Ju. 
I".  Jos.  21^5  has  by  dittography  Gath-rimmon,  but  (^^  le^aOa, 
hence  Dill.,  Bennett,  SBOT.,  el  al.,  as  above.  Ihleam  was  also 
in  the  plain  of  Esdraelon  and  its  name  appears  preserved  in 
the  Wady  Belameh  in  which  the  village  Jemn  lies  (Baed.<  p. 
223). — The  words /<?;'  the  rest  of  the  families'^  of  the  sons  of  Kehath 
are  a  fragment  of  Jos.  2i'^\  which  reads:  "All  the  cities  of  the 
families  of  the  rest  of  the  children  of  Kehath  were  ten  with  their 
suburbs."  The  compiler  or  transcriber,  having  omitted  Jos.  21", 
felt  compelled  to  omit  the  numeral,  but  retained  the  adjoining 
words,  then  meaningless. — 56  (71).  From  the  family  of  the  half- 
Iribe,  etc.]  a  use  oi  family  before  the  name  of  tribe  arising  from 
abbreviation  of  text  in  Jos.  21"  where  the  word  is  plural  and  refers 
to  the  Gershonites  (v.  i.). — Golan]  a  city  of  uncertain  site  which 
gave  its  name  to  the  district  Gaulanitis  mentioned  by  Josephus 
{Ant.  xvii.  8.   i.  xviii.  4.  6),  and  appears  in  the  mod.  Jaulan 


142  I  CHRONICLES 

east  of  the  Jordan  and  Sea  of  Galilee  {EBi.  II.  col.  1748)  (Dt.  4" 
a  city  of  refuge,  Jos.  20^  21"  f). — 'AsJitaroih]  mentioned  with 
Edrei  as  one  of  the  royal  cities  of  Og  King  of  Bashan  (Dt.  1*  Jos. 
9'"  i2<  13'^).  The  name  indicates  that  it  was  a  seat  of  the  worship 
of  Ashtoreth.  Its  location  has  not  been  clearly  fi.xed.  Some 
identify  it  with  el  Mezeirib,  some  twenty-five  miles  east  of  the 
southern  end  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  others  with  el  'Ash'ari,  some 
three  miles  north  of  that  place  (DB.  I.  pp.  166 /.).— 57  (72). 
Read  according  Jos.  ai's  Kishion  (jVtl^.'TJ)  (cf.  Jos.  i9"»)  instead 
of  Kedesh  (w'^p)  (Dill.,  Bn.).  Conder  prefers  Kedesh,  which  he 
thinks  may  be  identified  near  Ta'anach  (DB.  III.  p.  4).  The 
former  place  has  not  been  identified. — Daberath]  Jos.  19"  21"  f, 
the  present  Deburige  at  the  foot  of  Mt.  Tabor  (BDB.).— 58  (73). 
Ramoth]  same  as  Remeth  Jos.  19='  (Bn.),  mod.  Er  Rameh  in 
southern  part  of  plain  of  Esdraelon  (Baed.<  p.  222).  Ki.  prefers 
Yarmuth  of  Jos.  21"  (BH.). — 'Anem]  (CJJ?)  a  scribal  error,  is 
'Ain-gannim  (Cj;!  j^y)  Jos.  21"  19=',  mod.  Jerwi  near  the 
south-east  end  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon;  a  village  now  of  some 
importance,  with  1,500  inhabitants  (Baed."  p.  223). — 59  (74). 
Mashal]  (b'Z'^)  better  after  Jos.  22^0  Mish'al  (^St:*!:),  site  un- 
known.— 'Abdon]  (Jos.  21'"  f)  mod.  'Abdeh  ten  or  more  miles 
north  by  east  of  Acco  and  some  five  east  of  Achzib. — 60  (75). 
Hukok]  (p'pn).  Read  after  Jos.  21"  Helkath  (rp'rn),  cf.  Jos. 
19"  I,  the  site  is  uncertain. — Rehob].  This  towTi  in  Asher  has  not 
been  located.  It  is  to  be  distinguished  from  the  Rehob  at  the  head 
of  the  Jordan  valley  (Nu.  13='  i  S.  10'  ^),  and  also  the  one  men- 
tioned in  Jos.  19'". — 61  (76).  Kedesh  in  Galilee]  (Jos.  21"), 
Kedesh-naphtali  (Ju.  4^),  elsewhere  simply  Kedesh  (Jos.  12"  19" 
Ju.  4"  *■  2  K.  15"),  a  city  of  refuge,  the  home  of  Barak,  a  place 
of  importance  mentioned  by  Josephus,  mod.  village  of  Kedes,  west 
of  Lake  Huleh. — Hammon]  Hammoth-dor  (Jos.  2i«)  Hammath 
(Jos.  19").  Probably  Hammoth  is  the  true  reading  {cf.  'S.afiiod 
(g®)  and  the  town  is  the  mod.  Hammdm  a  short  distance  south  of 
Tiberias  {DB.  II.  p.  290). — Kiridthcum]  (C\"'i''1p)  a  variation  of 
Kartan  (jnip)  Jos.  21",  not  identified. — 62  (77).  Lei'iles  as  in 
Jos.  21"  must  be  supplied  after  the  rest  (D''"li1"3r;),  otherwise  the 
expression  is  meaningless. — Two  cities  of  Zebulun,  Jokneam  and 


VI.  46-66.]  DWELLING-PLACES   OF  LEVITES  1 43 

Fartah,  mentioned  in  Jos.  21^*,  have  fallen  from  the  text  (cf.  (g^). 
— Instead  of  Rimmono  (131D"l)  read  Rimmon,  since  the  last  syllable 
has  arisen  from  a  union  with  a  following  waw  (l)  ((/.  Jos.  19'^),  or 
perhaps  Rimmonah.     Jos.    21^5  has  Dimnah  (nJDl).     Rimmon 
has  been  identified  with  Rummaneh  north  of  Nazareth   (DB.). 
— Instead  of   Tabor  ('^^2^\),  which  is  nowhere  mentioned  as  a 
city  of  Zebulun,  but  on  the  border  of  Issachar  Jos.   21",   Jos. 
21"  has  Nahalal  (^'?ni),   mentioned  also  in  Jos.    ig'^  Ju.   i^", 
not  clearly  identified  (Moore,  Ju.  p.  49,  but  see  DB.  III.  p.  472). 
Ki.  Kom.  has  a  lacuna  in  place  of  any  name. — 63  (78).   And 
beyond  the  Jordan  at  Jericho,  east  of  Jordan].     These  words  are 
wanting  in  ^  in  Jos.,  although  the  first  three  (im"*  jl^''^  "liVIil) 
appear    in   (B^^    Jos.    21'^     On   the  expression  tJie   Jordan   at 
Jericho  cf.   Nu.    22'   26^   Jos.    20 ^      The    cities    mentioned    in 
vv.  "(78) -66 (81)  correspond  exactly  with  those  given  in  Jos.  2136-39. 
—  Bezer]  a    city  of  refuge   (Dt.   4"  Jos.    2o«)   mentioned  on  the 
Moabite  stone;    not  identified.     The  phrase   in   the   w-ilderness, 
wanting  in  ij^  in  Jos.  {cf.  Jos.  208)  but  appearing  in  (^^,  and  fol- 
lowed by  "plain"  ("lw'"'a)  in  Dt.  4*'  Jos.  20^,  shows  the  location 
of  the  city  in  the  fiat  table-land  east  of  the  Jordan. — Jahzah]  a  city 
also  assigned  to  Moab  (Is.  15^  Je.  48")  on  the  border  of  the  territory 
of  the  Amorites  (Nu.  21^3  Dt.  2^-),  location  unknown. — 64  (79). 
Kedemoth]  somewhere  north  of  the  upper  Arnon,  not  identified 
(BDB.). — Mepha'ath]  mentioned  as  in  Moab  Je.  48^',  not  identi- 
fied.— 65  (80).  Ramoth  in  Gil e  ad]  one  of  the  cities  of  refuge  (Dt. 
4"  Jos.  208),  mentioned  in  wars  between  Syria  and  Israel  i  K, 
223  ff.^     At  the  battle  of  Ramoth-gilead  Ahab  was  slain  (i   K. 
223*-37)_     xhe  location  is  uncertain:  sites  suggested  Reimiin,  es 
Salt,   and  Jerash,   the  last  directly   east  of  Samaria  and   some 
twenty-three    miles  beyond   the  Jordan,  with  probability  in  its 
favour  (Selah  Merrill,  E.  of  the  Jordan,  pp.  284^.). — Mahanaim] 
a  place  of  note  east  of  Jordan  {cf.  Gn.  32=  2  S.  2^  »■  172^   ^^  193' 
I    K.   2«  4'^),   identification    not    certain. — 66   (81).    Heshbon] 
the  former  capital  of  Sihon,  King  of  the  Amorites   (Nu.   21"), 
assigned   to  Moab  (Je.  48^^),  mod.  Hesbdn   some   fifteen   miles 
east  of  where  the  Jordan  empties  into  the  Dead  Sea. — Jazer]  an 
important   town;   a  district  of  Reuben   was  called  "the  land  of 


144  ^  CHRONICLES 

Jazer"  (Xu.  32',  also  mentioned  Nu.  32'-  "  Jos.  13"  21"  2  S. 
24"  I  Ch.  26^',  and  assigned  to  Aloab  Is.  i6«  '  Je.  48"). 
Jerome  placed  it  eight  or  ten  miles  west  of  Philadelphia  and 
fifteen  miles  from,  i.e.,  north  of,  Heshbon  {Onom.  86.  24.  131. 
18).  Merrill  regards  this  as  correct  and  identifies  with  Khurbtl 
Sar  {DR.  II.  p.  553). 

51.  .-iinDJ":':!]  rendered  in  RV.  as  a  partitive,  is  better  read  aher 
Jos.  212"  and  (g"-,  'H,  '-"^i  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Bn.,  Ki.). — a'^n;]  is  a  copyist's 
error  for  a'^^u  in  their  lot,  but  this  error  may  have  been  taken  over  from 
Jos.  by  the  Chronicler,  since  (S^'-  of  Jos.  have  tQv  iepiuv  aiirwv,  doubtless 
a  corruption  of  (&'^  t.  opiuv  a.  =  oSnj. — 52.  See  te.xt.  n.  on  v.  ". — 
53.  Here  and  in  the  following  verses  the  numbers  found  in  Jos.  are 
wanting. — 55.  a>"'^3]  (S'' omits,  ^  lySXaa/u,  ^le^Xaafi  =  a;"'?3''  (v.  s.). — 
pnfl'.:':;"']  should  be  pointed  as  pi.  after  Jos. — 56.  The  te.xt  of  Jo.s.  21" 
is  Mji  nj3  'sn^  dmSh  nnDS'::a  p^nji  ^:2^}. — The  words  the  city  0/  refuge 
of  the  manslayer  appear  in  Jos.  before  Golan. — 58.  msx-j]  Jos.  21-' 
.n-is^:,  but  Jos.  19'-'  ."'??.. 

VII.  15.  The  genealogy  of  Issachar. — Of  this  section,  only 
V.  '  is  derived  from  canonical  sources  {v.  i.).  The  remainder  was 
either  composed  by  the  Chronicler  or  is  from  an  unknown  source. 
Instead  of  closing  with  an  account  of  dwelling-places,  there  is  a 
record  of  the  number  of  fighting  men,  as  is  also  the  case  in  the 
records  of  Zebulun  {v.  •/.)  and  Asher  (r/.  v.  ■•»). — 1.  And  the  sons 
of  Issachar  Tola'  and  Pii'ah  and  Jashub  and  Shiinron].  Cf.  for 
source  Gn.  46"  Nu.  26==  '•.  In  Ju.  10'  we  read  of  one  of  the  minor 
judges,  Tola'  the  son  of  Pu'ah,  (lie  son  of  Dodo  a  man  of  Issachar 
and  he  was  dwelling  in  Shamir.  This  shows  that  traditions 
varied  in  respect  to  the  relationship  of  the  clans  of  Tola'  and 
Piiah;  but  the  former  if  not  the  more  ancient  was  clearly  the  more 
pre-eminent.  It  is  possible  that  the  four  sons  of  Issachar  are  simply 
reflections  oi  the  statement  given  above  in  the  form,  I'ola  the  son 
of  Pu'ah  dwelling  in  Shamir;  Jashub  derived  from  dwelling 
(iwT')  (('/■  the  variation  Job  21''  in  Gn.  46'^)  and  Shimron  from 
Shamir  ("i"'!2w');  or,  vice  versa,  that  the  late  editor  of  the  "Minor 
Judges"  came  on  this  concise  list  of  names  in  P  and  constructed 
his  statements  therefrom  (cf.  H.  W.  Hogg  in  OLZ.  vol.  3  (igoo) 
col.  367).     Shimron  has  been  regarded  as  standing  {or  the  city 


Vn.  1-5]  GENEALOGY  OF   ISSACPIAR 


H5 


of  Samaria  (Noeldeke,  EBi.  III.  col.  3275). — 2.  And  the  sons  of 
Tola  were  'Uzzi  and  Rephaiah  and  Jeri'el  f  and  Jahmai  f  and 
Jibsam  f  and  Shemu'el  heads  of  their  fathers'  houses  mighty  men 
of  valor].  The  first,  third,  and  fourth  of  these  names  look  hke 
those  of  ancient  clans,  while  the  second  appears  late,  and  thus 
is  suggested  a  combination  of  early  and  late  traditions. — Accord- 
ing to  their  genealogical  divisions,  etc.].  The  writer  has  prob- 
ably preserved  here  and  in  the  following  verses  midrashic 
interpretations  of  David's  census  (2  S.  24). — 3.  The  sojis  of 
Uzzi  present  a  group  of  late  names  (Gray,  HPN.  p.  238). — 
Five].  The  four  grandsons  were  reckoned  as  sons. — All  of  them 
were  heads]  or  altogether  there  were  five  heads,  five  distinct 
families  or  clans. — 4.  And  with  them].  The  reference  is  to  the 
five  clans  or  families  of  v.  '  which  numbered  36,000  warriors. — 
5.  And  the  reckoning  *  of  all  the  families  of  Issachar,  the 
mighty  men  of  valor,  was  altogether  87,000].  In  v.  ^  the  sons  of 
Tola,  six  clans,  are  numbered  at  22,600;  in  v.  *  the  sons  of 
Uzzi,  five  clans,  36,000.  These  two  together  make  58,600,  leaving 
28,400  to  be  furnished  by  the  remainder  of  the  tribe,  i.e.,  the 
clans  Puah,  Jashub,  and  Shimron,  and  also  Tola  reckoning 
him  as  a  clan  distinct  from  his  sons  {v.  Bn.  in  loco).  In  Nu.  i^' 
the  warriors  of  Issachar  were  54,400,  in  Nu.  26=5  64,300. 

1.  •'J2S1]  for  the  construction  see  Ges.  §  143^.  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Kau., 
Bn.,  prefer  to  emend  to  ^i2^.  (g'^  /cai  ovtol  vioi  =  ^J3  nSxi,  cf.  2'  3>. — 
HNiij]  Gn.  46",  Nu.  26-3  ni£3.  -3^t:';]  Qr.  {cf.  (5,  B)  3ir;.  Gn.  3v 
is  a  text,  error,  SBOT.  (see  above  for  an  original  atr-r). — 2.  jjhnS]  an 
addition  defining  Dnns  n-'j,  appears  a  corruption  (Zoe.)  and  should  be 
struck  out.— ann'i'n'?]  is  better  connected  with  the  last  half  of  the 
verse  (Be.,  Ke.,  Ki.). — 5.  Dn^nxi]  Bn.  after  Klo.  reads  arn\nni,  as  in  vv. 
7b  9.  40b  and  removes  the  following  Dt:'n^pni.  Possibly  an  original  n  has 
fallen  out  before  nn-^nNi,  the  preceding  word  ending  in  a.  Then  1  is  a 
corruption  for  f  and  we  should  read  'N  JD  and  connect  with  the  preceding 
verse,  translating /or  they  had  more  wives  and  sons  than  their  brethren. 
Dcn^-im  should  be  transposed  to  a  position  after  on^nN,  and  final  SdS 
should  be  struck  out. — a^Sin  >-n3j]  v.  Ges.  §  1249. 

VII.  6-11.  The  genealogy  of  Zebulun.— This  genealogy 
which  ^  apparently  ascribes  to  Benjamin  is  peculiar.  The  intro- 
ductory words  The  sons  of  are  wanting;   nowhere  else  in  1^  are 


146  I  CHRONICLES 

the  sons  of  Benjamin  limited  to  three;  Jedia'el  is  elsewhere  un- 
known as  a  Benjaminite  name,  a  most  striking  thing  when  the 
sons  of  Benjamin  are  so  often  mentioned;  and  this  section  as  a 
Benjaminite  genealogy  forms  a  doublet  to  c.  8. 

Not  only  are  the  names  of  the  sons  of  Bela  (v.  ■)  entirely  different 
from  those  in  any  other  list  of  his  sons  {cf.  8'  Nu.  26<''  and  (S  of  Gn. 
46''),  but  they  are  uncommon  or  unknown  to  the  tribe  of  Benjamin. 
While  the  other  lists  of  Bela's  sons  differ  from  each  other,  showing 
variant  traditions,  they  are  agreed  in  employing  the  same  names. 
On  the  other  hand,  Ezbon  is  only  found  elsewhere  as  a  son  of  Gad 
(Gn.  46'%  cf.  Nu.  26'«);  'Uzzi  is  a  common  priestly  and  Levitical 
name  Ne.  i2"-  «  i  Ch.  5='  '•  (6'  ' )  6'«  «"  Kzr.  7<  Ne.  11",  appears 
among  the  descendants  of  Issachar  (7=  =)  and  once  as  a  Benja- 
minite (9');  'Uzzi^el,  though  a  very  comm'jn  name,  is  not  Benjamin- 
ite; Jerimoth  (""li"'"!'')  is  a  Benjaminite  name  in  8'<  (r'^i*''),  but 
there  we  should  probably  read  Jeroham  (CH"!^)  with  8",  cf.  g" 
(Jerimoth  of  12^  <^'  is  doubtless  a  Judean  name,  v.  in  loco);  Iri  does 
not  occur  elsewhere.  Thus  we  have  ap{)arently  a  variant  tradi- 
tion which  has  only  one  certain  Benjaminite  name  and  that  a 
common  one  elsewhere. 

The  case  is  similar  with  the  sons  of  Becher  (v. ").  Of  these, 
Zemirah  occurs  only  here  (but  cf.  Zimri  8'«);  Jo  ash,  Eliezer, 
Elio  enai  (but  cf.  Elienai  8"),'0/;/r/,  and  Abijah  are  more  or  less 
common  but  unknown  as  Benjaminite  names;  the  same  is  likely 
true  of  Jeremoth  (see  above,  Jerimoth).  The  last  two  names, 
'Anathoth  and  'Alemeth,  on  the  other  hand,  arecommon  Benjaminite 
names.  'Anathoth  occurs  elsewhere  as  a  personal  name  only  in  Ne. 
io="  "",  where  the  tribe  is  not  given,  but  is  frequent  as  a  place-name 
in  Benjamin.  'Alemeth  is  also  a  place-name  of  Benjamin  and  is  a 
personal  name  in  8"  and  g".  Only  these  two,  therefore,  are  cer- 
tainly Benjaminite  and  they  alone  are  geographical. 

Of  the  third  branch  (v.  '»)  not  on\y  Jcdia^el  but  his  son  Bilhan 
and  his  grandsons  Cheuaanah,  Zethan,  Tarshish,  and  Ahishahar 
are  not  know^n  as  Benjaminites.  Je  ush  (Kt.  t^y)  is  met  with 
in  8^'  (w^'iy),  and  a  Benjaminite  Ehttd  (T.mK),  the  son  of  Gera, 
is  familiar  from  Ju.  3"  '•  +.  Benjamin,  the  son  of  Bilhan,  is 
unknown. 


Vn.  6-13.]  GENEALOGY  OF  ZEBULUN  I47 

This  genealogy  of  Benjamin  is  not  only  unique  in  its  content 
but  is  in  the  wrong  place  in  a  geographical  arrangement  of  the 
tribes,  and  a  doublet  (v.  s.).  Now,  the  genealogy  of  Zebulun  is 
wanting  in  the  Chronicler's  account.  Kittel  (Kom.)  indicates  his 
belief  that  the  original  text  contained  this  tribe  by  supposing  a 
lacuna  after  Naphtali  (7").  But  Zebulun  belongs  rather  after 
Issachar,  whom  he  follows  in  thirteen  out  of  seventeen  OT.  lists, 
including  2'  '•  and  27'*  «■  (r/.  also  12"  '■  i2'"'  2  Ch.  ^o^^),  but  not 
5-16  B.  (61  £t.)  where  the  order  is  not  the  Chronicler's  but  dependent 
on  Jos.  21.  In  five  more — in  three  of  which  the  principle  of 
arrangement  seems  to  be  geographical  from  south  to  north — the 
order  of  these  two  is  reversed.  Thus  we  have  the  strange  genealogy 
of  Benjamin  just  where  the  lost  one  of  Zebulun  should  be. 

Further  there  is  a  striking  similarity  between  the  list  of  Zebulun's 
sons  as  given  in  Gn.  46'*  and  the  names  appearing  in  the  first  verse 
of  our  list,  as  follows : 

Gn.  46"  ^K^n^l    jl^Sl   1-|D  J1^3T     ^l^l 

I  Ch.  7<=  r^^bu  bav^i^^         n^ai  v^a  ]'!2'^:2. 

If  the  former  was  the  original  reading  in  i  Ch.  7^  plus  the 
Chronicler's  addition  of  HD/w',  it  is  easy  to  see  how  the  present 
reading  arose  in  copying.  T  '•23  was  read  as  ]D''J3;  ^72  as  y^i3; 
TlD  j  as  -13:31  ((/.  T13,  v.  20,  =  -^22  Nu.  26^^).  The  last  two  of 
course  followed  as  a  necessary  result  of  the  first  from  the  influ- 
ence of  Gn.  462',  and  the  well-known  Zebulunite  il^S  (cf.  Ju. 
12"  ')  had  to  be  cancelled,  as  the  final  T^ub'^'  required  only 
three  names,  ^^sy^''  is  then  a  corruption  of  ^S^IT'  (for  y  as 
a  corruption  of  b,  cf.  v.  '5,  "3^13  for  n3'?i3n),  a  corruption 
which  may  have  been  in  the  Chronicler's  text  of  Genesis. 

This  hypothesis  explains:  the  absence  of  initial  ''J3;  the  other- 
wise unknown  T'SJ^*''"!''  as  a  son  of  Benjamin;  the  final  nw^yy 
when  Gn.  46='  (|^)  knows  ten  sons  of  Benjamin  (but  corrected 
text  nine,  see  on  8'-='),  Nu.  262'  '■  five,  and  i  Ch.  8'  '■  five;  the 
strangeness  of  the  following  names;  and  eliminates  the  doublet 
while  restoring  the  missing  Zebulun  in  the  proper  place. 

When  once  the  error  had  been  made,  the  tendency  to  make 
the  table  plainly  Benjaminite  would  naturally  be  strong.  Bela  and 
Becker  in  vv.  '•  « followed  of  necessitv.     %  has  carried  the  matter 


148  I   CHRONICLES 

still  farther  by  substituting  '^  ^^|  (doubtless  an  error  for  V^i^l  = 
^2wS)  for  '?S';"'l^  in  vv.  ^  10.  n.  Anathoth  and  AJemeth  were 
added  to  the  list  of  v.  ',  none  of  the  others  being  geographical,  and 
Ehud  was  inserted  into  v.  '"from  Ju.  3".  It  is  tempting  to  suppose 
that  the  anomalous  BenjciDiin  had  the  same  origin.  Then  the 
first  scribe  simply  placed  '»J''!2Ti"'ji  TiPIt^  on  the  margin,  and 
these  words  made  their  way  into  the  text  in  reverse  order  as 
separate  names.  This  tendency  to  add  Benjaminite  names  is 
illustrated  further  by  the  appendix  Shu  p  pirn  also  and  Hup  pirn 
(v.  '*")  from  Gn.  46=',  which  is  out  of  place  even  as  the  list  stands 

In  spite  of  the  meagreness  of  Zebulunite  material  in  the  OT., 
there  are  some  striking  points  of  contact  between  this  genealogy 
and  Zebulun  besides  the  resemblances  of  the  names  of  v.  •  to 
Gn.  46'^  |'i2i;S*  (v.  ')  suggests  ]:;2«  (Ju.  i2s-'«),  a  "muior 
judge"  of  Bethlehem  of  Zebulun  (see  Moore,  Judges,  p.  310). 
It  is  significant  that  (^'^^  (prol^ably  representing  the  original  Greek 
tradition)  in  Ju.  read  EcreyS&)i/  =  p3iS,  making  it  still  more 
probable  that  we  have  the  same  name  in  both  passages,  the  Chron- 
icler having  found  it  with  the  second  and  third  consonants  trans- 
posed. This  judge  is  introduced  here  just  as  Elon,  the  other 
Zebulunite  judge,  is  in  Gn.  46'^,  and  as  Tola,  the  judge  of  Issachar 
(Ju.  10'),  in  Gn.  46'=  and  i  Ch.  7'-  \  A  point  of  contact  with 
Zebulun  is  found  also  in  the  striking  name  Tarshish,  in  v.  '», 
which  is  unknown  as  a  Hebrew  man's  name.  As  is  well  known, 
this  name  stands  in  the  OT.  for  all  great  shipping  interests.  Now, 
the  special  characterisation  of  Zcljulun  in  Gn.  49"  is  the  fact 
that  he  shall  be  "a  liavcn  for  shii^s  (ri''jX)."  Such  a  connection 
with  Tarshish  could  l;e  given  to  no  other  tribe,  and  least  of  all  to 
the  inland  tribe  of  Benjamin.*  Furthermore,  the  name  Che- 
naanah,  found  elsewhere  only  as  the  father  of  the  prophet  Zedekiah 
(i  K.  22"-  2<  =  2  Ch.  iS'"-  "),  a  favourite  with  Ahab  (!),  with  the 
meaning  "toward  Canaan,"  i.e.,  Phoenicia,  is  singularly  appro- 
priate in  a  tribe  of  whicli  the  same  passage  in  Gn.  says,  "his 
border  shall  be  upon  Sidon." 

*  That  p3XN  -  IX3.V  and  that  Tarshish  is  more  appropriate  as  a  Zebulunite  name 
were  suggested  by  Professor  C.  C.  Torrey  after  reading  tlie  preceding. 


vn.  6-13.]  GENEALOGY  OF  ZEBULUN  149 

Aside  from  this  passage  Zebulunite  names  are  few  in  the  OT. 
Among  the  princes  of  the  tribes  during  the  Wilderness  Period 
was  an  EUab  the  son  of  Helon  as  prince  of  Zebulun  (Nu.  i'  2' 
724.  29  io'»),  and  a  Gadiel  son  of  Zodi  represented  the  tribe  as  one 
of  the  spies  (Nu.  13'°).  At  the  division  of  the  land  Elizaphan  the 
son  of  Parnach  was  the  prince  who  acted  for  this  tribe  (Nu.  34"). 
Among  the  judges  we  find  the  Zebulunites  Ibzan  and  Elon  (Ju. 
i2»  '■)  (v.  s.).  The  Chronicler's  list  of  the  captains  of  the  tribes 
in  the  time  of  David  contains  the  Zebulunite  Ishmaiah  son  of 
Obadiah  (i  Ch.  27''). 

The  emended  text  of  this  genealogy  is  rendered  as  follows  :  6.  The 
sons  of  Zehulun* :  Sered^,  and  Elon*,  and  Jahle'el*  (or  Jedia'el), 
three.  7.  And  the  sons  of  Sered*:  Ezhon,  and  'Uzzi,  and  'Uzzi'el, 
and  Jerimoth,  and  'Iri,-\  Jive;  .  .  .8.  And  the  sons  of  Elon*: 
Zemirahf,  and  Jo' ash,  and  Eltezer,  and  Elio'enai,  and  'Omri,  and 
Jeremoth,  and  Abijah.  All  these  were  the  sons  of  Elon"*.  9.  .  .  . 
10.  And  the  sons  of  J  a  hie' el*  (or  Jedia'el):  Bilhan.  And  the 
sons  of  Bilhan:  Je'iish,  and  Chena'anah,  and  Zethan],  and 
Tarshish,  and  Ahishahar-\.  11.  All  these  were  the  sons  of 
Jahle'el  *  (or  Jedia'el)  .  .  . 

The  total  enrolment  of  the  warriors  of  Zebulun  is  here  22,034 
(v.  ')  +  20,200  (v.  ')  +  17,200  (v.  ")  =  59,434  against  50,000 
(i2»  (">),  57,400  (Nu.  i^'),  60,500  (Nu.  26"). 

While  Zebulun's  genealogy  appears  clearly,  as  stated  above,  in 
behalf  of  the  view  generally  held  that  the  genealogy  is  that  of  Ben- 
jamin, Jediael  may  be  regarded  as  the  equivalent  of  Ashbel  men- 
tioned in  the  list  of  Benjamin's  sons  in  8'  Gn.  46^'  Nu.  26^8 — i.  e., 
"  Known  of  God "  has  been  substituted  through  religious  scruples 
for  "Man  of  Baal"  (cf.  for  similar  changes  of  names  38  8"«);  then 
may  be  emphasised  the  presence  of  the  Benjaminite  names  Jerimoth 
(vv.  7  '■),  Anathoth  and  Alemeth  (v.  s)^  Benjamin  and  Ehiid  (v.  10), 
and  Shuppim  and  Hiippim  (v.  '^  ^.  j\). 

6 .  Sxynii  1331  ySa  jidij3]  read  instead  (or  ':'Xj;nii)  '?N'?nM  •\■hn^  n-iD  pSsr  1:3 
restored  from  Gn.  46"  {v.  s.). — 7.  ySs]  read  niD  {v.  s.).—B.  133  bis] 
read  pVs  {v.  s.). — nnSpi  ninj>'i]  as  a  later  gloss  should  be  struck  out 
(f.  5.). — 10.  Snv^']  read  possibly  '^s'^n'',  so  also  in  v.  ",  and  strike  out 
JD1J31  nin.Ni  {v.  s.). 


150  I  CHRONICLES 

12.  The  genealogy  of  Dan. — The  first  two  names  in  this 
verse,  Shuppim  and  Huppim,  are  a  late  addition  to  the  preceding 
section  derived  from  Gn.  46=^'  (restored  text)  Nu.  26",  and  are  a 
part  of  the  process  by  which  that  genealogy  was  made  over  from 
being  Zebulunite  to  Benjaminite  (y.  s.  on  vv.  •").  The  endings 
should  be  am  as  in  Nu.  and  not  hn  as  though  plural,  since  the 
adjectives  are  Huphamite  (''CSin)  and  Shuphamite  ('•I^S'ty). — 
The  sons  of  Dan,  Hnshim  his  son,  one*]  (v.i.)  The  name  'Ir 
doubtless  arose  from  a  corrupt  text  through  the  influence  of  'Iri, 
V.  ^  Hiishim  appears  as  the  one  son  of  Dan  in  Gn.  46",  and  in  Nu. 
26"  as  Shnham.  Hnshim  as  a  Benjaminite  name  in  the  corrupt 
passage  8«-",  probably  helped  to  corrupt  this  passage  after  the 
preceding  had  been  made  a  Benjaminite  genealogy  {v.  s.).  Aher 
(ins),  mj,  seems  very  probably  a  corruption  of  the  numeral  one 
(ins),  since  to  add  the  number  was  a  favourite  practice  of  the 
Chronicler,  cf.  vv.  '•  '  '  et  al.,  and  lack  of  genealogical  material 
was  a  special  reason  for  the  addition  here. 

12.  Dom  Dcn]  are  a  later  addition,  cf.  Gn.  46"  Nu.  26"  {v.  s.). — 
ins  •'ja  ca'n  n^j:  'j3]  read  with  Klo.  PRE.  -inx  iJ3  D-J'n  p  ■'ja,  The  sons  0/ 
Dan  Hushim  his  son  one  on  the  basis  of  Gn.  46^  and  (6  which  read  'ja. 
This  seems  preferable  to  finding  jt  hidden  in  ins  (Be.).  Bacher  thinks 
TJ?  ^aa,  "  sons  of  the  city,"  euphemistic  for  p  "'J3,  to  which  the  Chron- 
icler objected  because  of  the  idolatry  practised  by  the  Danites  (Ju.  18" 
I  K.  12"),  and  compares  the  Talmudic  use  of  "cj?  for  'sn  (Rome); 
nriN  "':3  has  a  similar  import  and  is  a  gloss  to  "^v  '^2  (Z.4Tr.  xviii. 
(1898),  pp.  236-8). 

13.  The  genealogy  of  Naphtali,  cf.  Gn.  46'*  '  Nu.  26<»  ' . — 
This  brief  genealog}'  is  taken  word  for  word  from  Gn.  46=*  '  with 
the  single  omission  of  these  before  sons  of  Bilhah  which  stood  in 
the  original  clause  with  reference  to  the  sons  of  Dan  as  well  as 
those  of  Naphtali. 

13.  SN'sn']  23  Mss.,  Gn.  46"  Nu.  26<«  without  the  second  v — oi^?'|] 
seven  MSS.,  Gn.  and  Nu.  26"  a'^ri. 

VII.  14-29.  Manasseh  and  Ephraim. — The  Chronicler 
groups  the  two  sons  of  Josej)!!  together,  giving  (i)  the  genealogy 
of  Manasseh  (vv. '«'»),  (2)  the  genealogy  of  Ephraim  (vv.  "»'))  (3) 


Vn.  14-19.]  GENEALOGY  OF  MANASSEH  I51 

dwelling-places  of  Ephraim  (v. "),  (4)  dwelling-places  of  Alanas- 
seh  (v.  ").  The  genealogy  of  Manasseh,  while  not  without  con- 
nection with  those  given  in  Jos.  17=  »•  Nu.  26^'  « ,  is  presented  in 
quite  an  independent  form.  Kittel  {SBOT.  Kom.)  ascribes  it  to 
an  older  source.  To  the  same  source  he  gives  y\.  2'  ''"'■°'°  "'"'  •^^"-j-s* 
of  the  genealogy  of  Ephraim.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
vv.  »»-"  belong  to  the  original  compilation  of  the  Chronicler, 
since  it  can  hardly  be  contended  (with  Bn.)  that  the  Chronicler 
does  not  describe  the  dwelling-places  elsewhere  {cf.  4""-  5*''  ',  etc.) . 
The  contents  of  these  verses  are  derived  from  Jos.  i6<  "  17"  '■, 
which  were  rewritten  by  the  Chronicler.  It  appears  that  instead 
of  trying  to  give  all  the  dwelling-places  of  these  two  tribes,  the 
writer  intends  to  describe  their  combined  territory  by  giving  the 
cities  on  the  southern  and  on  the  northern  borders.  Shechem,  be- 
longing to  Ephraim,  then,  defines  the  boundary  between  the  two 
tribes.  Possibly  Ayyah,  whose  site  is  unknown,  was  given  for  the 
same  purpose. 

14-19.  The  genealogy  of  Manasseh. — 14.  The  sons  of  Ma- 
imsseh^  which  his  Aramaic  concubine  bore:  she  bore  Machir  the 
father  of  Gile'ad].  This  statement  is  identical  with  Gn.  46^°'' 
(S.  Machir  appears  as  the  eldest  son  of  Manasseh  and  as  the  father 
of  Gilead  in  Jos.  17'  ^  and  Nu.  36'.  In  Gn.  50"  the  birth  of 
Machir  and  also  of  his  sons  is  placed  in  Egypt.  The  descent  here 
given  from  an  Aramaic  concubine  points  to  a  different  story  and 
arose  probably  from  the  close  association  and  admixture  of  the 
Manassites  east  of  the  Jordan  uith  the  Arameans.  In  Ju.  5'* 
Machir  represents  a  tribe  in  Israel,  evidently  Manasseh.  He 
is  called  the  father  of  Gilead  because  the  clan  of  Machir  conquered 
Gilead. — 15.  And  Gilead  took  a  wife  ivhose  name  was  Maacah 
and  the  name  of  his  sister  was  Hammolecheth  f  and  the  name  of  his 
brother  Zelophhad  *].  Ma'acah  represents  the  small  Aramean 
kingdom,  district,  or  people  situated  east  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee  near 
Mt.  Hermon,  hence  either  adjoining  the  territory  of  Manasseh 
Dt.  3"  Jos.  12^  or  included  in  it  Jos.  13".  Cf.  2  S.  io«  where 
the  King  of  Ma'acah  is  hired  against  David,  and  Gn.  22" 
where  Ma'acah  the  tribal  father  appears  as  a  son  of  Nahor. 
Ma'acah  the  wife  of  Gilead  reflects  the  same  historical  circum- 


152 


I   CHRONICLES 


stances  as  the  Aramean  concubine,  v.  ".  Hammolechelh  (she  who 
reigns)  (nD^CH)  is  to  be  compared  with  Milcah  (queen)  ("3^-) 
the  wife  of  Nahor  (Gn.  ii"),  and  reflects  probably,  with  Ma'acah, 
a  close  connection  with  the  Aramean  s.  While  the  name  here  may 
be  tribal  (Gray,  HPN.  p.  ii6),  it  undoubtedly  was  originally  a 
divine  title.  In  Nu.  26"-3<  (P)  Zelophhad  is  given  as  the  fourth 
in  descent  from  Manasseh  through  Machir,  Gilead,  and  Hepher. 
— 16.  17.  And  Maacah  the  infe  of  Gilead*  bore  a  son  and  called 
his  name  Peresh  |  and  the  name  of  his  brother  u-as  Sheresh  f;  and 
his  sons,  Ulam  and  Rekem;  and  the  sons  of  Ulam,  Bedan-\:  these  are 
the  sons  of  Gilead,  etc.].  These  sons  or  clans  are  otherwise  en- 
tirely unknown.  For  a  reoccurrence  of  the  name  Ulam  cf.  8", 
of  Rekem  2'''  Jo..  18"  Nu.  318  Jos.  13='.  For  further  sons  of 
Gilead  connected  with  the  tribe  of  Judah  see  2=' « . — 18.  Ishhod  f]. 
— Abi'ezer]  in  Jos.  172  a  son  of  Manasseh  and  in  Ju.  6"  "•  ''*■  "  the 
family  of  Gideon. — Mahlah]  in  Nu.  26"  27'  36"  Jos.  17'  one  of  the 
daughters  of  Zelophhad. — 19.  Sliemidu']  prol)ably  originally  stood 
also  in  v.  '^asa  son  of  Hammolecheth:  a  son  of  Manasseh  Jos.  17% 
a  son  of  Gilead  Nu.  26^-. — Ahjan  f  ]. — Shechem]  a  son  of  Manasseh 
Jos.  17^  a  son  of  Gilead  Nu.  26". — Lekhi  f]  (TIp^)  possibly  cor- 
responds to  Helek  (pbn)  Nu.  26'°  Jos.  17",  and  Antafn  f  (D>'«JS) 
to  Noah  (nyj)  daughter  of  Zelophhad  Nu.  and  Jos. — The  writer 
here  has  not  clearly  distinguished  between  the  clans  of  eastern  and 
western  Manasseh.  His  scheme  differs  considerably  from  those 
of  Jos.  and  Nu.  (see  Manasseh  in  DB.  III.). 

14.  The  name  Ashriel  ('^N-'-irx),  while  suggested  by  Jos.  17^  Nu.  26»>, 
where  Asriel  appears  among  the  sons  of  Manasseh  or  Gilead,  is  proba- 
bly a  dittography  arising  from  the  following  ni':'>  nu'N  and  is  to  be  struck 
out  of  the  te.xt  (Mov.,  Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.). — 15.  The  present 
text  inD'?x  ■'js'n  on  r\y;n  irmN  oa'i  corSi  O'onS  nrs  npS  -cost  yields  the 
following:  And  Machir  took  a  wife  of  Huppim  and  Shuppim  {i.e., 
of  these  Bcnjaminite  families,  cf.  v.  '=)  and  the  name  of  his  sister  was 
Maacah  and  the  name  of  the  second  Zelophhad.  But  according  to  w. 
i«.  18  Ma'acah  was  the  wife  of  Machir  and  Hammolecheth  his  sister. 
Mov.  changed  inns*  to  phn  and  read  and  the  name  of  the  first  was 
Ma'acah  and  the  name  of  the  second  Zelophhad.  But  Zelophhad  in  Nu. 
26"  27''  36'-'*  Jos.  17'  is  a  man.  The  connection  of  Machir  or  his  wife 
with  Huppim  and  Shuppim  looks  strange  also.     Hence  these  words 


Vn.  20-29.]  GENEALOGY  OF   EPHRAIM 


153 


are  better  regarded  as  a  gloss  from  v.  '=  or  an  original  position  on  the 
margin  and  the  text  further  emended  as  follows:  nc^i  nz'n  np^  nySj 
nnflSx  rPN  ojzn  poSdh  innx  Dcn  nD;'D  with  translation  above  (Bn.,  Ki.). 
Gilead  is  read  instead  of  Machir  as  the  husband  of  Maacah  because  the 
sons  given  in  v.  "  are  called  the  sons  of  Gilead,  hence  in  v.  '*  Gilead  is  to 
be  read  instead  of  Machir. 

20-29.  The  genealogy  of  Ephraim.— (C/.  Ephraim  Gene- 
alogy, Hogg,  JQR.  XIII.  [Oct.  1900]  p.  147.)  Viewing  this  section 
as  a  whole,  it  exhibits  Httle  dependence  upon  OT.  sources  and 
shows  considerable  complication  of  material  or  is  very  corrupt. — 
20.  21^.  This  line  of  descent  abruptly  ending  in  v.  ='»  may  origi- 
nally have  formed  a  part  of  one  of  Joshua  and  suffered  the  inter- 
ruption of  vv.  "''.24.  '£zer  and  Elead  cannot  have  been  its  final 
members  in  this  connection,  because  the  context  regards  them  as 
immediate  sons  and  not  later  descendants  of  Ephraim.  But  what- 
ever the  design  of  this  line  of  descent,  it  has  been  constructed  out 
of  a  list  of  sons  of  Ephraim  similar  to  that  in  Nu.  26"  ' .  These 
may  originally  have  completed  the  statement,  And  the  sons  of 
Ephraim.  These  sons  were  Shuthelah  (n^mty),  Becher  ("l32), 
here  Bered  (ma),  Tahan  (jnn),  here  Tahath  (nnn),  and  also 
'Eran  (py)  son  of  Shuthelah  {cf.  La'adan  jiy'?  v.^^).  The 
two  names  'Ezer  and  Elead,  v. ^i  (the  latter  occasioning  Eleadah 
V.  "),  seem  on  the  other  hand  to  have  belonged  to  the  narrative 
=">-",  which  is  entirely  independent  of  the  material  of  Nu.  Zahad 
(l^T)  v.  21  may  be  derived  from  and  Bered  (in::!).  (On  whether 
Becher  or  Bered  belonged  to  the  earliest  list  of  Ephraim's  sons, 
V.  Hogg  art.  s.,  also  EBi.  col.  1320).— 2l''-24.  A  story  explain- 
ing the  name  of  Beriah,  the  founder  probably  of  Beth-horon 
and  possibly  a  reputed  ancestor  of  Joshua..— And  the  men  of  Gath 
who  were  natives  in  the  land  slew  them]  i.e.,  'Ezer  and  Elead, 
because  they  came  down  to  take  away  their  cattle.  This  patri- 
archal story  is  difficult  of  explanation.  In  the  light  of  the  story 
of  the  sojourn  in  Egypt,  this  raid,  if  by  immediate  sons  of  Eph- 
raim, must  have  been  made  from  Eg}'pt,  in  spite  of  the  ex- 
pression "go  down"  (-n^).  This  was  the  explanation  of  the 
earlier  commentators,  who  regarded  Ephraim  and  his  children  as 
historical  persons.     But  the  use  of  -n\  "go  down,"  points  almost 


154  I   CHRONICLES 

conclusively  to  a  foray  from  Alt.  Ephraim  into  the  plains  of 
Philistia,  and  this  little  narrative  is  probably  a  reminiscence  of 
some  such  event  (Be.,  Ki.).  Two  Ephraimitic  families,  '.Ezer  and 
Elead,  probably  were  destroyed  in  such  a  raid,  and  the  original 
Ephraim,  who  mourned  many  days,  was  the  tribe  or  the  hill  country. 
CJ.  Rachel  weeping  in  Je.  31".  Or  the  narrative  may  be  entirely 
imaginary,  a  purely  etymological  legend  to  explain  the  Ephraimitic 
family  name  Bert  ah  (ny-iD  as  though  derived  from  "^12  "in 
evil").  (On  this  narrative  cJ.  Ew.  Hist.  I.  p.  380;  Sayce,  Pat. 
Pal.  p.  202;  We.  Prol.  p.  214;  EBi.  Beri'ah.) — Benah]  a  Le- 
vitical  name  23'",  also  that  of  a  son  of  Asher  vv. '» '  Gn.  46'^ 
Nu.  26",  and  in  the  list  of  the  descendants  of  Benjamin  8"-  '•. 
See  further  on  vv. '»  '. — 24.  And  his  daughter  was  She'erah  •\ 
and  she  built  Beth-horon  the  lower  and  the  upper,  and  Uzzen- 
she^erah  f  ].  This  verse  in  its  present  form  is  suspicious  because 
elsewhere  in  the  OT.  the  founders  of  cities  are  men. — Beth- 
horon].  Cf.  6"  <"". — Uzzen-she'erah]  as  a  place  is  entirely  un- 
identified and  otherwise  unknown. — 26.  And  Rephah  f  his  son 
and  Resheph  f  ].  The  present  te.xt  of  v. "  suggests  her  son  instead 
of  his  son.  Perhaps  after  Resheph,  "his  son"  should  also  be 
supplied  (Ki.). — And  Telah  |]  (n'?n)  an  abbreviation  probably 
of  Shuthelah  (nS-ntT)  v.  'K—Tahan].  Cf.  Tahath  v.  =".—26. 
La  dan]  (jlj?'?  probably  from  pj?  with  *?  prefi.xed  see  \'v.  "  "), 
elsewhere  a  Levite  name  23'  '  26-'. —  Ammihud]  and  Elishama] 
are  taken  from  Nu.  1'°,  where  the  latter  the  son  of  the  former 
is  the  "head"  of  Ephraim,  but  only  here  is  Nun  (v.")  the 
father  of  Joshua  brought  into  connection  with  them. — 27.  This 
is  the  only  record  of  Joshua's  line  of  descent  and  its  late  and 
artificial  character  reveals  itself  at  once. — Nan]  (jlj)  elsewhere 
in  OT.  Nun  (pj). — 28.  A  brief  description  of  the  possessions 
of  Ephraim  through  the  mention  of  the  southern  boundary 
Bethel,  mod.  Bcitin,  ten  miles  north  of  Jerusalem,  the  eastern 
Naaran  (Jos.  16'  Na'arah)  placed  by  Jerome  and  Eusebius 
within  five  miles  of  Jericho,  not  identified  (Bn.,  but  see  EBi.), 
the  western  Gezer,  and  evidently  the  northern  Shechem  unto  the 
unknown  *Ayyah  or  'Azzah. — 29.  Four  principal  and  well-known 
towns  of  Manasseh  are  here  enumerated,  beginning  with  Beth- 


Vn.  30-40.]  GENEALOGY  OF  ASHER  1 55 

shean,  mod.  Beisdn,  on  the  east  in  the  Jordan  valley,  and  passing 
westward  through  the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  where  Taanach  mod. 
Ta'annak,  and  Megiddo  mod.  el-LejjUn  (Baed.<  p.  224),  are 
located,  to  Dor  mod.  Tantura  on  the  coast.  Cf.  Jos.  17"  Ju.  i". 
— These  two  verses  in  contents  are  agreeable  to  Jos.  16^  »■  17"  " 
but  not  in  form,  and  hence  are  either  a  composition  of  the  Chron- 
icler or  from  the  source  of  the  genealogies  given  above. 

24.  25^.  Hogg  {op.  cit.)  restores  as  follows:  n'>a  ra  nja  is'n  nih 
lom  Dnm>j;  pni  jr'^pn  pni  pnnnn  |mn,  He  it  was  that  built  Belh-horon 
the  lower  and  the  upper  and  'Irheres  {cf.  Tiranath-heres  Ju.  2')  and 
Hepher  (Jos.  12"). — 25.  ']Z'-\>']  ten  mss.  +  1J3. — 28.  n^j;]  many  mss. 
and  editions  (including  the  Bomberg  Bible)  r\v;_. — 29.  '31  njyn]  <S  + 
Kal  BaXaaS  Koi  ai  KWfxaL  avr^s,  cf.  Jos.  17"  n\-iij3i  OySaii. 

30-40.  The  genealogy  of  Asher,— 30.  31.  And  the  sons  of 
Asher,  Jimnah  and  Jishvah  and  Jishvi  and  Benah  and  Serah, 
their  sister,  and  the  sons  of  Bert  ah,  Heber  and  Malchi'el].  This 
statement  is  identical  with  Gn.  46'^  In  Nu.  26^^  '•  Jishvah 
(nitt''')  is  wanting;  and  hence  Jishvah  (mti"")  and  Jishvi  (''lU"') 
represent  the  same  clan,  the  dittography  already  appearing  in 
Gn.  In  Jimnah  ("JO'')  one  may  see  a  form  of  Jamin  (]''a"') 
right  hand,  i.e.,  a  southern  clan.  The  appearance  of  Beriah  as  a 
clan  of  Ephraim  and  a  family  of  Benjamin  (cf.  v.  ")  has  been 
alleged  to  indicate  that  the  tribe  of  Asher  originally  came  from  the 
region  of  Mt.  Ephraim  and  was  an  offshoot  of  the  early  Hebrews 
who  settled  there  (Steuernagel,  Einwand.  Is.  Stdmme,  p.  31). 
Possibly  then  a  connection  might  be  found  between  Jimnah  and 
Benjamin.  Heher  and  MalchVel  are  of  especial  interest  because 
they  seem  identical  with  the  Habiri  and  Malchiel  mentioned  in  the 
Amama  tablets  {JBL.  XI.  [1892]  p.  120,  Hom.  AHT.  p.  233). 
A  connection  also  may  be  seen  between  Heher  and  Heber  the 
Kenite  (Ju.  4")  {v.  Heber  EBi.).—The  father  of  Birzaith]  a 
supplementary  clause  not  in  Gn.  Birzaith  is  probably  the  name 
of  a  town,  not  identified  (n^n^  prob.  =n''nN:3  "olive- well"). 
—32-34.  And  Heher  begat  Japhlet  f  and  Shomer  ( ?)  and  Hotham 
(?)  and  Shu' a  f  their  sister.  And  the  sons  of  Japhlet  f,  Pasach  f 
and  Bimhal  f  and  'Ashvath  f.     And  the  sons  of  Shemer   his 


156  I  CHRONICLES 

brother*  Rohgah  |  and  Hiibbah  f  and  Aram].  Shemer  and 
Shonier,  v.  ",  are  identical,  with  preference  for  the  former  (Bn., 
Ki.).  A  connection  between  Htibbah  (n^in)  and  Hobab  (2211) 
Ju.  4"  (r/.  Heber  v. ")  has  been  seen. — 35.  And  the  sons*  of  Helem 
his  brother  Zophah  f  and  Jimna  f  and  Shelesh  f  and  'Amal  f  ]. 
Helem  is  undoubtedly  the  same  as  Hotham  in  v.  ",  but  which  is 
correct  cannot  be  determined.  Ki.  prefers  the  latter. — 36.  37. 
And  the  sons  of  Zophah  Snah  |  and  Harnepher  f  and  Shu'al  and 
Beriif  and  Jimrah-\,  Bezer  and  Hod  f  and  Shammah  and  Shilshah 
f  and  Jithran  and  Be'era  ]. — 38.  A  nd  the  sons  of  J  ether,  Jephunneh 
and  Pispa  f  and  Ara  f  ].  Jclher  is  clearly  the  same  as  Jithran 
V.  ". — 39.  And  the  sons  of'UUa,  Arah,  Hanni'el and  Rizia],  'Ulla 
stands  clearly  by  corruption  for  one  of  the  previously  mentioned 
"sons,"  but  which  one  it  is  impossible  to  determine.  As  is  seen 
from  the  daggers  above,  fully  one-third  of  the  names  of  the  de- 
scendants of  Ashcr  occur  only  here,  and  the  remaining  third, 
omitting  vv.  "  '•,  do  not  occur  elsewhere  in  connection  with  Ashcr. 
The  names  are  not  distinctly  personal,  and  many  of  them  un- 
doubtedly represent  places  as  well  as  families  {cf.  Bezer  v.  "  a 
Reubenite  town  Dt.  4",  Shu'al  v. '«,  and  Shilsha  v. "  =  Shalisha, 
the  names  of  districts  i  S.  13'  9^).  Jithran  v.  "  is  the  name  of 
a  Horite  clan,  Gn.  36",  and  Arah  v.  "  of  a  family  of  the  return  Ezr. 
2'.  These  names  as  a  whole,  then,  are  ancient,  either  preserved  in 
Asherite  families  of  the  time  of  the  Chronicler  or  taken  from  some 
ancient  record  about  the  Asherites  (Gray,  HPN.  pp.  239  /.). — 
40.  On  derivation  of  these  statistics  cf.  v.  K — 26,000].  According 
to  Nu.  i<'  Asher  numbered  41,500  men  and  according  to  Nu.  26" 
53,400.  The  census  here,  however,  is  evidently  confined  to  the 
clan  of  Heber. 

34.  In  place  of  'hn  with  following  1  read  vhn  his  brother,  cf.  v.  »» 
(Bn.,  Ki.). — "f!!^-!^]  Qr.  njn-^i. — nan^]  Qr.  nani. — 35.  Instead  of  f3i 
read  'J3\  as  the  context  demands. — 37.  pn-i]  two  mss.  -ir.M,  (S*  If^ep, 
cf.  V. '». — 40.  O'ina]  part,  of  -nj  only  in  the  writings  of  the  Chronicler, 
cf.  9"  i6«'^  Ne.  5"  (1.  16). 

VIII.  The  genealogy  of  Benjamin.— (C/.  Hogg,  JQR.  XL 

Oct.  1893,  pp.  102  _//'.)     The  conditions  here  reflected  are  clearly 


Vm.  1-28.]  GENEALOGY  OF   BENJAMIN  1 57 

post-exilic,  as  appears  for  the  following  reasons :  (a)  The  places 
of  residence,  not  mentioning  Jerusalem,  are  towns  recurring  in 
the  post-exilic  history — Gibea  (v. «),  cf.  Ezr.  2";  Lod  and  Ono 
(v. '2),  cf.  Ezr.  2";  Gibeon  (v."),  cj.  Ne.  7".  {h)  Many  of  the 
names  belong  also  to  that  period,  viz. :  Meshidlam,  Hanan,  Ela/n, 
Hananiah,' Anthothiah  (Anathoth),  cf.  Ne.  lo'"-  "•  "•  ^o.  23.  26.  (c) 
The  coincidence  between  the  residence  in  or  connection  with  Moab 
(v.  5)  and  the  name  Pahath-moab  representing  an  important  family 
among  the  post-exilic  Jews  (Ezr.  2^  8%  etc.).  (Be.  conjectures 
that  the  birth  of  this  Pahath-moab,  "prince  of  Moab,"  is  referred 
to  in  V.  8.)  {d)  The  Benjaminites  had  a  considerable  part  in  the 
post-exilic  community  along  with  the  children  of  Judah  and  the 
Levites. 

1-5.  The  sons  of  Benjamin. — And  Benjamin  begat  Bela  his 
first  born,  Ashbel  the  second  and  Aharah  f  the  third  and  Nohah  f 
the  fourth  and  Kapha  the  fifth.  And  the  sons  of  Bela'  were  Addar 
and  Gera  and  Abihiid  and  Abishita'  and  Na'aman  and  Ahoah  f 
and  Gera  and  Shephuphan  f  and  Hitram].  This  list  of  sons  and 
grandsons  of  Benjamin  is  a  development  of  the  original  list  of  On. 
4621  where  the  sons  of  Benjamin,  in  the  restored  text  (Ball. 
SBOT.),  appear  as  three  sets  of  triplets:  Bela' , Becher,  Ashbel ;  Gera, 
Na  aman,  Ahiram;  Shnpham,  Hnpham,  and  Ard.  These  appear 
also  in  Nu.  26^5-<'',  with  the  variation  that  Becher  and  Gera  are 
lacking,  probably  through  an  error  of  transcription  (the  former 
perhaps  having  found  a  place  among  the  sons  of  Ephraim  Nu. 
26 '5),  and  that  Na'aman  and  Ard  are  subordinated  as  sons  of 
Bela'.  (In  Gn.  46^'  (^  not  only  is  Na'avian  the  son  of  Beta'  but 
also  Gera,  Ahiram,  Shnpham,  and  Hupham;  and  Ard  becomes  the 
son  of  Gera.)  Tradition  then  fluctuated  between  assigning  nine 
sons  immediately  to  Benjamin  or  a  portion  of  them  mediately 
through  Bela  .  Examining  now  the  names  in  our  text,  if  we  omit 
Abihiid  and  Abishua  (to  be  considered  below)  we  find  that  the 
others  are  apparently  simply  those  of  the  underlying  list  of  Gn. 
given,  where  not  identical,  in  corrupted  forms  and  with  repetition. 
Becher  (133),  which  seems  to  be  entirely  lacking,  lies  hidden  in 
first-born  (133);  Aharah  (mnK)  and  Ahoah  (nnS)  are  tran- 
scribers'   variations    of    Ahiram    (DITIS);    Nohah    (niTli)    and 


158 


I   CIIROXICLES 


^      f 


Kapha  (S2"l)  are  likewise  probably  variations  of  Naaman 
(|I2V:)  and  Gera  (Kli);  Addar  ("ITS)  of  Ard  (TiS)  and  Huratn 
(Dmn)  of  Hupham  (DSIn)  (Hogg,  op.  cit.).  Since  Nohah  and 
Kapha  are  between  Ahiram  scad  Ard,  Shupham  and  Hupham, 
after  the  order  in  Nu.,  have  been,  with  less  probability,  found  in 
them  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Bn.).  In  regard  to  Abihiid  and  Abishua',  which 
follow  Gera  in  w. '  *,  these  proper  names  seem  to  have  arisen 
from  the  qualifying  phrases /(i/Zzer  of  Ehud  (according  to  Ju.  y') 
and  father  of  Shua  (Skua'  (yit^)  appears  as  a  Judahite  or  Ca- 
naanite  personal  name  in  Gn.  38^  but  most  likely  here  is  a  cor- 
ruption of  Shual  (^yVw')  a  district  of  Benjamin,  i  S.  i3'0-  Of 
these  "sons"  the  hidden  Becker  appears  in  the  family  of  Sheba', 
who  revolted  against  David  (2  S.  20'  «•),  and  in  Bechorath  in  the 
line  of  the  descent  of  Saul  (i  S.  9')-  Saul  probably  was  of  the 
clan  of  Becher  (Marquart,  Fundamente,  pp.  i4/-)-  In  Nu.  26" 
Becher  is  among  the  families  of  Ephraim.  Sheba  the  Bichrite 
was  also  from  Mt.  Ephraim  2  S.  20".  Such  a  close  connection  and 
interchange  between  Benjamin  and  Ephraim  is  natural.  Ashbel 
is  equivalent  to  Ishba'al  (^^w'S  =  '?V-'^''»^)'  ^^^  "^  ^^^^'  ^^^ 
name  of  Saul's  son  (r/.  v.  ").  Gera  appears  in  Ju.  3''  as  the 
father,  i.e.,  family,  of  Ehud.  The  other  sons  or  clans  of  Benjamin 
are  not  mentioned  elsewhere  except  in  the  genealogical  connections 
just  given. 

&-28.  The  descendants  of  Ehud  (?).— These  verses,  «  =«,  pre- 
sent apparently,  with  their  descent  from  Ehud  the  Benjaminite  hero 
and  judge,  a  list  of  live  heads  of  fathers,  i.e.,  post-exilic  families: 
Elpa'al  (vv.  "  '■  '«),  Bert  ah  (vv.  ■'  >«),  Shema'  (Shime'i)  (\'v."-  '■). 
Shashak  (vv.  •♦•  "),  Jeroham  (Jeremoth)  (\'\'.  '<•  '-)>  ^^'i^^  their 
sons,  i.e.,  households  or  sub-families  (vv. ""),  residing  in  Jerusalem 
V.  "  (?)  (v.  i.).  Vv.  «•",  which  give  their  descent  or  connection 
with  Ehud,  are  exceedingly  obscure  and  corrupt,  not  only  from 
customary  errors  of  transcriptions  in  lists  of  names,  but  also  from 
legendary  or  historical  notices  which,  probably  made  originally  as 
marginal  notes,  became  later  a  portion  of  the  text. — 6.  And  these 
are  the  sons  of  Ehud].  The  text  fails  to  give  these  sons  of  Ehud 
who  are  the  heads  of  fathers  {i.e.,  of  families)  of  Geba  ,  unless  at  the 
end  of  V.  '  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.)  or  hidden  in  the  utterly  obscure  sentence 


Vm.  1-28.]  GENEALOGY  OF   BENJAMIN  159 

And  they  carried  them  captive  to  Mahanath  (niPIiS  ^X  Dl^i^lj- 
This  latter  is  the  view  of  Hogg  {op.  cit.),  who  finds  therein  the 
proper  names  Iglaam  (after  the  (g^  rendering  of  ub^n  ly^aa/j,  in 
V. ')  and  'Alemeth  (cf.  '•  ^).  (That  HD^j;  jlD^j;  should  have  been 
corrupted  into  nnJD  ^S  arose  from  the  reading  of  ub^n  as  a  verb 
and  thus  seeking  an  expression  to  correspond  to  the  verbal  idea.) 
— 7.  And  Na'amafi  and  Ahijah  and  Gera\  These  three  names 
are  clearly  a  dittography  from  vv.  "  ' ,  where  they  appear  in  the 
same  order.  Ahijah  (HTIS)  is  a  variation  of  an  original 
Ahiravi  (DITIS). — He  carried  them  away  captive:  and  he 
begat  'Uzza  and  Ahihud].  One  is  tempted  to  see  in  these  ob- 
scure words  a  continuation  of  the  dittography.     Cf.  the  texts 

Hogg  renders  them:  And  Iglaam  begat  'Uzza  and  Ahishahar]. 
Ahishahar  ("iniT'TlS),  a  Benjaminite  name  in  7'°  and  suggested 
by  Shaharaim  in  v.  5%  is  substituted  for  Ahihud  (inTlS).     (The 

text  n^'?!-  D^nnti^  in^ns  nsn  becomes  -)^'?T'i  nntr^ns  n«v) 

With  adherence  to  the  Massoretic  text,  these  verses  have  yielded 
the  statement  that  Ehud's  sons  mentioned  at  the  end  of  v. ' 
were  carried  to  Manahath,  a  place  of  uncertain  situation  {cf.  2'^-), 
by  Na'aman,  Ahijah,  and  Gera,  the  last  being  the  principal  insti- 
gator of  their  removal  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.).  Others,  rejecting  this  in- 
terpretation, regard  the  verses  as  corrupt  beyond  restoration  (Kau., 
Ki.,  Bn.). — 8-11.  And  Shaharaim  begat  in  the  field  of  Moab 
after  he  had  sent  them  away  Hnshim  and  Ba'ara  his  wives,  and 
he  begat  from  Hodesh  his  wife  Jobab,  etc.  .  .  .  these  his  sons  are 
the  heads  of  fathers;  andfrorn  Hushim  he  begat  Abitub  and  Elpa'al. 

snV3  nsi  D^ti'in  Dn«  Th^  jo  nsnc  mt:*3  T-'^in  cnniri 

H'2^«  nSl  21D^a«  nX  l^^'in  D^D'n::'!  m^S*.  These  verses, 
like  the  preceding,  appear  corrupt  beyond  only  the  most  tenta- 
tive restoration;  Shaharaim  is  without  comiection  with  foregoing 
text;  begat  v.  ^  has  no  object;  Hushim  is  elsewhere  a  man's 
name  (y^).  The  grammatical  constructions  are  also  very  harsh. 
A  suggested  restoration  of  vv.  '•  '  is.  And  Shaharaim  begat 
in  the  field  of  Moab,  after  he  had  driven  them  {i.e.,  the  Moab- 


l6o  I   CHRONICLES 

ites)  out,  from  Hodesh  his  wife  Jobab,  etc.]  the  words  omitted 
arising  from  a  gloss  written  by  some  one  who  wished  to  show  that 
the  sons  of  Hushim  had  rights  of  age  earlier  than  the  founding  of 
Lad  and  Ono  v.  "  (Bn.).  The  rendering  of  Hogg  (see  above  for 
the  beginning  of  v.  »)  is:  And  he  (Iglaam)  begat  in  the  field  of 
Moab  Mesha  their  sister  and  Hushim  {and  his  wife  was  Ba'ara). 
And  Ahishahar  begat  Jobab,  etc.     These  were  his  sons  heads  of  their 

fathers'  houses  (cHS  T^]:;  ]r2  =cmni<  s'^^D;  vin  ]!:  =nn*j"'ns*; 

•nirS  is  a  dittography  from  following  221^).  Possibly,  for  an- 
other rendering  of  v.  ',  a  fem.  proper  name  is  concealed  in 
"in'^ty  ((/.  ::nn  ]12  v.  ').  Then  onX  is  a  corruption  for  ini:\S,  and 
Vw*J  (wliicli  (£i  read  iriw'K)  is  to  be  struck  out,  and  we  have  and 
Shaharaim  begat  in  the  field  of  Moab  of  Shilho  (?)  his  wife, 
Hushim  and  Ba'ara. — 11.  According  to  the  text,  the  sons  of  Sha- 
haraim by  his  wife  Hushim  are  here  enumerated.  If,  however, 
we  connect  the  D  of  D'^wTICI  with  the  last  word  of  v.  '",  reading 
Cm^S  their  fathers,  Hushim  becomes  the  subject  of  begat  (^\'h*\Pi). 
(The  text  originally  may  have  been  CwTi  l^T'L)  And  hence 
he  is  the  father  of  Abitiib  and  Elpa'al  and  (omitting  the  misplaced 
clause  and  the  parenthetical  clauses)  of  Beriah,  Shema  v.  '», 
Shashak,  and  Jeremoth  v.  '^  These  five  names,  repeated  in 
vv.  J«-  18.  21-  ss-  S7^  clearly  go  together  as  sons  of  a  common  ancestor. 
Ahio  v.  '<  (ITIS)  is  not  a  proper  name,  but  after  ($  VmS  or  *^r!t< 
his  brother  or  his  brothers  (Be.,  Oe.),  or  reading  CnTIt^  their 
brothers  (Ki.,  Bn.,  Hogg). — 12*.  And  the  sons  of  Elpa'al  were 
'Eber,  Misham  and  Shemed].  This  clause  appears  to  have 
wrongly  come  into  the  text  through  some  transcriber's  blunder, 
inasmuch  as  Elpa'aVs  sons  are  given  below  in  vv. "  ',  and  the 
names  of  three  there  are  sufficiently  similar  to  these  to  establish 

their  identity  ((nDU-')  ^:::t^•  cv'^'D  ^t;  v.  '=»,  n::*^""  zhz'^  nzn 

"  ' ). — 12**.  He  built  Ono  and  Lod  and  their  dependencies  (daugh- 
ters)]. The  reference  is  to  Elpaal  (Zoe.,  Oe.,  Hogg). — Ono]  mod. 
Kefr  'And,  some  seven  miles  east  and  a  little  south  from  Jaffa 
and  five  miles  north  of  Lod  (in  later  literature  Lydda),  mod.  Ludd, 
which  is  eleven  and  three-quarters  miles  south-east  from  Jaffa  on 
the  railway  to  Jerusalem  {SWP.  H.  pp.  251.  267,  Baed.<  p.  11,  cf. 
Schur.  Gesch.^  \\.  p.  183,  n.  33).     These  towns  are  mentioned  in 


Vin.  1-28.]  GENEALOGY  OF   BENJAMIN  l6l 

the  OT.  only  in  the  writings  of  the  Chronicler  and  then  usually 
together  as  towns  inhabited  by  the  children  of  Benjamin  (Ne.  ii"), 
and  of  which  sons,  with  those  of  Hadid,  returned  from  Babylon 
with  Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  2^'  Ne.  y^^).  The  towns  themselves,  how- 
ever, are  ancient.  Ono  occurs  in  the  list  of  Palestinian  towns  con- 
quered by  Thotmes  III,  and,  according  to  Mariette,  Brugsch, 
and  others,  but  not  W.  Max  Mliller,  Lod  also  (v.  Lydda  EBi.). 
Their  possession  by  the  post-exilic  Jews,  which  is  clearly  referred 
to  in  this  building,  seems  to  have  taken  place  not  immediately  on 
the  return  of  the  Jews  from  Babylon,  as  might  be  inferred  from  the 
references  (given  above)  in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  but  at  the  close 
of  the  Persian  and  the  beginning  of  the  Grecian  period,  when  the 
Jews  gradually  spread  out  from  the  territory  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  Jerusalem.  First  in  145  b.  c.  did  the  district  of  Lydda 
come  into  the  possession  of  the  Jews  through  a  decree  of  Demetrius 
II  (i  Mac.  ii'S  Meyer,  Entst.  Jud.  p.  107,  Schiir.  GeschJ  I.  p.  183). 
Hence  the  inference  that  this  statement  is  very  late  (Bn.).  The 
references  to  Moab,  v.  *,  and  Aijalon,  v.  '3,  may  refer  to  similar 
colonisations  or  settlements  of  Jews. — 13.  And  Ben  ah  and 
Shema  ]  sons  of  Hiishim;  a  continuation  of  the  enumeration 
of  V.  "  (7^.  5.).  Ben  ah,  cf.  y^^-  3o_  Shema  {Shinii  v.  ^i)  probably 
the  name  of  a  place  2"  '•,  a  Reubenite  5^  a  priest  Ne.  8*  f. — 
These"]  i.e.,  Beriah  and  Shema. — Aijalon]  Jos.  ig^^  21'*  Ju.  i'* 
et  al.,  the  present  village  of  Ydlo,  a  little  to  the  north  of  the  Jaffa 
road,  about  thirteen  miles  from  Jerusalem  (SWP.  III.  p.  19,  Baed.'' 
p.  93). — These  put  to  flight  the  inhabitants  of  Gath].  This  state- 
ment is  entirely  obscure.  Owing  to  the  common  name  Beri'ah 
here  and  in  7=',  this  route  of  the  men  of  Gath  may  be  regarded  as 
connected  with  the  event  underlying  the  narrative  of  7^"  (Be.,  Oe., 
Bn. ;  this  connection  is  not  favoured  by  Ke.,  Zoe.).  The  story  of  7" 
looks  like  the  reminiscence  of  some  pre-exilic  happening,  but  since 
here  we  are  concerned  with  late  post-exilic  families,  this  sentence 
probably  arose  from  a  marginal  note. — 14.  And  their  brethren"^ 
Shashak  f  and  Jerenioih].  On  the  emendation  and  connection  of 
this  verse  with  the  foregoing  see  v.  •'. — 15.  16.  The  six  sons  of 
Ben  ah.  Zebadiah  a  common  name  v.  '^  (where  perhaps  a  dittog- 
raphy  from  this  verse)  12'  26^  2  Ch.  17'  19"  Ezr.  8«  lo^".     'Arad  f 


l62  I  CHRONICLES 

(name  of  city  Nu.  21'  ^^'^  Jos.  12'*).  'Eder,  rf.  2t,-'  24"  (also 
name  of  a  city  Jos.  15'')-  Michael,  see  5"  (Steuemagel,  Ein- 
wanderiing  Is.  Sldmme,  p.  30,  reads  ^S''D^!3  and  connects  with 
the  clan  of  Asher  of  that  name,  cf.  7^').  Ishpah  f.  Joha  also 
II". — 17.  18.  The  seven  (?)  sons  of  Elpaal.  Zebadiah,  see  v.  ", 
Meshidlam,  see  5",  probably  Mish'am  in  v.  '^  Hizki-\.  Heber 
mentioned  among  the  sons  of  Beri'ah  of  the  tribe  of  Asher  7", 
probably  the  same  as  'Eber  v.  '^  Ishmerai  f  probably  Sliemed 
in  V.  '^  IzWah  f.  Jobab,  cf.  v.  ',  othenvise  name  of  Arabic 
people  Gn.  10=',  King  of  Edom  Gn.  36"  '■,  Canaanitish  King 
of  Madon  Jos.  11'. — 19-21.  The  nine  sons  of  Shime'i  (■'V'^w-',  in 
V. "  JJiiw'')-  Jckim  also  24'=.  Zichri  common,  vv.  "•  "  9"  26" 
27'*  2  Ch.  i7'6  23'  28'  Ne.  II'  12".  Zabdi,  three  other  persons 
are  mentioned  of  this  name:  (i)  27',  (2)  Ne.  11",  (3)  Jos.  7'. 
Elienai  f,  but  probably  the  same  as  the  name  Elio'enai,  occur- 
ring as  the  name  of  five  distinct  persons  in  (i)  3"  ' ,  (2)  4", 
(3)  7S  (4)  Ezr.  10"  with  Ne.  12^',  (5)  Ezr.  10".  Zillethai,  cf.  for 
another  occurrence  of  the  name  12".  JS/iW,  name  of  eight  ad- 
ditional  persons  or  families:  (i)  v.  ",  (2)  5",  (3)  6"  »*>,  (4,  5) 
II"-  ",  (6)  12",  (7)  159  with  ",  (8)  2  Ch.  31".  'Adaiah,  seven 
other  persons  or  families  of  this  name  are  mentioned:  (i)  6"  <*'>, 
(2)  9'2  Ne.  11'^  (3)  2  Ch.  23',  (4)  Ezr.  10",  (5)  Ezr.  10",  (6) 
Ne.  lis  (7)  2  K.  22'.  Beraiah  f.  Shimrath  f-— 22-25.  The 
eleven  sons  of  Shashak.  Ishpan  f.  'Eber,  cf.  v.  '-,  a  common 
name:  (i)  the  son  of  Shelah  i"  +,  (2)  a  Gadite  chief  5",  (3)  a 
priest  Ne.  12'".  The  tradition  of  the  name  is  uncertain;  Baer 
adopts  Ebed  (I^J^),  so  (g.  El  id,  see  v.  ■".  '  Abdon,  also  as  name 
of  distinct  persons  or  families:  (i)  v.  '"  9",  (2)  2  Ch.  34",  (3)  Ju. 
J2I3.  15.  Zichri,  see  v.  ".  Hanan,  common  name  v.  '«  944  ii« 
Ezr.  2'"  Ne.  7*'  8'  10"  "•  "  13".  Haiianiah,  also  a  very  com- 
mon name  from  the  time  of  Jeremiah  onward,  see  BDB.  'Elam, 
a  geographical  name  Gn.  10"  el  al.,  that  of  a  Korahite  26',  and 
of  two  prominent  families  in  the  lists  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
Ezr.  2'  8'  io«  Ne.  7'=  10"  and  Ezr.  2"  Ne.  7"  Jc.  12".  The 
post-e.xilic  occurrence  of  the  name  suggests  a  connection  with 
Elam,  Persia.  This  Cheyne  regards  as  highly  improbable  and 
suggests  its  origin   from  an  abbreviation  'Alemeth  (nS^V)    or 


Vm.  1-28.]  GENEALOGY  OF  BENJAMIN  163 

'Almon  (jID^y),  a  Benjaminite  name  (<-/.  78  and  v.  s.  v.«)  {EBL 

II.  col.  1254).    'Anthothijah  f,  to  be  associated  with  the  Levit- 

ical  Benjaminite  town  Anathoth,  Jos.  2V^  Is.  lo^"  Je.  i'  et  al.\  a 

personal  name  7 '  and  Ne.  10=".    Iphdeiah  f .    Penu'el  (Peni'el  Qr.) 

cf.  4'- — 26.  27.  The  six  sons  of  Jeroham  (Jeremoth  v.  '^).    This 

name  appears  in  the  pedigree  of  the  prophet  Samuel  i  S.  i'  i  Ch. 

612.  19  (27.  34)j   also  as  that  of  five  other  persons  or  families:  (i) 

9«-  'S  (2)  12',  (3)  2r\  (4)  2  Ch.  23S  (5)  Ne.  ii>^     Shamsherai  f. 

Shehariah  f  (r/.  Sheharain  v. »).    ' Athaliah,  the  name  of  the  Queen 

of  Judah  2  K.  ii-  « ,  and  of  a  member  of  the  family  of  Elam 

Ezr.  8^     Jaareshiah  f.     Elijah,  besides  being  the  name  of  the 

prophet,  is  only  elsewhere  given  in  the  OT.  as  the  name  of  a 

priest,  Ezr.  lo^i,  and  an  Israelite  a  son  of  Elam  Ezr.  lo",  who 

had  foreign  wives.     Zichri,  cf.  v.  ". — 28.   These  were  heads  0/ 

fathers,  i.e.,  of  families,  according  to  their  genealogies  they  were 

heads]  a  reiteration    after  the  manner  of  P. — These  dwelt  in 

Jerusalem]  i.e.,  all  of  these  families  whose  heads  are  enumerated. 

This  dwelling  is  clearly  meant  to  be  of  the  time  of  the  Chronicler. 

— It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether  this  verse  belonged  originally 

in  this  context.     It  agrees  verbatim  with  g^'  with  the  omission  of 

the  words  of  the  Levites  {U'^^bb)  and  seems  to  have  come  into  its 

present  place  along  with  \.-^^=g^^,  from  c.  9.     The  subscription 

stating  that  these  families  dwelt  in  Jerusalem  is  contrary  to  the 

tenor  of  this  chapter,  which  has  already  placed  Elpa'al  as  the 

builder  of  Ono  and  Lod,  and  Bert  ah  and  Shetna'  at  Aijalon.     The 

form  of  statement  In  Gibeon  dwelt,  etc.,  is  parallel  to  nothing  in 

c.  8,  while  in  c.  9  it  has  a  parallel  in  v.  '.     Hence  the  inference  with 

apparent  correctness  has  been  drawn  that  vv.  ^s-ss  originally  stood 

in  c.  9  and  are  here  an  insertion  (Mov.,  Meyer,  Entst.  Jud.  p.  161). 

Others  have  felt  that  the  double  record  was  due  to  the  Chronicler 

and  appropriate  not  only  here  in  the  list  of  the  Benjaminites  but 

also  in  c.  9,  as  the  proper  introduction  to  the  narrative  of  Saul,  c.  10 

(Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Ba.).     Still  again,  the  original  place  has  been 

thought  to  have  been  here  and  its  repetition  due  to  the  fact  that 

9' -=2  is  a  supplement  to  the  work  of  the  Chronicler,  and  after  its 

insertion  a  transcriber  who  had  texts  before  him  both  with  and 

without  this  supplement  copied  8"  s-   =  934  b.  twice  (Bn.)    (on 


164  I   CHRONICLES 

this  theory  the  omission  of  8"  '  is  difficult)  (Ki.  regards  9"  «   as 
already  in  Chronicles  before  the  supplement  c.  8). 

29-38.  The  genealogy  of  the  house  of  Saul,  repeated  in 
Q36-44  (see  V.  "). — 29.  31.  In  Gibe  071  dwelt  the  father  of  Gibeon 
Je'ucl*  and  the  name  of  his  wife  was  Ma'acah  and  his  first  born  son 
' Abdon  then  Znr  and  Kish  and  Baal  and  Ner*  and  N'adab  and 
Gedor  and  Ahio  and  Zecher  and  Mikloth^].  Gibeon  mod.  village 
of  el  Jib,  five  or  six  miles  north  of  Jerusalem,  the  scat  of  a  Hebrew 
sanctuary  i  K.  3*-  '  et  al.,  and  mentioned  many  times  in  the  ()T. 
and  occurring  in  connection  with  the  post-e.xilic  history  of  the 
Jews  Ne.  3'  7".  Its  post-exilic  importance,  or  its  association  as 
the  place  of  the  sanctuary  2  Ch.  i',  may  have  led  to  its  substitu- 
tion in  the  text  in  place  of  an  original  Gibeah,  the  home  of  the 
family  of  Saul.  Jc'iiel,  derived  from  9"  {bi<r;\  Qr.  ^K'^y"'). 
Maacah,  name  of  frecjuent  occurrence  cf.  2*^  3=.  Abdon,  cf  v.  ==. 
Zitr  (11^),  name  of  a  prince  of  Alidian  Nu.  25''  318  Jos.  13"; 
here  undoubtedly  to  be  connected  with  Zeror  (1111?)  in  Saul's 
pedigree,  i  S.  9'.  Kish,  father  of  Saul  i  S.  9'  et  al.  Ba'al,  perhaps 
the  original  was  Abiba'al  (^y2''2X)  {cf-  Marquart,  Fnndamente, 
p.  15).  It  has  also  been  compounded  with  the  following  Nadab 
(21J),  but  the  intervening  \er,  given  in  9",  also  here  in  ^'^,  is 
against  this;  yet,  at  any  rate,  Baal  is  probably  an  abbreviation 
(Noeldeke,  EBi.  Names  §  57).  Ner  and  also  Mikloth  f  (v. '"),  from 
their  mention  in  vv. '^  ' ,  should  be  inserted  as  in  9"  '•  (Be.,  Ke., 
Zoe.,  Oe.,  Bn.,  Ki.).  N^er,  elsewhere  always  of  the  father  of 
Abner  the  captain  of  Saul's  host  (cf  1  S.  14'°  et  al.).  Gcdor, 
as  a  personal  name  only  here;  on  place-name  rf.  4*.  Ahio,  as 
a  personal  name  cf.  2  S.  6'  ' ,  where  We.  reads  his  brother  as  the 
reading  in  v.  ".  Dr.  prefers  there  the  proper  name  Ahio 
{TS.  p.  204).  (S^  has  his  brother  here.  Zecher  f,  in  9"  Zecha- 
riah. — 32.  Shimeah  f]  9''  Shimeam  f. — Xow  these  indeed 
opposite  their  brothers  dwelt  with  their  brothers  in  Jerusalem]. 
This  sentence  is  difficult  to  understand  in  its  connection.  The 
usual  interpretation  has  been  that  these  refers  to  the  family  of 
Mikloth  or  Shimeah,  and  that  in  opposite  their  brothers  the  refer- 
ence is  to  Benjaminites  dwelling  in  (iibeon  or  elsewhere  outside  of 
Jerusalem,  while  with  their  brothers  refers  to  fellow  tribesmen  in 


Vm.  29-38.]  GENEALOGY  OF   SAUL  165 

Jerusalem  (Be,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.).  The  emphasis  certainly  is  on 
the  dwelling  in  Jerusalem.  Ki.  regards  the  words  as  a  late  gloss. 
Ba.  suggests  "The  heading  of  a  list  which  has  been  lost."  Bn. 
brings  to  a  close  here  a  paragraph  of  Benjaminite  families  in 
Gibeon  of  the  period  of  the  Chronicler.  Vv.  "■''  giving  the  line  of 
Saul,  he  regards  as  of  doubtful  origin,  although  probably  from  the 
Chronicler  and  with  its  heading,  which  should  correspond  to  i  S. 
9',  missing.  Hogg,  after  finding  in  vv.  «-"  the  descendants  of  the 
clan  of  Gera,  sees  in  vv.  ^"-^^  the  descendants  of  Becker,  "the  only 
other  Benjaminite  clan  known  to  history."  He  reads  """i^^  ''J21 
"And  the  sons  of  Bichri  were  Abdon,  etc."  V.  ^'  he  connects  with 
v.  2'  as  a  part  of  an  element  having  arisen  in  its  present  form 
from  its  original  place  in  c.  9. — 33.  And  Ner  begat  Abner*] 
(Be.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  Bn.).  (M  Kish.  also  9".)  Abner  is  clearly 
the  true  reading,  since  in  9=^  (y.  also  v.  ")  Ner  and  Kish  are 
apparently  brothers,  and  in  i  S.  9'  Kish  is  the  son  of  Abiel,  and  in 
I  S.  14"  both  Ner  and  Kish  are  sons  of  Abiel,  according  to  the 
reading  now  generally  adopted  (see  Sm.  Com.  in  loco)  (Ke.  re- 
tained Kish,  regarding  the  Ner  here  mentioned  as  "the  progenitor 
of  the  line  from  which  Saul  was  descended  ").  Zoe.  gives  the  same 
view,  but  thinks  owing  to  the  prominence  of  Abner  originally  there 
was  in  the  text,  "And  Ner  begat  Abner  and  Kish  begat  Saul." — 
Jonathan  and  Malchi-shua  are  given  among  Saul's  sons  in  i  S. 
14*9,  where  also  Eshba'al  ('?y2trS  =  ^j;nti"'«)  is  to  be  found  in 
Ishvi  (''Vu"'  =  T^'kl'S*,  I''  =  "1:1%  having  been  substituted  for  h't^2) 
(see  Sm.  Com.  in  loco).  Elsewhere  Eshbaal  or  Ishbaal  appears 
in  I  and  2  S.  as  Ishbosheth  (nw'^tl'"'K  Bosheth  "shame"  tak- 
ing the  place  of  Baal).  These  changes  were  made  to  avoid  the 
abhorred  name  Baal  and  such  recensions  seem  to  have  been  made 
at  a  later  date  than  the  composition  of  i  Ch.  (r/.  Ashbel  v.  '). 
Abinadab  probably  belongs  also  to  the  original  text  of  i  S.  14^', 
since  Jonathan,  Malchi-shua,  and  Abinadab  a.re  mentioned  as  slain 
with  their  father  on  Alt.  Gilboa  (i  S.  31=  i  Ch.  io=). — 34.  Merib- 
ba'al  t]  9^°"  {b';2  2^^Q),  in  9^°''  Meri-baal  (h]!2  nO).  The  former 
gives  the  meaning  "Baal  contends,"  and  is  preferred  by  Nestle 
{Eigennamen ,  p.  121)  and  Noeldeke  {EBi.  Names,  §  42),  the  latter 
supported  by  (g^  in  8^^  MepifiaaX,  "Hero  of  Baal,"  by  Bn.,  Ki. 


l66  T   CHRONICLES 

(SBOT.),  Gray  (HPN.  p.  201),  and  Kerber  {Hebrdischen  Ei- 
gennamen,  pp.  45/.)-  In  2  S.  4*  9'  et  al.,  this  son  of  Jonathan  is 
called  Mephibosheth  (nu'2"'2I2).  Bosheth  is  a  substitution  for 
Baal  {v.  s.),  while  Mephi  (''£12)  is  probably  a  corruption  of 
Meri  (''"1?2).  This  latter  already  appears  in  ($^,  here  and  9'",  in 
'M.€fjL<f)i/3aaX. — Micah]  frequent  personal  name,  cf.  5'. — 35. 
Pilhonjf]. — Melech-\]  "king"  probably  with  reference  to  deity, 
and  like  Baal  an  abbreviation.  (Si^  has  McX^j^^t^X,  ^  AIaX;)^i7;X 
('?S''J:^:2). — Tarea]  (yiSil)  f  Tahrea'  f  9". — Ahaz]  besides  the 
King  of  Judah,  as  a  personal  name  only  here. — 36.  Jehoaddah] 
(niy.-"')  t-  J^'rah  (my)  9^^  f.—  Alemctli].  Cf.  ^K—Azma- 
vctJi]  (mCTy,  Ki.  SBOT.  iliCTj:)  "Death  is  strong,"  occurs 
also  as  the  name  of  one  of  David's  heroes  11"  2  S.  23^',  and  of 
one  of  his  ofiicers  27",  and  as  either  a  family  or  place  name  in 
12',  and  that  of  a  place,  mod.  Hiznieh,  four  miles  north-east  of 
Jerusalem,  hence  of  Benjamin,  Ezr.  2^<  Ne.  12"  with  Beth  Ne. 
7". — Zimri]  name  of  King  of  Israel  i  K.  16'  et  al.,  of  the  prince  of 
Simeon  Nu.  25",  cf.  also  2'. — Moza],  the  name  elsewhere  only 
2". — 37.  Bin  a  |]. — Raphah].  Cf.  for  occurrence  of  name  else- 
where 2o<  2  S.  21'^  Raphiah  9",  cf.  for  occurrence  of  name  3" 
4"  7'  Ne.  3'. — £/'a5aA]  name  not  infrequent,  (i)  2",  (2)  Je.  29',  (3) 
Ezr.  10". — Azel  or  Azal  f  (unless  Zee.  i40]- — 38.  Azrikam  his 
first  born*],  (g,  g»,  have  1123  his  first  bom  instead  of  ifl  "^22 
Bocheru,  which  latter  reading  has  clearly  arisen  from  the  falling  of 
one  of  the  six  sons  from  the  text  and  thus  supplies  the  deficiency. 
The  absence  of  the  connective  before  Ti32  shows  also  that  the 
word  originally  was  first  bom.  Some  Mss.  of  (^  {cf.  Holmes)  supply 
a  son  Ao-a  at  the  close  (but  not  (H'^^^).  ^  divides  the  name  'Azri- 
kam into  ^^p*  and  >a.ibs. — Ishma^cl]  occurs  frequently  as  a  proper 
name  in  the  late  Hebrew  and  Jewish  period,  (i)  Je.  40'  "  ,  (2)  2  Ch. 
19",  (3)  23',  (4)  Ezr.  10". — Shcariah  f]. — 'Obadiah]  frequent  name. 
— Hanan]  see  v.  ". — The  names  in  w.  "-"  of  the  descendants  of 
Saul  are  clearly  designed  to  be  personal,  and  since  no  necessarily 
late  names  appear  among  them  and  since  they  are  free  from 
repetitions  such  as  appear  in  the  artificial  genealogies  of  the 
priests  and  Levites  (cf.  5'"  "  (6*  "  )  6'  ■■  '"  «  >),  there  is  no  reason 
to  doubt  their  genuineness  (Gray,  HPN.  p.  241 ).     Twelve  genera- 


IX.  1-34.]  INHABIT.\NTS  OF  JERUSALEM  167 

tions  from  Saul  are  given,  which  would  bring  the  record  down  to 
near  the  period  of  the  exile. 

39.  40.  Not  given  in  c.  g.—  Eshek-\f  his  brother]  i.e.,  the  brother 
of  Azel  (Be.,  Ke.),  if  the  verse  has  its  right  context— U lam]  only 
here  and  'j^\—Jeush]  see  j'o.—Eliphelet]  name  of  son  of  David  3' 
14'  and  two  persons  mentioned  m  Ezr.  8''  10". — Bow  men].  Cf. 
2  Ch.  14'.— Owe  hundred  and  fifty].  This  number  fits  in  well  with 
those  given  of  families  in  Ezr.  2'  «•.— These  verses  may  be  taken 
as  a  fragment  without  close  connection  with  the  foregoing  (Bn.) 
or  following  directly  on  v.  "  (Meyer,  Entst.  Jud.  p.  161,  Hogg). 
Hogg  reads  Shua  (j;itr)  or  perhaps  Shiial  (^j;Vyr)  in  place  of 
'Eshek  (pil'j;)  and  finds  thus  a  continuation  of  a  line  of  descent 
from  Gera  v.  -.  Then,  of  course,  his  brother  refers  to  the  con- 
nection with  Ehud  v.  •*. 

IX.  1-34.  The  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem.— This  section 
in  w.  '-■^-  22a  has  marked  affinity  with  Ne.  11'-".  Both 
passages  enumerate  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  on  the  same 
general  plan,  with  striking  coincidences  In  the  names  of  the 
residents. 

(i)  The  children  of  Judah  according  to  the  clans  of  Perez,  Shelah 
{v.  i.),  and  Zerah,  with  representatives  of  the  same  name  for  the  first 
two,  ^since  'Uthai  Omy)    (v.")   is  equivalent  to 'Athaiah  (n>ni^)  (n*), 
and  'Asaiah  (n^a-y)  (v.^)  to   Ma'asiah  {n>z";^)    (ns).     (2)  The   chil- 
dren of  Benjamin,  with  Sallu  son  of  Meshullam  in  each  (v.  ^  iv).     f;,) 
The  priests  with  Jedaiah,  Jehoiarib,  Jachin  in  each  (v.'"  m"),  'Azariah 
(n^ir;')  equivalent  plainly  to  Seraiah  (nn-.i'),  since  their  pedigrees  are 
the  same,  i.e.,  the  son  of  Hilkiah,  the  son  of  Meshullam,  the  son  of  Zadok 
thesonofMeraioth,  the  son  of  Ahitub,  the  ruler  of  the  house  of  God  (v.u' 
11"),  and  'Adaiah,  the  son  of  Jeroham  with  the  same  names  Pa^AA^r  and 
Malcht'jah  in  his  pedigree  (v.  -^  11.2)  and  Alaasai  the  son  of  'Adiel  tlie 
son   of  Jahzerah    .  .   .   the    son   of  Meshilkmith   the    son   of  Immer 
(n>D^a.D  p   .  .   .  mrn>  p  Sn^j;  r^  v^;,^)  (v.  12),  equivalent  to  "  Amashsai 
the  son  of  Azarel  the  son  of  Ahzai  the  son  of  Meshillemoth  the  son  of 
Immer  "  (nir^^^D  j.  nnx  p  Sn.:?  ^2  ^d^dj;)  (hu).  (4)  The  Levites  with 
Shematah  the  son  of  Hashshub  the  son  of  'Azrikam  the  son  of  Hashabiah 
and  Mattaniah  the  son  of  Mica  the  son  of  Zikri  (or  Zabdi)  the  son  of 
Asaph  and  'Obadiah  (Abda)  the  son  of  Shema'iah  (Shammua)  th^  son 
of  Galal  the  son  of  Juduthun   in   each    (\'v.  n->6    nis.  17).     (,)  -phe 
gate-keepers  with  'Akkub  and  Talmon  in  each  (v.  'Miis). 


1 68  I  CHRONICLES 

These  similarities  have  found  an  explanation  in  the  continuity 
of  the  families  of  Jerusalem  before  and  after  the  exile,  our  chapter 
giving  the  former,  and  Ne.  ii  the  latter  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.).  Such 
actual  continuity  with  its  preservation  in  records  can  hardly  be 
seriously  maintained,  although  it  probably  was  the  notion  of  who- 
ever gave  this  chapter  its  place  in  i  Ch.  (Bn.,  Smd.  List.  p.  7, 
Meyer,  Entst.  Jiid.  p.  loi).  This  writer  is  usually  regarded  as  the 
Chronicler,  but  since  the  Chronicler  has  treated  other  matters  in 
CO.  1-8,  and  since  he  systematically  considers  the  duties  of  the 
Levites  and  gate-keepers  (vv.  ''")  in  26''  «•,  it  has  been  held 
that  this  chapter  is  an  interpolation  (so  Bn.).  Its  author  seems  to 
have  taken  a  register  of  post-exilic  inhabitants  and  given  it  a  place 
here  on  the  supposition  that  this  register  represented  also  pre- 
exilic  conditions  (Smd.  List.  p.  7,  Bn.).  The  chapter  seems  re- 
lated to  Ne.  II,  through  their  both  having  a  common  source  (Be., 
Smd.,  Ba.,  Bn.,  Ki.),  and  the  differences  between  them  may  be  due 
to  changed  conditions  of  population  in  Jerusalem — Ne.  11  repre- 
senting those  of  the  time  of  Nehemiah  and  our  chapter  those  of 
the  time  of  the  Chronicler  (Ki.).  Both  chapters  are  regarded  by 
Meyer  {Entst.  Jud.  pp.  189  /.)  as  free  fancies  of  the  Chronicler 
without  historical  worth.     This  is  possible. 

In  favor  of  the  Chronicler's  composition  of  this  chapter  may  be 
alleged  the  fact  that  the  Chronicler  in  the  preceding  chapters  with 
few  exceptions  deals  with  the  dwelling-places  of  the  tribes.  The 
city  of  Jerusalem  could  not  well  have  been  overlooked,  it  is  argued, 
and  yet  could  not  be  assigned  to  any  one  tribe,  hence  the  list  of 
inhabitants  from  three  tribes,  Judah,  Benjamin,  and  Levi. 
(The  words  in  v.  ',  And  of  the  children  of  Ephraim  and  Man<jsseh, 
are  wanting  in  Ne.  11,  and  since  none  such  are  enumerated  in  the 
following  verses,  are  probably  a  gloss.  Yet  v.  i.)  (For  further 
points  on  intrcxiuction  v.  i.  w.  "  ^  .) 

1.  And  all  Israel  was  registered].  This  sentence  appears  like 
a  reference  to  the  foregoing  genealogies  of  i  Ch.  and  has  been  so 
taken  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.),  but  the  following  statement,  "behold  they 
are  written,  etc.,"  rather  implies  that  v.  '  is  an  independent  intro- 
duction to  this  section  (Be.)  from  the  hand  of  the  interpolator 
(Bn.).     All  Israel  is  not  the  ten  tribes  taken  in  contrast  to  Judah 


IX.  1-34.]  INHABITANTS  OF  JERUSALEM  169 

(Be.)  but  either  all  the  tribes  in  general  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Bn.),  or  better, 
Judah  and  the  elements  which  adhered  to  the  S.  kingdom  after 
722  B.  c.  (Ki.). — The  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah] 
thus  (g,  H,  Meyer,  Entsl.  Jud.  p.  100;  "The  Book  of  the  Kings  of 
Israel"  m,  AV.,  RV.,  Zoe.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  and  generally.  Judah, 
then,  according  to  this  latter  rendering,  is  the  subject  of  the  follow- 
ing verb  and  the  next  clause  reads  "and  Judah  was  carried  away 
captive,  etc."  On  this  '^Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah" 
cf.  2  Ch.  27'  35"  368,  where  it  is  mentioned  in  connection  with 
Jotham,  Josiah,  and  Jehoiakim  {y.  Intro,  pp.  2\  ff^.  Here  the 
reader  is  referred  to  this  work  for  the  registration  of  all  Israel, 
while  the  writer  confines  himself  to  that  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Jerusalem. — They  were  carried  away,  etc.].  This  can  refer  only 
to  all  Israel  as  represented  in  Judah.  The  subject  need  not  be 
Judah  of  the  text,  but  can  readily  be  supplied.  The  sentence  serves 
as  an  introduction  to  the  following  enumeration,  since  the  cap- 
tivity had  become  the  dividing  point  in  historical  reckoning. — 
2.  A  modification  of  Ne.  11'. — First]  i.e.,  chief,  after  the  suggestion 
of  Ne.  II',  "And  these  are  the  chief  men  of  the  province  who 
dwelt  in  Jerusalem  "  ('1^1  n'T'l'd  tTXI  H^S'),  and  the  Hst  vv. '  «■  is 
taken  as  that  of  chief  men  (Ba.);  or  iha  first  after  the  return  from 
the  captivity,  i.e.,  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  in  the  first  century 
after  the  restoration  {cf.  use  of  ]DN1  in  Ne.  5''  ']'•')  (Be.);  but  the 
position  of  this  chapter  shows  that  the  writer  designed  to  give  pre- 
exilic  inhabitants  and  it  is  better  to  Vakt  first  with  that  force  (Ke., 
Zoe.,  Oe.,  Meyer,  Bn.,  Ki.). — In  their  possessions  and  their  cities]. 
These  words  are  almost  meaningless  here.  They  can  only  signify 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  generally  were  divided  into  the 
four  following  classes.  They  are  an  abridgment  of  "  In  cities  of  Ju- 
dah dwelt  each  one  in  his  own  possession  in  their  cities"  (Ne.  ii=), 
where  the  point  is  that  those  enumerated  in  the  following  verses 
as  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  formerly  resided  outside  of  the  city 
in  which  they  had  now  chosen  of  their  own  free  will  to  dwell 
(Ne.  ii^). — Israel,  the  priests,  the  Levites,  and  the  Nethinim]. 
These  words  also  are  taken  from  Ne.  11',  from  which  "and  the 
sons  of  Solomon"  has  been  omitted,  possibly  because  at  this  time 
this  designation  had  ceased,  "sons  of  Solomon"  being  compre- 


lyo  I  CHRONICLES 

hended  under  the  Nethinim.  Israel.,  i.e.,  laymen  not  of  Levitical 
descent  {cf.  Ezr.  2'"  lo'  et  al.).  The  Nethinim,  Temple  servants 
reckoned  as  inferior  to  the  Levites,  although  later  probably  amalga- 
mated with  them.  They  are  only  mentioned  here  and  in  Ezr. 
2«.  68.  70  y7  giv.  JO  ]N^e.  3"-  "  7"-  'o-  "  lo"  <'"  II'-  ".  They  probably 
were  of  Canaanitish  origin — most  likely  to  be  connected  with  the 
Gibconites  (Jos.  9")  and  the  foreigners  mentioned  in  Ez.  44'. 
— 3.  And  in  Jerusalem  dwelt  certain  of  the  children  of  Jiidah  and 
certain  of  the  children  of  Benjamin^  These  words  appear  also 
in  Ne.  ii*. — And  certain  of  the  children  of  Ephraim  and  Manas- 
seh].  These  words  apparently  have  been  added  to  this  post-exilic 
register  to  make  it  fit  pre-exilic  conditions.  According  to  the 
Chronicler,  members  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  adhered  to  the 
S.  kingdom  (2  Ch.  28'  30"-  "  34').  They  are  not,  however,  men- 
tioned by  him   in  connection  with  the  restoration. 

4-6.  The  sons  of  Judah. — 4.  Ne.  11^'=  begins  with  "From  the 
sons  of  Judah,"  which  may  be  supplied  as  the  heading  of  this 
verse  (Ki.)  or  the  equivalent  of  this  heading  may  be  seen  in  the 
son  of  Judah,  with  which  the  verse  ends  and  which  is  not  found  in 
Nehemiah. — 'Uthai  j-]  'Athaiah  Ne.  ii<  f  (v.  s.).  The  names, 
whichever  is  original,  are  obscure  and  of  uncertain  meaning. — 
'Ammihud].  Cf  y^\ — 'Omri].  Cf.  7'. — Imri]  Ne.  3=  f. — Bajii]. 
Cf.  6^',  a  frequent  name  in  Ezr.-Ne. — This  line  of  descent  is 
entirely  obscure  and  different  from  the  one  given  in  Ne.  11*. — 
Perez].  The  most  conspicuous  clan  of  Judah  {cf.  2*  «). — 5.  The 
Shilonites]  ('•^^''trn  Ne.  ii'  '':''?'k:Tl)  correspond  with  the  Shela- 
nites  C^'^w'n)  given  in  Nu.  26"  as  the  family  or  clan  from  Shelah 
the  son  of  Judah,  cf.  4^'. — ' Asaiah].  Cf.  4^«  Ma'asaiah  Ne.  ii> 
{y.  s.),  whose  line  of  descent  through  six  ancestors  from  "the 
Shilonite"  is  given. — 6.  Zerah\  Cf.  2*  the  third  clan  of  Judah. 
— Je'uel].  Cf  9^  Not  given  in  Ne.,  where  the  corresponding 
verse  (ii«)  reads  "and  all  the  sons  of  Perez,"  the  last  word  an 
error  for  Zerah  (Meyer,  Entst.  Jud.  p.  187,  note). — Six  hundred 
and  ninety]  in  Ne.  ii"  the  number  is  "468  men  of  strength,"  i.e., 
capable  of  military  service.  The  larger  number  may  indicate  the 
increase  of  population  of  this  clan  at  the  time  when  this  chapter 
was  written. 


IX.  1-34.]  INHABITANTS  OF  JERUSALEM  171 

7-9.  The  sons  of  Benjamin. — 7.  Salhi  the  son  of  MeshiiUam] 
given  also  in  Ne.  11'  f)  ^^^  ^^'^^^  '^  decidedly  different  pedigree. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  "son  of  Hodaviah  son  of  Hassemiah" 
(nSJOn  ]2  IT'mn  ]2)  is  a  corruption  or  derivation  of  "Judah 
son  of  Hassenuah"  (nXIJDn  p  ni'n^)  Ne.  11'  (n^mn  and 
min''  are  confused  in  Ezr.  2'°  and  3'),  and  hence  the  pedigree 
of  this  Sallu  son  of  Meshidlam  has  here  been  entirely  omitted. — 
8.  Ibneiah  f]  has  been  seen  in  "Gabbai"  or  "Gabbai  Sallai"  of 
Ne.  1 1 8. — The  other  heads  here  mentioned,  Elah  and  Meshnllam, 
are  without  correspondences  in  Ne. — 9.  The  number  in  Ne.  is 
928. 

10-13.  The  priests. — Here  the  correspondence  with  Ne.  is 
very  exact  {v.  s.).  The  material,  however,  is  given  more  com- 
pactly, since  only  one  enumeration  is  given  v.  ^\  cf.  Ne.  11 '2-  i'  n_ 
Six  priestly  families  are  mentioned,  Jedaiah,  Jehoiarib,  and 
Jachin,  v.  'o,  without  pedigrees,  apparently  because  these  three 
names  appear  among  the  priestly  families  who  received  courses  or 
appointments  for  service  in  the  Temple  at  the  time  of  David : 
Jedaiah,  the  second  course  24';  Jehoiarib,  the  first  24^;  Jachin, 
the  twenty-first  24'^  Jedaiah  also  appears  as  a  family  name  in  the 
list  of  the  priests  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  Ezr.  2^«  Ne. 
7",  and  as  the  name  of  two  chiefs  of  the  priests  of  the  same  period 
Ne.  12''  f  •.  Jehoiarib  or  Joiarib  (Ne.  1 1 • ")  is  the  name  of  a  priestly 
house  of  the  days  of  Joiakim  whose  head  was  Mattenai  Ne.  12", 
and  from  which  the  Maccabees  were  descended  (i  Mac.  2'). 
Persons  of  this  name  also  are  mentioned  among  the  priests  who 
went  up  with  Zerubbabel  Ne.  i2«,  and  with  Ezra  Ezr.  8'«.  'Adaiah 
and  Ma'asiah  (v.  s.)  v.  '^  belong  most  likely  to  the  same  category 
as  the  other  three  families,  since,  while  not  names  of  priestly  houses 
mentioned  in  24^-",  the  former  is  given  as  a  descendant  of  Malchi- 
jah,  who  held  the  fifth  priestly  course  (24'),  and  the  latter  from 
Iinmer,  who  held  the  sixteenth  (24'*).  ' Azariah  v.  '•,  for  which  we 
should  read  Seraiah,  after  Ne.  ii^',  probably  represents  a  similar 
priestly  family  that  appears  among  the  list  of  the  priestly  families 
of  the  time  of  Joiakim  Ne.  1212.  A  priest  of  the  same  name  is 
given  in  Ne.  12"  among  those  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel. 
The  genealogy  of  Seraiah,  however,  is  that  of  the  high  priest 


172  I   CHRONICLES 

Seraiah,  the  father  of  Jehozadak,  who  went  into  captivity,  with  the 
variation  of  Meshullutn  for  Shallum  and  the  insertion  of  Meraioth. 
Cf.  5"  "  (6'= " ).  While  it  is  possible  that  this  is  the  true  genealogy 
of  this  Seraiah  and  that  he  represents  the  high  priest's  family,  the 
view  is  plausible  that  this  genealogy  has  arisen  through  the  gloss 
of  some  one  who  identified  Seraiah  with  the  high  priest  of  thai 
name  (Bn.)-  Azariah  most  likely  came  into  the  text  from  "  Azariah 
the  father  of  Seraiah"  (5^°  (6'^)).  The  ruler  of  the  house  of  God 
may  refer  either  to  Ahitub  or  'Azariah  {Seraiah).  This  latter  may 
have  arisen  from  2  Ch.  31",  where  Azariah  of  the  reign  of  Hezekiah 
is  given  that  office,  or  it  may  describe  an  actual  office  of  the  time 
of  this  record.  This  ofiice  may  not  mean  that  of  the  high  priest, 
since  in  2  Ch.  31'  several  such  rulers  are  mentioned.  The  sum 
of  the  numbers  of  these  priestly  families  given  in  v.  "  is  1,760, 
while  in  Ne.  ii'=-  "•  '<  we  have  822,  242,  and  128,  a  total  of  1,192. 
V.  "  not  only  contains  this  single  summary  but  groups  together 
phrases  found  scattered  in  Ne.  11.  And  their  brethren  the  heads 
of  their  fathers^  houses  has  its  correspondence  in  1 1  '^ '  ;  mighty  men 
of  valor,  in  11";  the  work  of  the  service  of  the  house  of  God,  in  11". 
In  addition  to  the  names  given  here,  Ne.  11'^  mentions  an  overseer, 
"Zabdiel  the  son  of  Haggedolim." 

14-16.  The  Levites. — 14.  Shema  iah  appears  in  Ne.  11"  with 
the  same  pedigree  except  that  instead  of  closing  with /row  the  sons 
of  Merari  ('•'na  ""Ji  ]D)  the  line  closes  with  "son  of  Buni " 
("•j'i  |2).  This  latter  may  have  arisen  from  the  former  (Be.). 
The  name  is  frequent  and  given  in  connection  with  the  Merarite 
Juduthun  in  v.  '"  and  2  Ch.  29'^  (Ne.  11"  has  no  parallel  in  our 
passage.) — 15.  Bakbakkar  |]  is  a  strange  name,  perhaps  the  same 
as  Bakbukiah  Ne.  11". — Heresh  f  and  Galal]  are  wanting  in 
Ne.  II. — Mattaniah,  etc.]  in  Ne.  11"  (;'.  s.)  is  styled  "the  chief 
to  begin  the  thanksgiving  in  prayer,"  RV.  The  text  probably  is 
corrupt  (see  Mattaniah,  EBi.). — 16.  'Obadiah]  {v.  s.). — And 
Berechiah  son  of  Asa  the  son  of  Elkanah  who  dwelt  in  the  villages 
of  the  Netophathites]  entirely  wanting  in  Ne.  11;  appears  like  a 
marginal  gloss  added  by  some  one  to  complete  the  list  of  Levitical 
singers  rather  than  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem.  Elkanah 
represents  the  family  of  Heman,  the  Kehathite,  otherwise  not 


IX.  1-34.]  INHABITANTS  OF  JERUSALEM  1 73 

represented  here  {cf.  6'8(33)).  The  villages  of  the  Netophathites  are 
mentioned  in  Ne.  12-*  as  the  residences  of  "the  singers."  Netopha 
has  been  identified  with  ^^Umm  Toba,"  north  of  Bethlehem 
(SWP.  III.  p.  52),  or  Beit  Nettif,  about  twelve  miles  west  of  Bethle- 
hem (Rob.  BR.  II.  pp.  16/.,  rejected  by  Bn.,  Baed.<  p.  124).  The 
number  of  the  Levites  (in  Ne.  ii'^  284)  is  entirely  omitted.  This 
list  of  the  Levites  is  principally  that  of  the  guilds  of  singers. 
17-34.  The  gate-keepers  and  their  duties. — In  this  section 
only  \'\'.  "■  "^  are  paralleled  in  Ne.  11  and  the  remainder  is  a 
further  description  of  the  personnel  and  duties  of  the  gate-keepers 
of  the  Temple  and  possibly  of  some  additional  Levites.  The 
statements,  however,  are  somewhat  contradictory  and  confused. 
Conditions  of  the  writer's  own  time  v.  '»»,  of  the  Davidic  period 
v. ",  and  of  the  Mosaic  period  are  not  sharply  distinguished.  Like- 
wise the  status  of  the  gate-keepers  is  not  definitely  outlined.  They 
are  introduced  as  though  distinct  from  the  Levites  (v.  '^  compared 
with  V.  '^),  and  yet  they  are  called  Levites  (w.  "•  ^e).  Their  oflftce 
goes  back  to  the  Mosaic  period  (w. ''  ' ),  and  yet  David  and 
Samuel  are  said  to  have  ordained  them  in  their  office  (v.  "). 
They  appear  in  the  list  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  and  yei 
they,  or  at  least  a  portion  of  them,  are  given  residence  in  villages 
outside  of  the  city  (w.  "•  ").  In  the  description  of  their  duties 
the  writer  passes  at  once,  without  any  indication  of  the  fact,  in 
V.  '^b  (Be.,  Ke.,  Oe.,  Zoe.,  Bn.,  Ki.),  or  in  v.  "  (Ba.,  ARV.),  to  the 
duties  of  the  Levites  in  general.  And  finally  in  v.  '^  the  statement 
is  made  that  these  are  the  singers  and  in  v.  '^  we  have  a  subscription 
apparently  of  an  altogether  different  paragraph,  i.e.,  a  list  of  the 
chief  men  of  the  Levites  who  dwelt  at  Jerusalem.  A  partial  solu- 
tion of  these  difficulties  may  be  found  in  the  following  considera- 
tions: (i)  The  gate-keepers,  probably  in  the  earliest  post-exilic 
period,  were  regarded  as  distinct  from  the  Levites,  and  this  distinc- 
tion was  made  in  the  first  list  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem, 
reflected  in  w.  "  ''  Ne.  ii'^-  '9,  but  later  they,  or  at  least  the  chief 
gate-keepers,  were  reckoned  as  Levites  (w.  19  f-  26  ^  26).  (2)  The 
tradition  respecting  their  origin  may  have  been  this:  first,  that 
along  with  the  other  officials  of  the  Temple  they  were  instituted 
by  David  and  Samuel  (v.  "  cf.  16'^  26'  « ),  and  then,  secondly,  that 


174  I  CHRONICLES 

this  institution  applied  only  to  the  subordinate  gate-keepers  who 
resided  in  the  country  (vv.  "•  "),  while  the  chief  gate-keepers  who 
resided  in  Jerusalem  (v.  ")  traced  their  office  to  the  Mosaic  period 
(w.  "  ' ).  (3)  The  abrupt  transition  of  subject  may  be  due  to 
corruptions  of  the  text  or  the  omission  of  verses  originally  written 
(v.  i.). 

17.  ShaUmn,  Akkuh  and  Talmojt]  are  among  the  six  fami- 
lies of  gate-keepers  who  returned  with  Zerubbabel  according  to 
Ezr.  2".  Shallum  docs  not  appear  in  Ne.  11",  probably  through 
a  copyist's  oversight.  He  is  mentioned  with  the  others  in  Ne.  12" 
under  the  name  Meshullam  (see  also  v.  "). — Ahiman]  (jcnS) 
wanting  in  Ne.,  and  elsewhere  only  the  name  of  a  son  of  an  Anakite 
Nu.  13"  Jos.  15'^  Ju.  1'°  t,  is  suspicious  and  may  have  arisen  from 
the  following  their  brethren  (DnTlS)  (Ba.),  written  perhaps  to 
take  the  place  of  Ater,  which  may  have  been  dropped  from  the 
original  text,  since  four  names  are  needed  (r/.  Ezr.  2«'  and  10-*, 
where  Ater  ("t^S)  may  have  been  corrupted  into  Uri  (''IIS)). 
Or  this  fourth  name,  Ahiman,  may  have  been  coined  to  meet  the 
requirement  of  v.  ",  the  original  document  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Jerusalem  having  only  three  names. — 18.  And  up  to  this  time]. 
The  reference  is  to  the  period  of  the  writer,  i.e.,  of  the  Chronicler 
(Ki.),  or  of  his  interpolator  (Bn.).  At  that  time  Shallum  was 
stationed  in  the  king's  gate  on  the  east  side  of  the  Temple  area. 
The  eastern  gate  of  the  court  of  Solomon's  Temple  may  have  been 
called  the  king's  gate  and  the  ancient  name  may  have  been  pre- 
served in  the  second  Temple;  or  this  name,  since  the  natural  en- 
trance for  the  King  would  have  been  directly  from  the  palace  on 
the  south,  may  have  been  derived  from  Ezekiel's  temple,  in  which 
the  royal  entrance  is  placed  on  the  east  (Ez.  46'  ''■).—Ofthe  camp  of 
the  sons  0/  Levi]  that  is,  the  Temple  with  its  chambers  and  courts, 
an  expression  derived  from  Nu.  2",  and  paralleled  in  the  "camp 
of  Yahweh"  2  Ch.  31-,  and  doubtless  used  to  indicate  that  the 
families  of  the  gate-keepers  (v. ")  already  at  the  time  of  Moses  were 
"in  office"  {cf.  v.  '"■). — 19.  Shallum]  clearly  the  same  as  the  SJial- 
lum  of  v.  ",  and  identical  with  Meshelemiah  26',  Shelcmiah  26'*. — 
Keepers  of  the  thresholds],  i.e.,  gate-keepers.  CJ.  for  the  use  of 
this  term  2  Ch.  34*  2  K.  12'"  <»'  23'  25"  Je.  35^. — Of  the  tent]  i.e.. 


IX.  1-34.]  INHABITANTS  OF  JERUSALEM  175 

either  of  the  tabernacle  or  the  Temple;  the  term  could  apply  to 
either  (see  v.  ")  and  probably  was  used  with  that  intent;  or  the 
writer  may  have  meant  David's  tent  (2  S.  6")  (Zoe.,  Oe.). — And 
their  fathers  were  over  the  camp  of  Yahweh  keepers  of  the  entrance]. 
There  is  no  record  of  this  in  P,  but  since  the  Korahites  were 
given  descent  from  Kehath  (Ex.  6'«-  "),  and  since  the  Kehathites 
held  the  first  place  among  the  servants  of  the  holy  place  and  were 
responsible  for  the  hoHest  vessels  (Nu.  4*  «■),  this  tradition  could 
easily  have  arisen.  The  camp  of  Yahweh  is  the  tabernacle,  and 
the  entrance  is  the  entrance  into  the  court  of  the  tabernacle  (Ke.), 
or  the  reference  is  to  the  camp  of  Israel  and  its  entrance  (Ba.). 
The  former,  the  more  usual  explanation,  is  to  be  preferred. — 20. 
And  Phinehas  the  son  of  Ele  azar  was  ruler  over  them  in  time  past]. 
This  tradition  may  have  arisen  from  Nu.  25^  «•,  where  in  v.  «  is 
mentioned  the  "door  of  the  tent  of  meeting"  where  all  the  congre- 
gation of  Israel  were  gathered,  and  in  v.  ',  "Phinehas  arose  from 
the  midst  of  the  congregation  and  took  a  spear  in  his  hand,"  as 
though  he  were  an  officer  there  on  duty,  in  command  of  the  keep- 
ers of  the  gate. — May  Yahweh  be  with  him  I]  an  instance  of  the 
Jewish  and  Oriental  custom  of  uttering  a  pious  wish  when  men- 
tioning the  name  of  a  distinguished  righteous  dead  person. — 
21.  Zechariah,  etc.]  a  continuation  of  the  glorification  of  Shallum 
v.  ",  since  (identifying  Shallum  with  Meshelemiah  and  Shelemiah) 
(26'-  ")  Zechariah  was  his  son.  Zechariah  clearly  was  a  man  of 
prominence  in  the  priestly  traditions,  "  a  discreet  counsellor  " 
(26'*).  In  connection  with  vv.  "  '•  the  tent  of  meeting  must  be 
understood  as  the  tabernacle  at  Gibeon  (Bn.,  Ki.)  or  the  tent 
for  the  ark  during  the  time  of  David,  while  as  a  continuation 
of  vv.  "  '•  clearly  the  Mosaic  tent  is  meant  (Bn.).  Vv.  ■*''-^'  are 
parenthetical  and  probably  a  gloss,  since  by  making  the  gate- 
keepers' office  an  institution  of  the  Mosaic  period  they  appar- 
ently contradict  the  statement  of  v.  ",  where  David  and  Samuel 
are  its  founders  (Bn.,  Ki.)  (yet  v.  s.). — 22.  All  of  them,  who  were 
chosen  for  gate-keepers  at  the  thresholds  were  212].  This  state- 
ment is  a  continuation  of  v.  '«".  Cf.  Ne.  11",  where  the  number 
is  172. — They  were  reckoned  hy  genealogies  in  their  villages]. 
The  emphasis  is  on  the  final  phrase  in  anticipation  of  v.  ". — 


176  I  CHRONICLES 

David  and  Samii^el  the  seer  established  them  in  their  office  of 
trust].  This  statement  respecting  the  work  of  David  is  agree- 
able to  the  Chronicler's  view  of  his  having  organised  the  personnel 
of  the  sanctuary,  priests  24',  Levites  23"  24",  singers  25'  "  , 
gate-keepers  i6'«  and  implicitly  in  26'  "-.  Samu'el  is  called  the 
seer  after  i  S.  9',  also  so  called  in  262'  29",  likewise  Hanani  2  Ch. 
i6'-  ".  This  is  the  only  record  of  Samuel's  participation  in  ar- 
rangements for  the  sanctuary  and  it  is  a  good  example  of  Jewish 
Midrash.  Historically,  his  acti\ity  could  only  have  been  in  con- 
nection with  the  tabernacle  placed  by  the  Chronicler  at  Gibeon 
(16"  2  Ch.  I'),  since  he  died  before  the  death  of  Saul,  and  hence 
before  the  reign  of  David. — 23.  They  and  their  children  were  at 
the  gates  of  the  house  of  Yahiveh,  the  tent-house,  for  guards].  This 
statement  refers  to  the  families  of  gate-keepers  living  in  Jerusalem. 
The  two  expressions,  the  house  of  Yahweh  and  the  house  of  the 
tent,  seem  used  to  cover  both  the  case  of  the  Temple  and  the  period 
of  David  before  the  Temple  was  built.  The  second  expression 
then  either  refers  to  the  tent  of  the  ark  on  Alt.  Zion  {cf.  16")  or 
the  tabernacle  at  Gibeon;  or  the  writer  may  not  have  distinguished 
between  them.  This  last  is  most  likely.  For  guards,  i.e.,  guardi- 
ans of  the  gates,  cf.  Ne.  7'. — 24.  Cf.  the  arrangement  of  the  gate- 
keepers in  26'^  "■. — 25.  And  their  brethren  who  were  in  their  vil- 
lages were  obliged  to  come  every  seven  days,  from  time  to  time,  to 
he  with  these].  No  mention  elsewhere  is  made  of  the  gate-keepers 
dwelling  in  villages.  The  singers,  however,  did  so  (see  v.  '«). 
These,  i.e.,  the  gate-keepers  mentioned  in  v.  "». — 26.  For  the 
four  chief  {heroes  of)  gate-keepers  were  in  continual  office  {trust)] 
i.e.,  they  did  not  rotate  from  time  to  time  as  the  under  gate- 
keepers. T\it  four  clearly  represented  the  four  families  of  v. ''\ 
— They  are  the  Levites].  From  this  it  would  seem  that  the  under 
gate-keepers  who  resided  in  the  villages  were  not  yet  reckoned  as 
Levites.  The  writer  possibly  has  meant  to  distinguish  two  classes 
of  gate-keepers:  first  those  of  the  four  families  of  v. '',  who  traced 
their  office  to  the  time  of  Aloses,  were  acknowledged  of  Levitical 
descent,  resided  in  Jerusalem,  and  whose  representatives  held  the 
continual  office  of  chief  gate-keepers  and  whose  duties  are  de- 
scribed in  vv.-"»  ';  secondly  the  under  gate-keepers,  who  resided 


IX.  1-34.]  INHABITANTS  OF  JERUSALEM  1 77 

out  of  Jerusalem,  traced  their  office  to  David  and  Samuel,  and 
performed  their  duties  at  stated  intervals,  and  were  not  reckoned 
as  Levites  {v.  s.). — And  they  were  over  the  chambers  and  the 
treasuries  of  the  house  of  God\  These  words  either  introduce  a 
new  paragraph  speaking  of  the  duties  of  the  Levites  in  general 
and  not  of  the  gate-keepers  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.) 
or  the  four  chief  gate-keepers  are  still  the  subject  (H,  EVs.,  Ba.). 
In  26^°  «•,  after  the  enumeration  of  the  gate-keepers,  a  list  of  in- 
dividual Levites  who  were  over  the  treasuries  is  given.  Chambers, 
store-chambers  in  which  tithes  and  sacred  vessels  were  kept. 
Cf.  2  Ch.  3i5-  11-  '2  Ne.  13*-'.  These  were  both  a  part  of  the 
Temple  itself  (judging  from  the  plan  of  Solomon's  and  Ezekiel's 
Temples,  see  DB.  and  EBi.),  and  possibly  separate  buildings  in 
the  courts  (26'*)  (Bn.).  Very  little,  however,  is  known  of  Zerub- 
babel's  Temple. — 27.  They  lodged  round  about  the  house  of  God, 
for  upon  them  rested  the  duty  of  watching,  and  they  had  charge 
of  opening  (the  temple)  every  juorning].  The  subject  is  either 
the  Levites  who  had  charge  of  the  stores  of  the  Temple  and 
hence  were  required  to  guard  them  with  care  day  and  night,  or, 
as  the  last  clause  suggests,  the  principal  gate-keepers.  Open- 
ing  (nnSD)  may  also  be  rendered  key,  as  elsewhere  Ju.  3"  Is. 
22"  f,  hence  they  were  over  the  key,  i.e.,  it  was  incumbent  upon 
them  to  open  the  storehouses  every  morning  (Be.). — 28.  And 
some  of  them  had  charge  of  the  utensils  of  service].  Probably  the 
more  costly  traditional  gold  and  silver  utensils  (28"  ^-  Dn.  i^ 
52  ^•)  are  here  referred  to,  since  they  were  to  be  accurately  counted. 
— 29.  The  holy  utensils]  from  the  connection  would  appear  to 
have  been  those  used  in  the  ofiferings  of  the  products  of  the  soil. 
— 30.  A  statement  suggested  by  the  last  word  of  v.  ";  perhaps 
a  gloss  (Bn.,  Ki.).  Its  motive  is  to  show  the  limitation  of  the 
work  of  the  Levites  in  connection  with  the  spices.  On  the  work, 
cf.  Ex.  3o"-38. — 31.  Shallum]  is  the  family  name  and  Mattithiah 
the  first  born  represents  a  different  period  of  time  from  that  in 
which  Zechariah  was  the  first  born  {cf.  w.^^-  -'  262).  The  name 
Mattithiah  is  frequent  i5'8-  21  165  25'-  ='  Ezr.  10"  Ne.  8^f,  but 
none  of  its  bearers  can  be  identified  with  this  person. — In  the 
office  of  trust  over  the  pastry  of  flat  cakes].     Cf.  Lv.  2'  ^-  6'  ^-  <'<  9) 


1 78  I  CHRONICLES 

7"  " ,  etc. — 32.  Kehatliites].  One  of  the  three  great  divisions  of 
the  Levites,  cf.  Nu.  3"-  "  ". — Tfieir  brethren]  with  reference  to 
the  Levites  mentioned  in  v.".  For  the  way  of  arranging  the 
show-bread,  see  Lv.  24'  « . — 33.  A  subscription  out  of  place,  since 
the  singers  are  not  mentioned  in  the  immediately  foregoing  verses. 
It  either  was  written  in  reference  to  vv. "",  which  relate  princi- 
pally of  singers  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.),  or  it  closed  a  Hst  of  sing- 
ers who  dwelt  in  the  Temple  chambers  and  were  freed  from  other 
service  (□''TitSS  n^ty^Z),  which  has  been  omitted  from  the  text 
(Bn.,  Ki.). — For  day  and  night  they  were  in  their  work]  the 
reason  why  they  were  freed  from  other  service.  On  peculiar 
sentence  v.  i. — 34.  Another  subscription,  either  going  with  v. "  re- 
ferring to  all  the  Levites  mentioned  in  w. '"-'«,  or  it  is  a  repetition 
of  8^'  and  has  come  in  here  with  vv. ''"  and  has  been  adjusted 
to  the  context  by  the  insertion  of  the  Levites,  see  8". 

4.  A  comparison   with  Nf".    11^  suggests  that  several  names  have 
dropped  from  this  line,  thus: 

Ne.  ii<  y-\D  ^J3D  SnSShd  ]3  r\>aDV  p  n^i-vS  p  nnsT  p      n>ry  p  n>pp. 
I  Ch.  9*  y\B    'J3    JD       •<i2  p     1-irN  ]3    ■nc;?  p  mnTj;  p  >nijj. 

— nsN]  wanting  in  (S,  since  the  transliteration  would  be  the  same  as 
that  for  nay,  cf.  (&^. — 6.  ■>jS>B'n]  Ne.  11'  ^ihtffn,  read  with  Nu.  26" 
''i^t'^,  so  Be.,  Ke.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki. — iiaan  rrcy]  the  first-born 
appears  wrong  when  none  of  Asaiah's  brothers  are  given.  (8  read  n33, 
which  is  certainly  wrong  as  far  as  the  suffix  is  concerned  (after  p 
ij':'^'n).  Possibly  the  original  was  ina  p  r^^z>v  cf.  •\^•\2  p  ri'Z";v  Ne.  ii>. 
— 10.  animal]  Ne.  ii'"  incorrectly  ''  ?3. — 11.  r^>-)r;^]  Ne.  11"  nnc>. 
— 12.  am>  p]  Ne.  ii'2+  nnst  p  >xsn  p  n>SSi3  p. — p  S^nj?  p  >tt'j;ci 
aS-;'o  p  mrn^]  Ne.  11"  vhn  p  Sniij?  p  ^Ds*sj,n. — ."'•'cStt's]  Ne.  n'> — , 
so  <5. — 13  presents  in  iS  a  long  series  of  constructs  (Dav.  Syit.  §  26). 
Probably,  however,  before  ponSd  a  S  from  the  influence  of  the  final 
letter  of  S^n  has  fallen  from  the  text  (Ges.  §  128c),  or  according  to 
Ne.  11"- an  ^a'y  has  been  omitted  (cf.  23"). — 15.  Since  nn  has  no  1  pre- 
fixed, Bj  read  v-^n  carpeniarius.  Instead  of  SSji  cnn  Cheyne  reads 
nSnnn  it'Nn,  "the  leader  in  the  song  of  praise,"  and  places  after  Mat- 
taniah  .  .  .  son  of  Asaph  (EBi.  ii.  col.  2019). — 'iDf]  some  Mss.,  Ne. 
II''  ''lar. — 16.  n^y^My  p  --ina;'!]  Ne.  j'icb' p  «i3i"i. — ndn]  32  mss.  no-"*. 
read  fli. — 18.  nun::]  pi.  Ges.  §  124/)  or  e. — 20b.  i::p  nrn-]  <S  Kal 
oliToi  nfT  avToO,  ft  OLi^i*  y  'l*^^.  V  coram  Domino,  AV.,  RV. 
"And  the  Lord  was  with  him." — 22.  nan  •  *'«•  ']  an  accusative  of 
the  obj.  Ges.  §  125a  f.n. — 23.  nnstt'oS] /or  guards,  cf.  Ne.  7',  BDB. 


IX.  35-44.]  GENEALOGY  OF  SAUL  179 

mott'D,  I. — 25.  NnS]  inf.  with  S  of  past  time  with  implied  injunc- 
tion, Dr.  TH.  §  204,  Ges.  §  114^.— D^D>n  npac''?]  definite,  regular, 
and  expected,  since  present  to  the  mind,  see  Ges.  §§  134W,  1265. 
— 26.  nnn]  Dr.  TH.  §  201  (i). — D''iSn  on]  an  independent  clause  clos- 
ing a  section  (Kau.,  Ki.  Kom.  Das  sind  die  Leviten).  (6  omits  an 
and  1  (before  •'n>)  and  connects  with  the  following.  Ke.  (followed  by 
Zoe.  and  Ki.  SBOT.,  and  BH.  doubtfully)  also  connects  with  the 
following  and  suggests  that  the  original  text  for  rm  o^'^n  oni  was  pi 
vn  D^iSn,— 27.  For  Dm  Be.  reads  onri.— 33.  nsN^ca  on^'^y  nS^Si  Dcr  o] 
literally,  hy  day  and  by  night  there  was  upon  them  in  the  work,  i.e.,  they 
were  busy  day  and  night  in  their  work.  The  clause  is  peculiar  both 
in  having  no  subject  expressed  and  in  the  peculiar  force  of  2  with 
the  noun.     Cf.  1.  117  a,  Ew.  §  295  e,  BDB.    3  V.  note. 

35-44.  The  genealogy  of  Saul.— A  duplicate  of  8^»-^*  (see 
pp.  164-7). 


X-XXIX.    THE  HISTORY  OF  DAVID. 

This  history  of  David  falls  into  two  parts:  (i)  x-xx  contain- 
ing an  account  of  his  reign;  (2)  xxi-xxix  preparations  for  the 
building  of  the  Temple  and  the  orders  and  arrangements  of  the 
servants  of  the  Temple,  (xxi  serves  as  connecting  link  between 
the  two  sections,  since  it  could  be  appropriately  classed  with 
either.) 

X.  The  death  of  Saul. — The  entire  connection  of  David  with 
Saul  is  passed  over  and  the  Chronicler  begins  his  history  of  David 
with  an  account  of  the  death  of  Saul  taken  from  i  S.  31''',  with  a 
few  slight  variations  due  partly  to  intention,  partly  to  accident,  and 
in  some  instances  preserving  a  better  text  than  the  present  ^  of 
I  S. 

1.  The  narrative  of  the  battle  of  Mt.  Gilboa  is  introduced  ab- 
ruptly, the  Chronicler  takmg  for  granted  that  the  events  which  led 
to  it  were  well  known  to  the  reader.  The  introductory  clause 
Now  the  Philistines  fought  against  Israel  is  a  general  statement 
which  was  conveniently  supplied  by  the  source.  In  i  S.  it  serves 
to  reintroduce  the  main  theme  after  a  digression  concerning 
David's  attack  upon  the  Amalekites. — Each  man  of  Israel  fled] 
implying  that  the  defeat  turned  into  a  panic  in  which  each  man 
cared  for  his  own  life.  This  has  been  substituted  by  the  Chron- 
icler for  the  more  general  statement  in  i  S.  "and  the  men  of 
Israel  fled,"  and  was  doubtless  intentional  to  make  the  account  of 
the  defeat  more  vivid. — And  fell  down  slain  in  mount  Gilboa]. 
According  to  i  S.  28^,  the  Philistines  were  encamped  at  Shunem 
(the  mod.  Sdlani)  and  the  Israelites  were  gathered  together  on  Mt. 
Gilboa  (the  mod.  Jcbel  Fuku'a).  This  ridge  commands  the  en- 
trance to  the  southern  angle  of  the  Plain  of  Esdraelon  through 
Dothan,  and  also  the  main  highway  from  Esdraelon  to  the  Jordan, 

180 


X.  1-14.]  DEATH  OF  SAUL  l8l 

viz.,  that  through  the  Valley  of  Jezreel.     It  was,  therefore,  a  point 
of  extreme  importance  to  Israel  and  to  the  Philistines  alike.     To 
the  former  it  was  the  connecting  link  between  the  tribes  north  of 
Esdraelon  and  those  to  the  south,  while  to  the  latter  it  meant  con- 
trol of  the  important  trade-route  which  drained  the  rich  grain-fields 
of  the  Hauran  and  passed  on  to  the  gardens  of  Damascus.     The 
Israelites  failed  to  profit  by  the  advantage  they  had  gained  in 
possessing  themselves,  in  advance,  of  the  key  to  the  situation. 
— 2.  And  the  Philistines  pursued  Saul  and  his  sons  closely]   is 
paralleled  by  the  action  of  the  King  of  Syria  who  commanded  his 
charioteers  at  the  battle  of  Ramoth-gilead  to  attack  only  the  person 
of  the  King  of  Israel  (i  K.  22'').— Jonathan,  Abinadab,  Malchi- 
shua].    Cf.  8«3=939.— 3.  The  archers  hit  him].    The  Heb.  idiom 
has  it,  "the  archers /ozmJ  him."— 4.  Draw  thy  sword  and  thrust 
me  through].     Cf.  Ju.  9". — But  his  armorbearer  woidd  not]  either 
because  of  his  reverence  for  his  lord  (Sm.),  or,  more  likely,  from 
fear  of  blood-revenge  {cf.  2  S.  2=2),  which  would  be  all  the  more 
certain  to  overtake  one  who  slew  the  Lord's  anointed  {cf.  i  S.  26 5). 
— Then  Said  took  his  own  sword  and  fell  upon  it].     One  of  the 
rare  cases  of  suicide  in  the  OT.,  cf.  v.  =  2  S.  17"  i  K.  i6'8  f.  also 
2  Mac.  iC  14^' -^^ — 6.  The  abridgment,  all  his  house,  for  "his 
armorbearer  and  all  his  men"  of  i  S.,  can  scarcely  be  a  reference 
to  Saul's  servants  (Ba.),  yet  it  is  certain  that  Saul's  house  did  not 
perish  at  that  time  ((/.  2  S.  2^  '•).     This  is  probably  nothing  more 
than  a  careless  statement  by  the  Chronicler.     Still,  Bn.  prefers 
the  text  of  Chronicles.— 7.  The  valley  from  which  the  men  of  Israel 
saw  the  defeat  was  that  of  Jezreel   {cf  Ho.  V^).— They  forsook 
their  cities]  one  of  which  was  doubtless  Beth-shan,  where  the  bodies 
of  Saul  and  his  sons  were  exposed  (i  S.  31"   '^).     The  tenure  of 
the  Philistines  was  of  short  duration,  for  in  2  S.  2'  we  find  Abner 
making  Ish-bosheth  king  over  Jezreel.     Yet  this  kingship  may 
have  been  one  of  vassalage  to  the  Philistines.— 9.  And  took  his 
head]  implying  that  he  had  been  beheaded,  a  fact  directly  stated  in 
the  parallel.— 10.  And  they  put  his  weapons  in  the  house  of  their 
gods]  just  as  the  sword  of  Goliath  had  been  deposited  at  the 
sanctuary  at  Nob  (i  S.  21 ').— The  variation  of  the  text  of  v.  "">  and 
I  S.  31""'  suggests  that  in  the  original  both  readings  were  found : 


l82  I  CHRONICLES 

i.e.,  the  passage  read,  His  weapons  they  placed  in  the  house  of 
Astarte,  his  skull  they  nailed  in  the  house  of  Dagon  and  his  body 
they  exposed  on  the  wall  of  Beth-shan  (Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Bn.) :  other- 
wise I  S.  preserves  the  original  text  (We.,  Dr.,  Ki.,  Sm.)  and,  as 
is  most  likely,  we  have  here  a  modification  of  the  Chronicler. — In 
the  house  of  Dagon]  to  whom  there  were  temples  at  Gaza  (Ju. 
i6''  "■)  and  at  Ashdod  (i  S.  5  i  Mac.  10"-"'  11^).  Dagon  may  be 
derived  from  }1,  fish,  hence  has  been  described  by  David  Kimhi 
as  having  the  head  and  arms  of  a  man  and  the  body  and  tail  of  a 
fish,  or  from  ]31,  corn,  whence  Philo  Byblius  makes  him  a  god 
of  husbandry.  The  latter  seems  more  appropriate  for  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Philistine  plain,  but  the  uncertain  origin  of  these 
people  leaves  the  question  open  (cf  Del.  Par.  p.  139;  Sayce,  Rcl. 
Bab.  pp.  188/.;  Scholz,  Gotzendienst,  pp.  238^.;  Baud,  in  PRE.^ 
III.  pp.  460  Jf.;  Jen.  Kosmol.  pp.  449^.). — 11.  12.  All  the  in- 
habitants'^ of  Jabesh-gilead].  These  paid  a  debt  of  gratitude  to 
Saul  (cf.  I  S.  II'-")  by  recovering  his  body  and  those  of  his  sons — 
according  to  i  S.  in  a  raid  by  night — and  giving  them  honourable 
burial  in  a  sacred  place,  under  the  oak  in  Jabesh.  Burying  the 
dead  was  considered  an  act  of  piety  (cf.  Tob.  i'«  2*). — The  doubtful 
phrase  "and  burnt  them  there"  of  i  S.,  considered  original  by 
Sm.,  was  omitted  by  the  Chronicler,  since  burning  was  looked  upon 
as  something  abominable  (Am.  2'). — The  exact  site  of  Jabesh- 
gilead  is  uncertain.  The  name  is  still  preserved  in  Wady  Yabis. 
Eusebius  places  it  six  Roman  miles  from  Pella.  Oliphant  sought 
it  in  the  ruins  Meriamin,  and  so  more  recently  Merrill  (but  see 
Buhl,  GAP.  p.  259).  Robinson  conjectured  the  ruins  ed  Deir 
on  the  south  side  of  the  wady  but  somewhat  off  the  road  from 
Beisan  to  Jerash  (so  GAS.). — 13.  14.  This  reflection  upon  the 
death  of  Saul  with  the  observation  that  Yahweh  turned  the  king- 
dom unto  David  is  direct  from  the  Chronicler,  and  after  his 
manner  cf.  2  Ch.  12'  i3'8  21'"  24'*  252"  27^  28".  The  cause  of 
Saul's  death  is  found  in  his  trespass  of  not  keeping  the  word  of 
Yahweh,  probably  with  reference  to  the  disobedience  recorded  in 
I  S.  13"  '  15'",  and  Saul's  consultation  with  the  witch  of  Endor 
I  S.  28'  " .  In  V.  "•  Saul  is  apparently  misrepresented,  since  ac- 
cording to  I  S.  28'  Saul  did  ask  of  Yahweh  but  the  Lord  did  not 


X.  1-14.]  DEATH  OF  SAUL  183 

answer  him.  Doubtless  the  thought  of  the  Chronicler  was  not 
far  from  that  of  the  mod.  commentator  who  writes,  "Saul  had 
neglected  to  seek  the  favour  of  Jehovah  with  proper  zeal  and  then 
inquire  of  Him"  (Zoe.). 

1.  innSj]  preferred  as  the  original  form  by  Bu.,  Sm.  i  S.  31' 
D-'CnSj.— JT'N  dpi]  I  S.  Tjs  1DJM.  On  i^ns  in  distributive  sense  cf.  Gn. 
95  io5  4o5-  5  Ex.  12'  and  often. — ^JJ^Sj]  i  S.  jjjSjh  also  v. «. — 2.  .  .  .  nnN 
nnx]  I  S.  31^  HNi  .  .  .  PN.  On  the  Chronicler's  usage  with  "inx 
cf.  Ju.  2o<5  I  S.  1422. — jnjv]  I  S.  }njin\  The  spelling  jnji''  is  found 
elsewhere,  in  i  S.  132-  '  and  some  27  other  times. — 3.  SiNiy  S>']  i  S. 
31'  's»  Sn.  The  substitution  of  Sj;  for  Sx  may  be  due  to  the  influence 
of  Aramaic,  which  does  not  use  Sn.  Bn.  regards  '^J?  as  the  original. — • 
niypa  Dmnn]  i  S.  'pa  o-'ir'jN  omen.  The  Chronicler  has  preserved  the 
better  order  and  according  to  Bu.  the  better  text.  If  D''ti'j,s  belonged 
to  the  original  text  it  should  precede  omen  (Dr.). — onvn  JD  Sn^'i]  i  S. 
omano  nxa  Shm.  Probably  the  Chronicler's  text  is  an  abridgment. 
The  verb  '^nM  presents  a  difficulty.  Dr.  takes  it  from  Sin  "trembled." 
Sm.  thinks  that  (S  takes  the  word  from  SSn,  we  think  more  likely  from 
nSn,  an  apocopated  Hoph.  or  for  n';;nM  (Klo.),  cf.  i  K.  22'^  =  2  Ch.  iS^' 
and  2  Ch.  3523.  (g  renders  here  and  2  Ch.  18^3  3523  by  the  same  word 
^Trdyeo-ac,  iirbveffa.  Bu.  gives  the  clause  up  as  hopelessly  corrupt. — 
4.  n-lTJ-'^n]  I  S.  3i<  N'i'jS. — Before  iSSynm  i  S.  has  ijipn.  The  Chron- 
icler's text  is  better  (Bu.,  Sm.). — 5.  3inn]  i  S.  31^  I3in,  which  after 
CS  is  to  be  preferred  (Bn.). — icy  is  omitted  after  pdm.  Bn.  regards 
both  as  additions  to  the  original  text.  nsM  is  wanting  in  (5^  by  haplog- 
raphy. — 6.  inn  nn^  mo  '731]  an  abridgment  of  i  S.  31^  Sj  dj  vSd  az'^y 
yyn-'  Ninn  ora  vz'in. — 7.  B'^n  So]  i  S.  31'  ib'JN. — poya  -\-i?i>.'\  preserving 
more  nearly  the  original  text  and  an  abridgment  of  i  S.  of  which  the 
present  text  is  ]■^-\^7^  naya  tj-ni  pDyn  laya  li^'N,  and  in  which  laya  each 
time  is  probably  a  corruption  of  njJ3  jwi/^e  ci/ie5  o/(Klo.,  Bu.,  Sm.). 
Dr.  retains  the  present  text  of  i  S. — hH-w^  ^i^'jn,  are  the  subject  of  id: 
in  I  S.  (S  has  here  lo-paiJX,  from  which  Kau.  supplies  Snis*^  ^B'JN, 
so  also  Ki.  Some  subject  seems  necessary.  (Si^  with  xaj  before 
ItrpaT/X  =  '■>  Sd  may  retain  the  original  reading  of  Ch.  Then  the 
verb  must  be  put  in  the  sg.  with  (g. — annv^]  i  S.  anyn  pn. — ana]  i  S. 
jna. — 8.  I  S.  3i8hasnti''7tt'  pn  before rja. — 9.  PX1  is'ni  pn  iNa-ii  inairci 
vSd]  I  S.  31'  vSa  PN  itorsM  iB'N-i  PN  1P13M. — ihSd'm]  Pi.  requires  as  its 
object  the  head  and  weapons  of  Saul  (so  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Sm.). 
Since,  however,  the  inf.  ns'aS  implies  a  personal  subject  it  may  be 
well  to  understand  messengers  as  the  object  of  inSfM  and  point  as 
a  Qal  (Kau.,  Ki.,  Bu.). — 3n>asp  pn]  1  S.  'jJ  po,  the  former  is  to  be 
preferred  (Bu.,  Sm.). — 10.   an^nSN  P>3]    probably  a    direct    departure 


l84  I  CHRONICLES 

from  I  S.  31'"  nnncy  n^a.  mncy  sg.  (Dr.,  Bu.,  Sm.). — inSjSj  pni 
pjTPO  ijjpn]  I  S.  jc  no  ncina  ippn  in>u  pni.  Instead  of  ippn,  they 
drove  in  as  a  tent  pin,  we  probably  should  read  lypn  in  i  S.  they 
exposed  after  Lagarde  (Dr.,  Bu.,  Sm.,  Ki.,  Bn.). — 11.  cji  S3  u'cr>i 
ipSj]  I  S.  31"  -ij;>J  tt"3'  ••a;-'  v'r-N  ij:stt"i.  Ki.  restores  the  latter  in  his 
text  of  Ch.  (SBOT.,  Kom.).  <&  read  i;''rj  o-f-'  Sa,  which  suggests 
'i  ca^  ias''>  Sa  as  original  here,  so  Kau.,  Bn. — -^Z'H  Sa  pn]  i  S.  ^cn  pn. 
— 12.  After  S>n  i  S.  31'^  has  ri^^'^n  Sa  iaS>i. — ,noij  .  .  .  rcu  tn  incm] 
I  S.  HMJ  .  .  .  PMJ  PN  inpM.  The  Chronicler  has  substituted  the 
Aram,  and  late  Heb.  word  hdu,  found  in  the  OT.  only  here,  for 
T\^yi. — After  vja  the  Chronicler  has  also  omitted  |C  Po  PCins. — bino'i 
riB^ai]  I  S.  nca''  isaM.  The  Chronicler  perhaps  has  only  added  the 
sf.  because  the  vocalisation  originally  may  have  been  the  same  {(&, 
^). — Ch.  omits  oa'  dpn  iDia"i. — a-a^'a  rht<r\  rnp  Dn>picxp  pn  nap''i]  i  .S. 
3i"n!:'aia  Sfsn  nnn  napM  anipicxj?  pn  inp'i. — 13.  The  verse  presents 
the  heavy  peculiar  style  of  the  Chronicler. — SiNU'S]  inf.  used  instead 
of  the  finite  verb  (Ew.  §  351  c,  Ges.  §  ii4/>,  Dav.  Syn.  §  96  R.  4),  cf- 
6'*. — cnS]  inf.  in  a  supplemental  sense  equivalent  in  meaning  to  gain 
instruction. 

XI.  1-3.  David  made  king  over  all  Israel. — The  Chronicler 
omits,  as  foreign  to  the  purpose  of  his  narrative,  David's  reception 
of  the  news  of  Saul's  death,  his  reign  over  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and 
his  contest  with  the  house  of  Saul  (2  S.  1-4),  and  proceeds  at  once 
to  David's  establishment  as  king  over  all  Israel.  The  narrative 
is  a  close  copy  of  2  S.  5'-'. — 1.  In  2  S.  instead  of  all  Israel  "all  the 
tribes  of  Israel  came,"  who  represented  the  adherents  of  the  house 
of  Saul  in  distinction  from  the  tribe  of  Judah  over  which  David 
was  reigning.  The  Chronicler,  having  in  view  the  main  fact  rather 
than  the  details  of  the  history  which  he  is  passing  over  in  silence, 
uses  Israel  as  including  Judah  with  the  rest  {cf.  vv.  ^  ' ). — 3. 
According  to  the  word  of  Yahiveh  by  the  hand  of  Samuel].  These 
words  are  the  Chronicler's  contribution  to  the  narrative  taken 
from  2  S.  It  has  been  inferred  that  the  Chronicler  had  among 
his  sources  a  "Testament  of  Samuel"  (Bn.),  but  perhaps  it  is 
sufficient  to  think  of  i  S.  15"  i6'-  \ 

1.  '^n-\f'  Sa  isapM]  2  S.  5'  SNitt'^  laaf  "^a  wa^v — -^r^a'^]  2  S.  nrs'^  ttnm 
where  icnm  is  wanting  in  "M  and  idnS  in  <S. — njn]  2  S.  un. — 2. 
The  third  aj  is  wanting  in  2  S.  5'. — N'Sion  hpn  iSc]  2  S.  irS'  ih^ 
N'XiD  np"n  r\Dt<. — N-acni]  2  S.  'asni  is  probably  a  scribal  error,    Ges. 


XI.  1-9.]  DAVID  MADE   KING  1 85 

§  74^.— n>n?N  nin>]  2  S.  nin^,  also  (gs  in  Ch.  followed  by  Ki.,  SBOT., 
but  the  Greek  tradition  seems  rather  to  support  l|,  cf.  (&^^,  13. — The 
second  ""Dy  is  wanting  in  (&  and  2  S.,  hence  is  omitted  by  Ki.,  SBOT. 
—3.  on"?]  2S.  53  +  I'-nn. 

4-9.  The  capture  of  Jerusalem. — This  is  a  somewhat  free 
and  modified  transcript  of  2  S.  5'^'°.  The  chronological  notices  of 
2  S.  5^  '•  are  omitted  here  to  be  inserted  in  a  more  appropriate 
place  (29"). — 4.  Chronicles  has  all  Israel  engaged  with  David 
in  the  assault  upon  Jerusalem,  while  2  S.  speaks  of  "the  king  and 
his  men,"  i.e.,  his  body-guard  or  warriors.  The  Chronicler  has 
added  the  archaeological  note  explaining  Jerusalem  as  though 
anciently  called  Jebus.  This  is  after  the  usage  of  P,  cf.  Jos.  158 
igie.  28  ju.  igio.  ii_  Jehus  as  the  ancient  name  of  the  city  is  proba- 
bly a  mere  fancy  derived  from  the  fact  that  the  Jebusites  dwelt 
there  at  the  time  of  David.  In  the  Amarna  tablets  the  name 
Urusalim  repeatedly  occurs,  while  there  is  no  trace  of  a  name  cor- 
responding to  Jebus.  Jerusalim  is  also  given  as  the  name  in 
Ju.  I'-  "  Jos.  i5«3  2  S.  5«  (cf.  Moore  on  Ju.  19'"). — And  there 
were  the  Jebusites  the  inhabitants  of  the  land].  In  2  S.  we  have 
"against  the  Jebusites  the  inhabitants  of  the  land,"  which  phrase 
sets  forth  directly  the  thought  of  an  attack  upon  non-Israelites 
as  the  purpose  of  David,  while  Chronicles  has  turned  the  words, 
into  a  description  of  the  conditions  of  the  time  of  David. — 5. 
Chronicles  gives  but  the  first  part  of  the  defiant  speech  of  the  Jebu- 
sites to  David,  omitting  the  scornful  boast  of  the  impregnability  of 
Jerusalem,  that  the  blind  or  the  lame  could  defend  it  (2  S.  5«). 
Probably  the  reference  to  them  was  no  longer  understood. — 6. 
This  verse  is  far  smoother  and  quite  different  from  the  obscure 
parallel  in  2  S.  Although  this  prowess  of  Joab  with  its  reward  is 
nowhere  else  mentioned,  it  probably  was  not  an  invention  of  the 
Chronicler,  and  his  later  position  as  commander-in-chief  may  have 
had  some  connection  with  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  he  led  the  men  of  David  earlier  (2  S.  2'3). — 8.  Millo] 
part  of  the  fortifications  of  Jerusalem;  location  and  meaning  are 
obscure  (cf.  2  S.  5^  i  K.  g^^-  ^*  11").  The  Chronicler  placed  it  in 
the  city  of  David  2  Ch.  32^  (for  discussion  GAS.  /.  II.  pp.  40  ff.). — 
And  Joab  restored  the  rest  of  the  city].     This  statement  has  no 


l86  I  CHRONICLES 

parallel  in  2  S.  The  rest  of  the  city  means  the  city  apart  from  the 
citadel;  David  thus  rebuilt  the  fortress  and  Joab  the  rest  of  the 
city.  This  legend  concerning  Joab  may  have  arisen  from  the 
prominence  of  the  family  of  Joab  in  post-exilic  Israel,  4'<  Ezr.  2' 
8»  (We.  TS.). 

4.  Ssiir^  Sai  n>n]  2  S.  5*  vcjxi  nS=n.  (B^  adopted  by  Ki.,  SBOT., 
favoured  by  Bn.,  follows  2  S.  (S'- and  &  agree  with  ?l^. — ^JS""  •'Di3''n  d'^'i] 
2  S.  att'v  >DO''n  Sn. — 5.  di3^  or>  icnm]  2  S.  icnm. — 8.  aoDo  -i>j.'n  p'l 
aoon  -lyi  Ni'^cn  jc]  2  S.  5'  n.T>3i  Ni'r'cn  p  30D  Tn  i3>i.  (gB  omits 
3''3Dn  ijn  NiScn  jc.  (5'-  follows  ?1§.  T20n  is  suspicious,  especially 
with  the  art.,  so  perhaps  the  original  was  non  li'i  aw</  to  the  palace 
(Bn.,  Ki.). — nja  (njav)  is  here  used  with  the  meaning  to  rebuild  with 
the  added  notion  of  enlarging,  cf.  2  Ch.  8^  ii^  26%  merely  rebuild- 
ing, 2  Ch.  32^  ;i;^^-  '6  (BDB.). — T-pn  nN2»  rx  rrni  3nvi]  wanting  in 
2  S.  (S^  has  /cal  iiroX^/xTjcrev  /cat  eXa^ev  rrjv  irdXiv  with  David  as  the 
subject.  (&^  follows  ^.  ^  translates:  "Joab  gave  his  right  hand  to 
the  rest  of  the  men  who  were  in  the  city."  This  paraphrase  is 
based  upon  the  rendering  of  n-n^  to  keep  alive  (so  Ba.).  But  the 
meaning  to  restore  is  supported  by  fi^  irepiewoiriaaTo,  and  the  use  of 
n^n  in  Ne.  3'*. — 9.  nin>]  2  S.  s'"  -F''n':'N. 

10-47.  David's  mighty  men. — This  section  is  taken  from 
2  S.  238-3'  with  the  exception  of  the  introductory  v.  '",  and  v\'. 
4ib-47  which  give  the  names  of  sixteen  additional  mighty  men  not 
recorded  elsewhere.  These  additional  names  and  the  superscrip- 
tion, V.  "",  have  suggested  that  the  entire  list,  \^'.  "-<",  came  from 
a  source  independent  of  2  S.  (Bn.)  and  perhaps  the  source  of  2  S. 
(Graf).  Another  explanation  is  that  vv.  <""<'  are  out  of  place, 
belonging  in  c.  12  between  v.  '  and  v.  '  (Bu.  in  Com.).  The  names 
in  w.  ■"••-<'  are  in  many  instances  if  not  all  of  persons  from  east  of 
the  Jordan.  The  first  twelve  of  these  heroes  given  in  w.  ">  "  are 
mentioned  again  as  monthly  commanders  of  the  army  of  David 

10.  And  these  were  the  chief  of  the  mighty  men  who  belonged 
to  David  who  held  strongly  with  him  in  respect  to  the  kingdom, 
together  with  all  Israel  to  make  him  king\  These  words  explain 
the  Chronicler's  introduction  of  the  list  of  the  mighty  men  at  this 
point  in  his  narrative.  He  regarded  them  as  participants  in  the 
coronation  of  David.     In  fact,  many  of  these  mighty  men  probably 


XI.  10-47.]  DAVID'S  MIGHTY  MEN  187 

won  their  places  in  subsequent  campaigns  of  David  and  were 
unknown  at  this  time  (We.  Prol.  p.  173). — According  to  the  word 
of  Yahweh  unto  Israel]  is  a  good  example  of  the  Chronicler's  re- 
ligious comment  and  view-point  of  David's  reign. 

11-14.  The  three  mightiest. — This  section  is  incomplete. 
Vv. «''-""  of  2  S.  23  have  been  omitted  by  a  copyist  {v.  i.),  so  that 
the  name  of  the  third  hero  Shammah  is  lacking  and  his  exploit  is 
assigned  to  Ele'azar  the  second  hero,  whose  own  exploit  has  been 
omitted. — 11.  Instead  of  J ashobe' am  we  should  read  Ishba'al,  and 
instead  of  thirty,  three,  of  whom  Ishba'al  was  the  foremost,  coming 
before  Ele'azar  and  Shammah.  After  2  S.  also  eight  hundred 
should  be  read  instead  of  three  hundred. — 12.  Dodai  *].  v.  i. — 
Ahohite].  Cf.  v.  ". — 13.  Pas-dammim]  wanting  in  2  S.  29', 
Ephes-dammim  (i  S.  17')  {v.  i). — 14.  They  stood,  etc.].  Read 
after  2  S.  29",  he  stood,  etc. 

10.  0''|"'in,-i:;n]  cf.  2  S.  3^  Dn.  10='  and  for  references  2  Ch.  1'. — !!• 
iDDc]  2  S.  238  met:',  which  Ki.  prefers  here.  But  the  probability  is 
that  Ch.,  the  harder  reading,  has  preserved  the  original,  since  the 
sum  is  given  in  2  S.  23"  {cf.  Bn.).- — 3i'3tt"]  (&^  lea-e^ada,  l  lecrcre/SaaX, 
which  are  certainly  not  corruptions  of  ^  la-^aa/x  =  HI.  2  S.  2V 
na'i'J,  (S^  leff^bade  ^  leff^aaX.  The  Lucian  text  reveals  the  true 
reading  S;'3;:'i  or  hyy^ya  (Dr.,  Ki.,  et  at.).  The  reading  of  2  S.  is  a 
corruption  of  nco-s^N,  cf.  8". — ijiD3n-]2]  2  S.  'jconn  =  •'JDonn  (We. 
TS.,  Dr.,  Bu.).  In  272  we  have  Sxtar  p,  which  Bu.  adds  to  the 
text  of  2  S.  The  reference  in  Hachmonite  is  unknovra.  A  cor- 
ruption of  D-\D-n''3  has  been  seen  in  it  (EBi.). — D'tt'iSa'n  tt'N-\]  Qr.  't 
wc'^^tyn^  2  S.  ''ifSa'n  stni.  Thus  the  Heb.  texts  provide  three  render- 
ings, chief  of  the  thirty  {(^'^  in  Ch.  preferred  by  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.), 
chief  of  the  captains,  chief  of  the  third  part  (of  the  army),  so  06^  in 
2  S.  preferred  by  Ba.  (6^'  in  both  2  S.  and  Ch.  represents  csn 
nrSs'H,  chief  of  the  three.  This  (preferred  by  We.  TS.,  Dr.,  Bu., 
Kau.,  Now.,  Ki.,  Mar.,  Bn.)  is  probably  original.  The  three  were 
Ishbaal,  Eleazar  v.  i^,  and  Shammah  son  of  Agee  2  S.  23". — "niy 
in''jn  hn]  2  S.  23*  usjn  i:nj,'.  The  latter  text  is  meaningless  and  the 
former  is  generally  accepted  as  the  true  reading  in  2  S.  {cf  Dr., 
Bu.),  although  unsupported  by  (5  {cf.  We.  TS.).  Mar.  reads  in  2 
S.  nx>'3  his  axe,  instead  of  inijn  his  spear. — B'Sb']  2  S.  njctr,  which  is 
to  be  preferred,  since  Ishbaal  had  the  first  place  and  three  hundred 
are  mentioned  slain  by  Abishai,  v.  20  (Ki.,  Bn.). — 12.  p  nrySx]  is 
wanting  in  27^  probably  through  copyist's  error  (Dr.,  Ki.).  Mar. 
regards  this  omission  as  the  better  reading  for  2  S.   23^ — ^^^\^^^\]  2   S. 


l88  I   CHRONICLES 

nn,  which  is  the  true  reading.  Otherwise  the  text  of  2  S.  for  this 
verse  is  inferior  to  Ch.  and  is  to  be  restored  accordingly  (Dr., 
Bu.). — 13.  D^m  dd]  usually  taken  as  equivalent  to  dti  odn  (i  S. 
17'),  is  a  misreading  of  caina  2  S.  23'.  Mar.  with  probabiHty 
sees  in  both  2  S.  and  Ch.  a  corruption  of  cnbi  pnya  (c/.  v.  " 
I4»  2  S.  5"-  ^  23"). — After  ncnScS  a  copyist  has  omitted  that 
portion  of  the  text  found  in  2  S.  23  between  DV  iddnj  dtc'^dj 
nDn'7D'?  V.  ',  and  ninS  D''nB'Sfl  ibdnii  v.  ",  through  the  eye  wandering. 
— For  omyc,  barley,  2  S.  23"  has  cttny,  lentils.  It  is  impossible  to 
determine  which  is  correct. — 14.  The  verbs  i2X>nM.  niS^XM,  and  U'l 
are  to  be  read  in  the  sg.  after  2  S.  23''  and  <S  (Ki.,  Bn.).  A  copy- 
ist was  either  misled  by  the  pi.  in  iDj  v.  "  (also  sg.  in  2  S.)  or  in- 
troduced these  plurals  by  design  to  associate  David  with  Eleazar 
(Ke.,  Ba.).— yen]  2  S.,  (5  c>'m. 

15-19.  The  exploit  of  three  mighty  men  at  Bethlehem  (  = 
2  S.  23"-"). — The  compiler  of  2  S.  probably  thought  that  the 
actors  of  this  story  were  the  three  mighty  men  just  mentioned,  but 
since  they  are  three  of  the  thirty  chief  and  the  thirty  have  not  yet 
been  mentioned,  they  are  probably  entirely  different  and  the  story 
is  out  of  its  original  connection  (We.  TS.,  Dr.,  Bu.,  Bn.).  V. '"' 
appears  to  have  been  the  true  conclusion  of  vv.  "■'«,  and  vv.  "■•»• 
probably  came  after  the  list  of  the  thirty  (in  2  S.  vv.  "•"»  after 
v.")  (so  Bu.,  SBOT.).  The  variations  between  Ch.  and  2  S.  arc 
few  and  unimportant. — 15.  Unto  the  stronghold*  of  'Adullam] 
see  below. — The  Philistines  were  in  the  Valley  of  Rephaim,  a 
plain  south  of  Jerusalem.  According  to  Josephus  {Ant.  vii.  12.  4) 
it  was  twenty  stadia  south  of  Jerusalem  and  reached  to  Bethlehem. 
Cf.  14'  Jos.  158  i8'«  2  S.  5'«  5^  23"  Is.  I7^  Buhl,  GAP.  p.  91.— 
18.  And  the  three  brake  through  the  host'\  an  exploit  probably  made 
by  night  and  possible  through  the  loose  discipline  of  the  time, 
cf.  I  S.  26^-". — The  water  was  too  precious  to  drink,  hence  David 
poured  it  out,  as  a  libation  offering,  unto  Yahweh. — 19.  Shall  I 
drink  the  blood  of  these  men]  for  the  risk  at  which  the  water  was 
brought  made  it  criuivalent  to  their  blood,  cf.  the  command  not  to 
eat  the  blood  of  animals  but  "to  pour  it  out  on  the  ground  like 
water,"  Dt.  i2'»-  ""  15". 

15.  (6  of  2  S.   23"  omits  w'.si    and    is    followed    by    Bu.,    SBOT., 
who  thinks  the  word  has  come  from  2  S.   23". — nxi]  the  true  read- 


XI.  10-47.]  DAVID'S  MIGHTY  MEN  189 

ing.  2  S.  n^xp. — myn]  2  S.  the  same.  Read  mxc  after  v."  (We. 
TS.,  Dr.,  Bu.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  Bn.).  Adullam  was  a  hill  fortress,  not  a 
cave,  cf.  Baed.S  p.  1.24.  Buhl,  GAP.  p.  97. — njnD]  an  equivalent 
suggested  by  the  following  a>in  for  the  more  unusual  nin  of  2  S., 
if  the  latter  is  the  true  reading. — 16.  i^xji]  2  S.  23'^  2XDI. — 17.  ikhm] 
2  S.  23'^  msn'"!.  On  the  apocopated  form  of  Ch.  see  Ges.  §  TShh. 
— -112c]  2  S.  ->N3D.  "\N3  a  well  of  living  water,  but  T»3  properly  a 
cistern.  The  change  may  have  been  intentional.  To-day  no  well  is 
found  at  the  gate  of  Bethlehem,  Rob.  BR.^  I.  pp.  470.  473;  SWP. 
iii.  p.  28;  so  also  v.  's. — is.  ns'Ss'n]  2  S.  2316  onajn  na''?a'. — -\oy^] 
Pi.  t,  2  S.  IDM  Hiph.— 19.  >n'?Nc]  2  S.  23I'  nin\  p  in  such  an 
expression  is  the  better  usage. — nniJ-N]  necessary  to  complete  the 
sentence  is  lacking  in  2  S.  The  original  of  2  S.,  however,  may 
have  been  different  (see  Bu.,  Sm.). — ma'Dja]  in  2  S.  preceded  by 
CjSnn  which  is  restored  here  by  Oe.,  Kau.,  who  went  at  the  risk  of 
their  lives.  The  prep,  in  that  case  is  3  pretii  as  here  in  DnwDja'' 
in  the  following  clause.  Without  this  restoration  the  2  is  that  of 
accompaniment,  Ges.  §  iign,  cf.  Gn.  9*  Lv.  17",  the  blood  of  these 
men  shall  I  drink  with  (i.e.,  and-  therewith)  their  lives  (Ke.,  Ki.). — ■ 
DiN''3n  Dnia'D:3  13]  an  explanation  of  the  previous  DniB'CJ3  from  the 
Chronicler. 

20-25.  Exploits  of  Abishai  and  Benaiah  (=28.  23'8  "). — 
The  immediate  connection  of  these  verses  with  the  preceding  and 
the  reference  in  the  present  Hebrew  text  to  the  three  suggest  that  the 
two  heroes  Abishai  and  Benaiah  were  members  of  the  triad  who 
broke  through  unto  the  well  at  Bethlehem  and  constituted  a  second 
triad  of  heroes  distinct  from  the  first  three  and  also  distinct  from 
the  thirty.  This  view  apparently  appears  in  H  and  AV.  and  RV., 
and  was  generally  that  of  ancient  interpreters.  The  prevailing 
modem  view,  however,  is  that  those  who  drew  the  water  at  Bethle- 
hem are  entirely  unknown  and  that,  further  than  in  their  exploit, 
they  do  not  constitute  a  triad  of  heroes  distinct  from  the  thirty, 
and  in  short  only  one  such  triad  is  mentioned,  viz.  Ishhaal,  Eleazar, 
and  Shammah.  The  text  presents  a  certain  amount  of  confusion 
and  uncertainty.  Abishai  and  Benaiah,  while  not  equal  to  the 
three  (vv.  ='■  "),  yet  clearly  form  a  class  by  themselves,  but  whether 
distinct  from  the  thirty  (according  to  Dr.,  Mar.)  or  enrolled  among 
the  thirty  (according  to  Kau.,  Bu.,  Ki.)  is  not  clear. — 20.  21.  And 
Abishai,^  the  brother  of  Jo^ab,  was  the  thirty^ s*  chief,  and  he 
swung  his  spear  over  three  hundred  slain  and  he  had  renown  like 


IQO  I  CHRONICLES 

the  three.  A  mong  the  thirty*  behold  he*  was  in  honor  and  he  became 
their  captain,  yet  he  did  not  attain  unto  the  three].  For  further 
events  in  the  hfe  of  Abishai  cf.  i8''  i  S.  26'  «  2  S.  i6»  18'  21 '«  ' . — 
22.  Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada  from  Kabze'el  was  a  man  of 
valor*,  mighty  in  deeds.  He  slew  two  young  lions  having  gone 
to  their  lair;*  and  he  went  down  and  slew  a  lion  in  a  pit  on  a 
snowy  day].  The  prowess  of  Benaiah  in  conflict  with  wild  beasts 
is  here  vividly  set  forth;  in  the  following  verse  his  prowess  as  a 
warrior. — Kabze'el]  was  a  town  in  south  Judah,  unidentified,  cf. 
Jos.  15='  Nc.  II". — 23.  Five  cubits  high]  a  touch  of  description 
wanting  in  2  S.,  as  also  like  a  weaver's  beam,  derived  probably 
from  the  story  of  Goliath,  i  S.  17'  2  S.  21".  Another  resemblance 
to  the  Goliath  story  is  the  fact  that  the  Eg)-ptian  was  slain  with 
his  own  weapon,  i  S.  17=^'. — 24.  And  he  had  renown  like*  the  three 
mighty  men].     Cf.  v.  2°. 

20.  ityax]  2  S.  23"  correctly  liros,  so  also  <8,  cf.  2'«. — ng^iSsTi] 
2  S.  Kt.  the  same;  Qr.  ^z'hz'n  -.  but  some  mss.  (see  Gins.)  and  2  S. 
have  D'lyS'^'n,  the  true  reading,  adopted  by  Be.,  We.  TS.,  and  schol- 
ars generally  (not  by  Ke.,  Oe.). — nSi]  Qr.  and  2  S.  ^'r'^,  so  also  (8, 
TB,  &.  The  nS  is  preferred  by  Mar.,  who  reads  'a  oiy  nV,  he  was 
not  reckoned  among  the  three.  Others  generally  read  '^^. — Instead  of 
ntt'^:;'^  we  read  with  Bu.  and  Sm.  na'Sa'3.  Dr.  retains  ^  in  2  S. 
with  a  similar  meaning.  "Abishai  and  Benaiah  had  a  name  beside 
'the  Three'  though  not  fully  equal  to  theirs."  Kau.,  Ki.,  and  Bn. 
read  D''i:''?tt'3. — 21.  nnSrn  p]  2  S.  23"  the  same;  a  comparison  with 
V.  ^^  shows  that  we  should  read  o^ttMSm  p  (We.  TS-,  and  scholars 
generally).  Dr.,  Mar.,  Sm.,  translate  "  more  than  the  thirty,  etc.," 
which  puts  Abishai  and  also  Benaiah  (see  v.  ^)  in  a  distinct  class 
by  themselves  apart  from  the  thirty.  In  favour  of  this  is  the  fact 
that  the  number  thirty  is  complete  \\'ithout  them  (cf.  2  S.  23"). 
Others  translate  "from  among  the  thirty,"  thus  enrolling  the  two  with 
them  (Kau.,  Ki.). — q>j::'3]  retained  by  Ki.  with  the  rendering  "stand  er 
vweifach  in  Ehren";  rejected  by  Kau.,  Bn.,  who  (as  above)  substitute 
ijn  from  v.  ",  which  is  the  reading  of  We.,  Dr.,  and  Bu.  in  2  S., 
where  we  have  ^3n,  a  certain  corruption.  Sm.  prefers  to  read  N)n. 
— 22.  p]  before  ':"'n  cw  should  be  omitted  as  <S  in  2  S.  23=",  since 
Benaiah  and  not  his  grandfather  is  clearly  described  (We.  TS., 
Dr.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  et  al.). — O'Syfj  2-\]  usually  rendered  mighty  in  deeds 
but  by  Bu.,  since  his  origin  is  here  described,  mighty  in  possessions, 
the   striking   thing  being  that  a  man  of  wealth  shouUl  he  a   hero. — ■ 


XI.  10-47.]  DAVID'S  MIGHTY  MElSf  T9I 

3Xin  Sn'ix  ''JB'  pn]  (B  in  2  S.  and  (B^  here  have  Sx'in  ij3  ^yy  ps, 
adopted  by  We.  TS.,  Kau.,  Dr.,  Ki.,  Bn.,  and  the  last  four  also 
read  axiDD.  Retaining  the  text  the  rendering  has  been  given,  He 
smote  the  two  altar  pillars  of  Moab  (Ba.,  WRS.,  Religion  of  Semites, 
note  L).  The  use  of  ^Dr\  is  against  this.  We  prefer  with  Bu.  after 
Klo.  (ov/ing  to  similarity  of  SxnK  with  ns  in  the  next  sentence) 
DNiina-Vx  i-(!<tri  1J3  ^yc\  This  places  in  a  natural  order  the  exploits  of 
Benaiah.  Otherwise  two  of  warfare  are  separated  by  one  of  hunting. 
The  prep.  Sn  is  used  in  a  pregnant  sense. — 23.  mn  b^k]  2  S.  2321 
DNiD  tyns  preferred  by  Ba.,  while  the  reading  of  Ch.  is  preferred  by 
We.  TS.,  Dr.,  Bu.,  Mar.— 24b.  See  v.  20.-25.  See  v.  21. 

26^7.  The  mighty  men  of  valor.  Vv.  =«  ^'^  =  28.  27,'''-^^\ 
— The  title  given  in  v.  ^^a  (wanting  in  2  S.)  to  this  section  shows 
that  the  Chronicler  regarded  this  list  as  independent  of  those  men- 
tioned above.  The  addition  of  the  sixteen  names  in  vv.  ^">-^^ 
carrying  the  number  far  beyond  thirty,  has  probably  led  to  the 
removal  of  any  relation  to  the  thirty  by  the  omission  of  that  refer- 
ence in  v. »  and  of  the  summary  in  v.  ^'.  Compared  with  2  S.  the 
list  is  better  preserved  in  Chronicles.  The  great  majority  of  these 
men,  apart  from  this  list  and  the  one  in  2  S.,  are  otherwise  unknowoi 
and  hence  require  no  comment.  Nine  of  them,  with  Jashobeam, 
Eleazar,  and  Benaiah  {v.  s.),  however,  appear  in  the  Chronicler's 
hst  of  the  captains  of  David's  host  (27«-'5). 

26-^1. — 26.  'Asah'el]  {cf.  2'^  27')  slain  in  the  war  with  Ish- 
bosheth. — Elhanan]  the  name  also  of  the  slayer  of  Goliath  (2  S. 
2i'«  cf.  20^);-  the  two  have  been  regarded  as  identical. — 27.  Sham- 
moth  the  Harorite]  perhaps  identical  with  Shamhuth  mentioned 
in  278;-  V.  also  i. — Helez].  Cf.  27'°. — Pelonite]  v.  i. — 28.  Ira\ 
Cf  2^K—Tekoite]  from  Teko'a,  cf.  2'-*.—Abi'ezer].  Cf  2^'\— 
'Amthothite]  from  'Anathoth,  cf.  6''  (8<".— 29.  Sibbecai]  2  S.  23" 
Mebunai  (y.  i.).  Cf.  27". — HushathUe]  from  Hushah,  cf.  4*. — 
'llai]  an  uncertain  name  {v.  i.). — Ahohite]  reference  unknown. — 
30.  Maharai].  Cf.  2-j'\—Netophathite]  from  Netophah,  cf.  2'*. 
—Heled]  2  S.  23^9  Heleb  (v.  i.).— 31.  Benaiah].  Cf  2^*.— 
Pirathonite]  of  Pir'athon,  a  town  in  Ephraim  (cf.  Ju.  12 '5). — 32. 
Hurai]  2  S.  23'"  Hiddai  {v.  i.).— Brooks  of  Gaash].  Particular 
wadys  frequently  designate  localities;  Gaash  in  the  hill  country  of 
Ephraim. — Abi'el]  2  S.  23^'  Abi-'albon,  probably  Abi-ba'al  {v.  i.). 


192  I  CHRONICLES 

— 'Arbathite]  from  Beth-'arabah,  a  town  of  Judah  or  Benjamin 
(r/.  Jos.  I5''-  «'). — 33.  'Azmavetli].  Cf.  12'. — Bahaniwile]  (im- 
proper spelling  V.  i.)  from  Bahurim,  a  town  of  Benjamin  {v.  i.). — 
Shaalbonite]  from  Shaalbim,  a  town  of  Dan  {cf.  Jos.  19*-),  near 
Aijalon. — 34.  Hashem]  2  S.  23"  Jashen  {v.  i.). — Gizouite]  un- 
certain (v.  i.). — Hararite]  uncertain. — 35.  Sacar]  2  S.  23" 
Sharar  (v.  i.). — Eliphal]  2  S.  23^*  Eliphelet  {v.  i.). — 36.  This  verse 
is  entirely  uncertain,  probably  corrupt  {v.  i.). — 37.  Carmelile] 
from  Carmcl,  a  town  near  Hebron. — N^aarai]  2  S.  23"  Pa'arai 
(v.  i.). — 38.  V.  i. — 39.  Berothite]  from  Beeroth,  a  town  of  Benja- 
min.— 40.  'ithrile].  Cf.  2'^\ — 41.  Uriah  the  Hillite]  the  officer 
whose  wife  David  took. — Zabad]  wanting  in  2  S.  This  completes 
the  list  given  in  2  S.,  where  is  added  "thirty  and  seven  in  all" 
(2  S.  23'').  Zabad  may  have  belonged  with  the  list  in  2  S.  and  for 
some  reason  have  fallen  from  the  te.xt,  thus  making  a  complete  num- 
ber of  thirty-seven  (cf  2  S.  23").  Chronicles,  lacking  Elika  (see 
V.  "),  furnishes  3  +  2  +  30  =  35  names.  Usually,  however, 
Zabad  is  grouped  with  the  fifteen  new  names  in  vv.  *■-*''. 

— 26.  D^^^nn  nnj]  the  men  of  valor,  wanting  in  2  S.  23-'.  On 
the  pi.  see  Ges.  §  1249. — After  2nv  2  S.  has  B'B'Vk*3. — Instead  of 
nn  read  nn  {cf.  v.  '2). — anS  r''32]  2  S.  "?  r'a. — 27.  nice]  2  S.  23=* 
ns'^.  <S"  here  and  27*  nincc,  preferred  by  Ki.  {SBOT.,  but  not 
Kom.)  and  Bn. — ^innn]  2  S.  nnnn,  usually  followed  (Be.,  Ki.),  since 
a  locality  -nn  pp  is  mentioned  in  Ju.  7',  near  Mt.  Gilboa.  Bn. 
regards  this  as  entirely  indecisive.  Mar.  and  EBi.  (art.  Harodite) 
emend  to  ^"n;'"),  connecting  it  with  'Arad,  a  town  in  the  Negeb.  In 
27'  this  warrior  is  called  an  Izrahite  ('mi'),  but  the  true  reading  is 
probably  'mr,  Zerahite.  This  favours  a  Judean  origin  and  so  far 
the  emendation  of  Mar.  and  EBi. — After  nc::*  2  S.  has  another 
hero  'i-\nn  Np^'^N,  Elika  the  Harodite,  but  since  he  is  wanting  in  (6^^, 
Mar.  rejects  him.  However,  this  omission  is  probably  due  to  homce- 
oteleuton. — 'ji'^on]  2  S.  2^^*  'tfl'^an.  This  latter  is  perhaps  to  be  pre- 
ferred, since  we  know  of  a  corresponding  ]ilace  c^o  r'3,  a  town  of 
Judah,  Jos.  i$"  Ne.  11'"  (Be.,  Ki.).  Yet  in  27'"  we  have  •"ji'^en 
and  Helez  belongs  to  E[)hraim.  Bn.  well  says  wc  know  too  little  of 
towns  to  determine  the  true  reading.  Mar.  after  <8"  KeXwdel  in  2  S. 
reads  ^n'^ypn,  the  Keilathite. — 29.  ■«o3D]  2  S.  23"  'n-:.  Ch.,  it  is 
generally  acknowledged,  has  the  true  reading,  since  Sibl^ecai  the 
Hushathite  is  mentioned  in  2  S.  2i'8.— "'">]  2  S.  23"  psSj,  but  <S" 
'EXXwi'  '    AXXov,  hence  the  name  may  have  begun    with  ;",    but    the 


XI.  10-47.]  DAVID'S  MIGHTY  MEN  193 

second  half  is  uncertain.  We.  TS.  has  pSj;. — 30.  ^'?^]  2  S.  23"  aSn. 
The  former  attested  by  27'°  nSn,  and  as  proper  name  by  Zc.  6'°,  is 
read  OiSn)  by  Bu.  (SBOT.)  and  Mar.  in  2  S.— 31.  ■'jnnsn]  2  S. 
2330  ijny-iD.  The  former  with  the  art.  is  correct. — 32 .  nin]  2  S.  ''•^n. 
It  is  uncertain  which  is  correct,  but  the  former  is  preferred  by  We. 
TS.,  Bu.,  yet  the  latter  by  Ki. — Vn^^n]  2  S.  2321  jiaS;;  '3n.  Ch.  is 
supported  by  <$^  of  2  S.  We.  TS.,  Bu.,  read  Sj'3-'3N. — 33.  icnnan] 
read  iminan.     The  reference  is  to  Bahurim,  cf.   2  S.  3'^   16^  17"  19" 

1  K.  28.  2  S.  has  ''cman. — 34.  ■'ja]  after  OS'-  in  2  S.  23^2  to  be  struck 
out,  a  repetition  of  the  last  three  letters  of  the  preceding  word  (Dr., 
Ki.,  Bu.,  Mar.,  Bn.). — air'n]  2  S.  ]Z'\  The  former  is  preferred  in  2 
S.  by  Mar, — uiun]  wanting  in  ?l^  of  2  S.,  but  <&^  has  6  Tovvi,  which 
gives  the  true  reading  •'jun,  the  Gimite,  of  a  family  of  Naphtali,  Nu. 
26"  (Dr.,  Bu.,  Ki.,  Mar.). — xjir  p  injini]  2  S.  ncB'  pjirf.  (gi-  in  2 
S.  has  p  and  is  followed  by  scholars  generally.  Whether  we  should 
read  NJtf  or  nnc'  is  uncertain.  The  latter  is  preferred  by  Ki.  after 
(&^.  We.  7^5.  prefers  the  former  (or  njx)  and  thinks  that  Jonathan 
was  a  brother  of  Shammah,  2  S.  23",  since  both  were  Hararites. — 
35.  -oti']  2  S.  23''  iT^.  Ki.  prefers  the  former.  Bn.  the  latter,  since 
supported   by  <&^   in  2  S. — ''jSon  vnx  imacn  isn  (36)   :  nw  p  hfhii] 

2  S.  233^  ''j'^jn  Ssn^nN  p  oySN  inaycn  p  ">3DnN  p  taScSs.  Kau.  re- 
tains the  text  of  Ch.  Bn.  reads  bSd^Sn  and  'j'^jn  after  2  S.,  but  re- 
gards the  text  of  2  S.  as  a  whole  as  entirely  corrupt.  Ki.  prefers  the 
text  of  2  S.,  inserting  from  Ch.  only  isn  iin  in  the  place  of  ^aonx 
p.  Bu.,  SBOT.,  follows  2  S.,  except  that  he  reads  no  instead  of  p 
before  •'Paycn.  We  prefer:  EUphelet  the  son  of  .  .  .  the  Ma'acathife, 
Eli" am  the  son  of  Ahithophel  the  Gilonite. — 37.  '>aTN  p  >ij,'j]  2  S.  23" 
oixn  nyi3.  Of  these  two  readings  between  which  Dr.,  Ki.,  and  Bn. 
are  undecided,  that  of  Ch.  is  probably  the  later,  p  having  been  in- 
serted before  the  place  adjective  (Bu.). — 38.  |nj>ns  S^r]  2  S.  233^  Snj> 
\TM  p.  (&^  in  Ch.  has  p,  which  is  to  be  read  in  the  place  of  "inN 
(Ki.,  Bn.),  but  it  is  impossible  to  determine  which  name  is  correct, 
probably  Snj'  because  Snii  is  too  common  to  have  likely  suffered  cor- 
ruption.— inac]  2  S.  naxD.  The  reading  of  2  S.  is  of  the  name  of  a  place; 
if  followed  (Ki.,  but  all  is  uncertain,  Bn.),  then  ja  represents  a  proper 
name,  "'ja  Bani  2  S. — 'ijn  is  hardly  correct.  Read  either  njn  after 
2  S.  the  Gadite  (Ki.)  or  \snjn  the  Geraite,  i.e.,  of  the  Benjaminite  clan  of 
Gera  (Mar.). 


42-47.  The  sixteen  persons  including  Zabad  (v. «')  added  by  the 
Chronicler  to  the  list  given  in  2  S.  are  all  otherwise  unknown  and 
we  have  no  other  source  for  determining  the  correctness  of  the 
names  given. — 42.  ' Adina  the  son  of  Shiza  the  Renbenite,  chief 


194  I   CHRONICLES 

of  the  Reiihenites  and  with  him  thirty].  These  words  would  well 
fit  into  a  statement  of  a  gathering  of  Reubenites  unto  David 
similar  to  that  of  the  Benjaminites,  the  Gadites,  and  the  Ma- 
nassites  mentioned  in  c.  12.  Then  the  names  following  would 
l)e  a  fragment  of  the  list  of  the  thirty  who  were  with  'Adina 
and  the  original  place  of  these  verses  might  well  be  c.  12  be- 
tween V.  '  and  V.  «  (Bu.  v.  s.).  In  favour  of  this  is  the  fact 
that  the  gentilic  adjectives  in  w.  "-47  represent  places  east  of  the 
Jordan.  If  this  view  is  not  taken,  then  instead  of  thirty  uith 
him  {"{:;  "f^y),  we  should  read  over  thirty  (W^^^b*^  h*^)  (Be.,  Ki., 
Bn.).  According  to  Ba.  tJiirty  with  him  is  a  marginal  note  de- 
signed to  follow  v.<'\ — 43.  The  Mithnite]  is  entirely  obscure. — 
44.  The ' Ashterathite]  i.e.,  from  Ashtaroth,  a  city  of  Bashan,  Dt. 
i^  Jos.  9'"  et  al. — The  'Aro'erite].  The  reference  probably  is  to 
Aroer  in  Moab  (rf.  58).  Another  Aroer  was  in  southern  Judah, 
I  S.  30-^ — 45.  The  Tizite].  The  place  referred  to  is  entirely 
unknown. — 46.  The  Mahavite]  v.  i. — 47.  The  Mezobaite]  v.  i. 

46.  DMnsn]  is  an  impossible  form  for  a  singular  gentilic  name, 
Kau.  and  Ki.  give  it  up  as  hopelessly  corrupt.  Be.  suggested  '•jn^ri  the 
Mahauite,  i.e.,  from  Mahanaim  east  of  the  Jordan.  <S'^  has  Mawetj/ 
possibly  representing  ^Ji>2n  the  Meonile,  i.e.,  probably  one  from  Beth 
Meon,  a  city  of  Reuben,  Jos.  13"  ((S"  Mief,  ^  Maio^t,  are  corruptions 
of  *). — 47.  nox^n]  is  also  a  corruption.  Kau.  and  Ki.  attempt  no  ren- 
dering.    Possibly  we  should  read  n^'ir;  from  Zobah  {cf.  v.  ")  (Be.,  Ba.). 

XII.  1-23  (1-22).  David's  recruits  when  estranged  from 
Saul. — In  I  S.  22"-  we  are  told  how  David  became  captain  of  a 
band  made  up  of  his  kinsfolks,  fellows  in  distress,  debtors,  and 
discontented  and  desperate  men  generally.  That  is  a  narrative 
of  history,  while  in  this  present  chapter  we  have  a  Jewish  Midrash 
or  interpretation  whereby  David's  recruits  become  the  choicest 
and  most  valiant  representatives  of  the  tribes  of  Israel,  and  come 
to  him  in  such  numbers  that  instead  of  some  four  hundred  or  six 
hundred  men  (i  S.  22=  27'),  he  has  under  him  a  great  host  like 
the  host  of  God  (v."  <")).  Our  chapter  then  has  no  real  his- 
torical worth.  The  names  it  contains,  however,  probably  are 
not  fictitious,  but  are  those  of  leading  men  of  the  tribes  some  of 
whom  in  actual  life  ma)-  have  been  associated  with  David. 


Xn.  1-23.]  DAVID'S   RECRUITS  195 

The  chapter  is  assigned  by  Bn.  to  the  Chronicler's  sources;  according 
to  Ki.  vv.  '■"  may  have  been  written  by  the  Chronicler,  but  contain  here 
and  there  material  of  good  historical  worth;  vv.  23-40  he  assigns  to  M. 
The  heavy  style  of  vv.  '•  '  (s)  suggests  that  they  were  written  by  the 
Chronicler  (r/.  11^°  232''  27'),  and  the  exaggerated  statement  of  v.  23  (22) 
is  certainly  characteristic  of  him  {cf.  especially  22*  "•  '*  »■).  In  the  light 
of  the  loyalty  of  Benjamin  to  Saul,  even  long  after  his  death  (2  S.  16^  "■ 
20),  the  statement  that  large  numbers  of  Benjaminites  deserted  to 
David  (vv. '  ^- ''  ^-  ^'^  ^•>)  and  among  them  even  a  Gibeathite,  one  from 
Saul's  home  town,  is  historically  suspicious.  Benjamin  formed  a  part  of 
the  kingdom  of  Ishbaal  (2  S.  2^).  Since  certainly  in  post-exilic  times 
Benjamin  held  a  high  position  in  the  Jewish  community  (Ne.  11'  ^■),  it 
was  an  act  of  pious  imagination  to  relieve  this  tribe,  and  especially  those 
families  which  were  represented  in  this  late  community,  from  the  odium 
which  would  attach  to  those  who  followed  the  house  of  one  whom  Yah- 
weh  slew  (10'^).  Only  in  a  work  like  the  Chronicler's  where  David  is 
exalted  far  above  even  the  builder  of  the  Temple  {cf.  cc.  22^.)  and  where 
Saul  is  ignored,  except  to  show  his  ignominious  end,  should  this  vindica- 
tion of  late  Benjaminite  families  be  expected.  Hence  this  treatment  of 
the  Benjaminites  points  to  the  authorship  of  the  Chronicler.  Some  of 
the  names  may  be  old,  for  he  would  probably  include  the  reputed 
ancestors  of  well-known  Benjaminite  families  of  his  own  day.  Just  how 
much  of  this  passage  may  be  from  an  older  source  is,  therefore,  uncertain. 
The  name  Bealiah  (niSya),  v.  ^  <5',  is  certainly  old  {v.  i.). 

1-8  (1-7).  The  recruits  from  Benjamin  at  Ziklag. — 1. 

On  David's  sojourn  at  Ziklag  cf.  i  S.  27'-'. — While  he  was  under 
restraint  through  Saul'\  i.e.,  while  because  of  Saul  he  was  not 
free  to  come  and  go  in  Israel. — Helpers  in  war].  Cf.  the  use  of 
the  verb  (nty)  to  help  in  w.  i^  <'»'  "f.  (2if.)_ — 2.  Ushig  both  the  right 
hand  and  the  left  in  [slinging]  stones  and  in  [shooting]  arrows  with 
the  bow].  The  Benjaminites  are  mentioned  elsewhere  as  left- 
handed  and  expert  slingers  (Ju.  3'^  2o'«). — Of  the  kinsfolks  of  Saul 
of  Benjamin].  This  statement  is  probably  wide  of  the  historic 
truth,  since  even  on  the  death  of  Saul  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  re- 
mained faithful  to  his  house,  cf.  2  S.  2'5-  25^  and  much  less  can 
we  believe  that  such  desertions  to  David  took  place  during  Saul's 
lifetime.  The  prominence  of  the  Benjaminites  in  post-exilic 
Israel  may  have  contributed  to  the  origin  of  such  stories. — 3. 
Ahiezer]  elsewhere  the  name  of  the  chief  of  the  Danites.  Nu. 
J 12  225  y66.  71  10"  f. — Joash  the  son^  of  Shema  iah  *  f  (ox  J  eh  0  ska- 


196  I  CHRONICLES 

ma'*)  the  Gibe  athile].  The  local  reference  is  to  Gibeah  of  Benja- 
min or  of  Saul  the  mod.  Tell-el-Fid,  two  and  a  half  miles  north  of 
Jerusalem. — AndJizVel  f  {Jezu'el  or  Jezo'el,  Kt.)  and  Pelet  (2<'  f) 
sons  of  Azmavelk].  Azmaveth  is  the  name  also  of  one  of 
David's  mighty  men  (11"  cf.  8"). — Beracah  ■\  and  Jehu  the 
' Anathothite].  Anathoth  was  a  Benjaminite  town,  the  mod. 
\Andta,  three  miles  north-east  of  Jerusalem  (5irP.  III.  7). — 4. 
Ishma'iah  f  the  Gibe'onite].  Owing  to  Saul's  treatment  of  the 
Gibeonites,  a  Gibeonite  might  well  have  passed  over  to  David. 
Cf.  2  S.  21' -^ — A  mighty  man  among  the  thirty  and  over  the  thirty]. 
It  is  noticeable  that  the  list  of  mighty  tnen  given  in  11"  "•  is  not 
called  the  thirty  in  Chronicles.  Ishmaiah's  name  also  is  not  in  that 
list,  hence  the  conception  of  the  thirty  here  appears  to  be  different 
from  that  of  the  author  of  2  S.  23. — 5  (4'').  The  Gederathite]  i.e., 
from  Gedera,  a  town  of  S.  Judah  Jos.  15^%  perhaps  the  ruin 
Jedlreh  nine  miles  south  of  Ludd  {SWP.  III.  43),  or  since  the 
context  seems  to  require  a  Benjaminite  town,  perhaps  the  village 
Jedireh  north  of  Jerusalem  [SWP.  III.  9),  or  possibly  the  town 
was  Gedor  Jos.  15''  south-west  of  Bethlehem  mod.  Jedur  (Bn.). 
— 6  (5).  Etuzai  f  and  Jerimoth  {cf.  y)  and  Be'aliah].  This  last 
name  (n"'^J?J3),  Yahweh  is  Baal,  represents  an  early  period  when 
no  objection  was  taken  to  the  identification  of  Yahweh  with  Baal 
{cf.  for  similar  names  8'  8"  9''  11"  14'). — Shemarjahu  f  and 
Shephatjahii].  Written  in  the  shorter  form  (-''•i2£'^*,  nnSty), 
these  names  are  quite  common. — The  Haruphite  or  Hariphite]. 
A  Hareph  appears  among  the  sons  of  Caleb  (2'''). — Sons  of 
Hariph  are  mentioned  among  those  who  returned  with  Zerubbabcl. 
— 7  (6).  Ishshijahu  f  ]  a  name  not  infrequent  in  shorter  form 
Ishshiah.  Cf.  7'  24^'  et  al. — Joezer  f]. — Jashobe'am].  Cf.  11". 
— The  names  Elkanah  and  'Azarel  are  frequent. — Korahites]. 
We  are  to  think  of  persons  from  the  town  of  Judah  rather  than 
members  of  the  Levitical  clan,  cf.  2". — 8  (7).  From  Gedor*] 
V.  s.  v.'  (*''>  (/.  4'.  Clearly  from  v.'  '">'  on  we  have  a  list  of 
Judcans  rather  than  Benjaminites,  as  though  two  lists  had  here 
been  combined  (Be.).  Perhaps  the  introductor}-  words  for  the 
Judeans  have  fallen  from  the  text  (Ba.).  (Ke.  held  that  all  were 
Benjaminites,  some  residing  in  Judean  cities.) 


Xn.  1-23.]  DAVID'S   RECRUITS  1 97 

1.  iJi3C]  because  of.  DBD.  njo  6  a  and  c. — 2.  na'p  "nr-pj].  This 
phrase  occurs  also  in  2  Ch.  17"  and  Ps.  78^  (where  inn  should  be 
struck  from  the  text  as  an  explanatory  gloss).  (5  omits  ^'^pj  con- 
necting Pti'|">(3)  with  n?y  V.  ',  and  supplies  a  verb  {ff4>^v5ovrjTai)  be- 
fore D^jaNj. — 3.  Hi'Dari  ■•jj]  (so  Kau.)  read  perhaps  with  (g  r\>]!CZ>  p 
(Ki.,  Ba.),  or  possibly  the  original  read  >'::'fn\  p  (cf.  yc^'in,  3>8). 
Then  a  dittography  of  the  following  n  caused  the  trouble. — Snitm 
Qr.  ^N'Pi]  some  MSS.  read  Skji  and  'rxr  perhaps  a  corruption  of  SKMni 
"God  sees"  (EBi.)  {cf.  v.  '>). — 6.  ■'onnn  Qr.  iflnnn]  with  the  first 
form  agree  'I'^in  ^}2,  nnn  Ne.  y^*  lo^o. — 8.  n^-^ir;]  text  of  Baer.  Tnjn 
text  of  Ginsburg  and  Ki.  BH.     Heb.  mss.  vary,  (S  —5up. 


9-16  (8-15).  The  recruits  from  Gad.— Chronologically  (fol- 
lowing the  Hebrew  text)  this  paragraph  precedes  vv. '-^  o,  since 
David  dwelt  in  the  fortress  (v.  ^  '«))  before  he  went  to  Ziklag. — 
9  (8).  Separated  themselves]  i.e.,  from  the  other  Gadites  who  were 
on  Saul's  side  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.).  The  verb  expresses  more  than 
the  simple  going  over  to  David  which  is  the  rendering  of  Kau. 
and  Ki. — To  the  stronghold  in  the  wilderness].  When  David  was 
fleeing  from  Saul  he  sought  refuge  in  the  stronghold  of  AduUam 
(ii'5  '•  I  S.  22«  '■)  and  in  others  (i  S.  23'^)  located  in  the  wilderness 
of  Judah.  It  was  during  this  period  of  his  life  that  these  Gadites 
are  represented  as  coming  to  him.  The  reference  is  not  to  any 
particular  stronghold. — Men  of  the  host  for  battle].  This  expression 
indicates  that  these  recruits  were  trained  soldiers  (cf.  7"). — 
Arranging  the  spear  and  the  shield]  i.e.,  in  order  for  battle,  a 
peculiar  expression  also  found  in  Je.  46^  The  more  usual  one  is 
given  in  v."  (24).  On  their  likeness  to  lions  in  the  fierceness  of 
their  appearance  or  onset,  and  to  roes  for  swiftness,  cf.  2  S.  i-'  2'K 
—11  (10).  Mashmannah  ^l—U  (13).  Machbannai-^].— 15  (14). 
Heads  of  the  host]  i.e.,  chief  warriors  (Ke.,  Zoe.),  better,  leaders 
or  commanders  (Be.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  RV.).  Ki.  after  B  carries  forward 
this  idea  of  leadership  to  the  next  clause :  the  least  one  over  a 
hundred,  the  greatest  over  a  thousand.  With  this  rendering  one 
would  expect  ^y  instead  of  h.  The  true  interpretation  is  that  the 
smallest,  or  weakest,  could  cope  with  a  hundred,  and  the  greatest, 
or  strongest,  with  a  thousand  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Kau.,  RV.).  Cf. 
Is.  30"  Lv.  268. — 16  (15).     In  the  first  month]  i.e.,  the  month 


198  I  CHRONICLES 

Nisan  (April),  the  period  of  the  barley  harvest,  when  the  Jordan  is 
at  its  flood  {rf.  Jos.  3").  In  the  summer  the  Jordan  is  easily  ford- 
able,  but  after  the  melting  of  the  snows  on  the  mountains  in  the 
sprmg  it  is  hazardous  to  cross. — And  they  put  to  flight  all  {the 
inhabitants  of]  the  valleys  on  the  east  and  on  the  west].  The 
writer  evidently  has  in  mind  that  the  adherents  of  Saul  opposed 
the  passage  of  these  Gaditcs  to  join  David. 

9.  On  the  plural  force  of  ''^J^  c/.  Gn.  ioi«  "  i2«.  Kon.  iii.  §  256  e. 
— ixcS].  The  pathah  under  s  is  due  to  the  close  connection  with 
the  following  word.  (&^^  omit  the  phrase  and  also  have  dirb  ttjs 
ipi^fwv,  implying  that  the  Gadites  came  from  the  wilderness  evidently 
to  Ziklag  (c/.  V.  '). — n^ii  njs].  Instead  of  nr-11  the  A'enetian  pointed 
text,  1526,  curiously  had  jjr,  perhaps  through  the  influence  of  Je. 
46'  (Be.). — •\r112h]  on  use  of  inf.  see  Ges.  §  1140. — 14.  icj?  'pcy]  Ges. 
§  1340- 

17-19  (16-18).  Additional  recruits  from  Benjamin  and 
Judah. — This  paragraph  reads  like  an  insertion  from  another 
narrative  between  the  accounts  of  the  recruits  from  Gad  and 
Manasseh.  The  omission  of  the  mention  of  personal  names  is 
striking,  and  especially  the  vivid  and  dramatic  form  of  the  nar- 
rative.— 17  (16).  Benjamin  and  Judah].  The  point  of  view  is 
post-exilic,  cf.  v.'.— Unto  the  stronghold].  Cf.  v.'  <«>.— 18  (17). 
And  David  answered  and  said].  The  Hebrew  idiom  employs  two 
verbs  in  introducing  speakers  in  a  colloquy  where  in  English 
usually  only  one  is  used. — //  /;/  peace  you  have  come  unto  me  to 
help  me  then  shall  mine  heart  be  at  one  with  you ;  but  if  to  betray 
me  to  my  adversaries,  although  no  wrong  is  in  my  hands,  may  the 
God  of  our  fathers  see  and  judge].  On  this  beautiful  commitment 
by  David  of  his  cause  to  God,  with  his  assertion  of  innocence,  cf. 
I  S.  24"  "5. — 19  (18).  Then  the  spirit  took  possession  of  Amasai] 
lit.  put  Jiim  on,  as  a  garment,  clothed  itself  with  him.  Cf.  2 
Ch.  24=°  Ju.  6"  (see  Moore  in  loco). — Chief  of  the  thirty  (Kl.)]. 
In  11'°  we  have  found  according  to  the  true  reading  that  Abisluii 
was  chief  of  the  thirty,  hence  Ki.,  after  the  interpretation  of  Be. 
and  others,  reads  here  Abishai  instead  of  Amasai.  Others  (Ke., 
Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.)  prefer  to  identify  Amasai  with  Amasa  (Stl'Cy), 
whom  Absalom  made  his  commander-in-chief  and  later  David, 


Xn.  1-23.]  DAVID'S   RECRUITS  I99 

and  whom  Joab  treacherously  slew  (2  S.  17"  19'*  <">  20'°). — And 
he  said].     These  words  are  wanting  in  ^,  but  are  given  in  (g. — 

Thine  [are  ■we'\   O  David, 
And  with  thee  O  son  of  Jesse, 
Peace,  peace  to  thee, 
Attd  peace  to  thy  helpers  * 
Fat  thy  God  hath  helped  thee.] 

This  response  is  a  beautiful  bit  of  Hebrew  poetry.  David's  whole 
career  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  OT.  narrators  had  been 
marked  by  evidences  of  divine  assistance. — The  band].  David's 
company  of  four  hundred  or  six  hundred  men  (iS.  22^272).  The 
word  band  is  usually  used  of  marauders  (cf.  v.  "  2  Ch,  22'  i  S. 
^o8-  15-  23 1  K.  ii^^  et  al.). 

18.  nn-i*?  22^]  equivalent  to  nnx  aaS.  Only  here  is  nni  used  as  a 
substantive. — ^dd2  Dnn  nSj]  neg.  circumstantial  clause  Ges.  §  156c. 
Use  of  nS  with  prep,  is  chiefly  poetic  and  late,  cf.  v.  34. — 19 .  D'B'iSa'n] 
Qr.  D''ir"''7a'n.  The  former  is  generally  preferred  and  is  the  reading 
of  C§,  g-,  H. — r\:^-;\  nn  1,^].  (6  read  ricjri  nn  i^^  &  also  read  l';'^  re- 
peating it,  and  has  otherwise  amplified  the  verse  and  also  the  preced- 
ing verse. — The  pi.  T'ltj?'?  should  be  read  after  (^,  H. 

20-23  (19-22).  The  recruits  from  Manasseh.— 20  (19). 
And  of  Manasseh  some  deserted  to  David]  lit.  fell.  For  the  use  of 
the  verb  "TSJ  with  this  force  cf.  2  Ch.  15'  2  K.  25"  Je.  21'  37X  39' 
52'^ — When  he  went  with  the  Philistines  against  Saul].  Cf.  i  S. 
28'  '■  29'  ff  .  The  clause  is  used  to  describe  the  very  time  when 
David  received  his  recruits  from  Manasseh.  As  soon  as  he  re- 
turned to  Ziklag  they  came  v.  ^i  (jo  and  assisted  him  in  his  raid 
against  the  Amalekites  v.  "  "'). — And  he  did  not  help  them*]  a 
continuation  of  the  previous  clause. — Because  on  advice  the 
tyrants  of  the  Philistines  had  him  sent  away  saying:  At  the  price 
of  our  heads  he  will  desert  to  his  master  Saul].  The  phrase  at  the 
price  of  our  heads  is  suggested  by  i  S.  29^  The  thought  is  that 
David  would  reconcile  himself  to  Saul  through  some  act  of  treach- 
ery involving  the  death  of  the  Philistines. — 21  (20).  When  he 
returned  (lit.  went)  to  Ziklag  there  deserted  unto  him  from  Manas- 
seh 'Adnah  f,  etc.].  This  verse  fixes  more  exactly  than  v.  2"  <"> 
the  time  of  the  accession  of  these  recruits  and  defines  their  person- 


200  I  CHRONICLES 

ality.  E.xcepi  ' Adnah  (2  Ch.  17'*  f)  and  Zillethai  {cf.  8"),  their 
names  are  not  especially  rare. — Chiefs  of  the  thousands  of  Manes - 
seh\  The  writer  is  thinking  of  the  military  divisions  of  the  tribe 
of  Manasseh  according  to  P  {cf.  Nu.  31H  ««.  62. 54) — 22  (21). 
And  they].  It  is  difficult  to  determine  whether  the  pronoun  refers 
to  the  seven  Manassites  just  mentioned  (Ke.,  Zoe.)  or  all  the 
recruits  \'v. '■='  <">  (Be.,  Oe.). — The  band  is  the  Amalekites  who 
sacked  Ziklag  during  David's  absence  (v.  s.  and  i  S.  30'  "  ). — 
23  (22).  This  verse  explains  the  host,  the  last  word  of  the  preced- 
ing verse. — Like  the  host  of  God]  i.e.,  a  very  great  host.  The 
epithet,  "of  God,"  is  used  to  distinguish  a  thing  that  is  very  great 
(Dav.  Syn.  §  34  R  6).  (Cf.  1  S.  14'^  Ps.  36^  80"  Jon.  3'.)  On 
the  wide  remove  of  the  writer  from  historical  fact  see  above. 

20.  C")';>'].  While  David  and  his  men  might  be  taken  as  the  sub- 
ject, it  is  better  to  read  with  (8  (?)  the  verb  sing.  D'l^j,  with  David 
as  the  subject  (Ki.). — 21.  iPaSa].  The  choice  of  ^S^  here  may  have 
been  determined  by  nsSS  i  S.  29". — 22.  The  word  inj  (1.  17  ?)  is 
used  of  the  Amalekites  in  i  S.  30»-  ".  ^\ — 23.  DV3  av  p-;^]  (1.  48). 
This  phrase  is  given  elsewhere  without  rj'S.  This  verse  is  not  un- 
likely  from    the    hand    of  the  Chronicler  instead  of  from  his  source. 

24  41  (23-40).  The  number  of  the  soldiers  who  made  David 
king  at  Hebron. — These  verses  are  another  account  of  the  events 
already  related  in  11' -^  Their  object  is  to  show  the  completeness 
of  the  as.sembly  of  all  Israel  to  make  David  king,  and  especially  to 
set  forth  the  military  pomp  of  the  occasion. — 24  (23).  And  these 
arc  the  numbers  of  the  heads  of  the  armed  men  of  the  host].  The 
word  heads  occasions  a  difficulty.  Ordinarily  heads  (C^wXI)  are 
interpreted  leaders,  commanders,  or  chiefs :  and  so  here  by  (5,  ^, 
Be.,  Ki.  Tliis  meaning,  however,  does  not  agree  with  the  context, 
since  the  number  of  the  heads  in  that  sense  is  only  given  of  the 
house  of  Zadok  (v.  =»  "s))^  of  Issachar  (v.  "  <"'),  and  of  Naphtali 
(v."  <">) :  all  of  the  other  numbers  are  of  the  units  of  the  tribes. 
Hence  it  has  been  thought  with  probability  that  the  heading 
originally  belonged  to  a  list  which,  like  vv.  "  <"'  "  <"',  con- 
tained the  names  and  numbers  of  chiefs  and  warriors  (Be.). 
Others  interpret  heads  as  f)olls,  persons  (Ba.),  after  Ju.  5"  (a  usage 
not   i)arallcled   elsewhere    with   tl'S"l    but    requiring  rhj7j,   see 


Xn.  24-41.]  HOSTS   ASSEMBLED   AT   HEBRON  201 

Moore  in  loco),  or  as  bands,  divisions,  after  Ju.  7'"  2»  9"  "  **  1  S. 
II"  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.).  The  host  is  the  army  of  Israel  after  the 
usage  of  P. — To  turn  the  kingdom  of  Saul  to  him  according  to  the 
word  of  Yahweh].  Cf.  io'<  ii'-  '". — 25  (24).  Bearing  the  shield 
and  spear]  the  large  shield  (nJ^)  covering  the  whole  man  in 
contrast  with  the  small  shield  (liD)  carried  as  a  protection  against 
arrows.  The  spear  (n!21)  was  a  lance  for  thrusting. — The  num- 
ber of  Judah  is  noticeably  small  compared  with  the  numbers  from 
the  northern  tribes.  Ke.  explains  that  since  David  had  already 
reigned  seven  years  at  Hebron,  Judah  and  Simeon  needed  to 
send  only  relatively  few  men,  m.erely  to  witness  the  ratification 
of  his  kingship  by  others.  The  enigma  really  remains  unsolved. 
— 28  (27).  And  Jehoiada  the  pri?ice  of  the  house  of  Aaron]  iden- 
tified with  the  father  of  Benaiah  (ii"-  ^4  2  S.  8'«)  (Raschi, 
Kimchi,  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.);  a  simple  uncritical  reflection 
of  Jehoiada  the  priest  that  brought  Joash  to  the  throne  (2  K. 
II,  12)  (We.  Prol.  p.  174).  The  former  view  probably  was 
the  design  of  the  writer,  since  according  to  i  K.  2^8  «-,  Benaiah 
slew  Joab  in  the  Tent  of  Yahweh,  and  hence  from  the  point  of  view 
of  the  Chronicler,  having  such  access  to  the  sanctuary,  he  naturally 
would  have  been  of  Levitical  descent  and  his  father  might  well 
have  been  a  leader  of  the  Levites — distinct  from  Abiathar  the  priest 
— at  the  time  of  David's  coronation.  In  the  following  verse 
Benaiah's  cotemporary  Zadok  is  mentioned  as  a  young  man 
("lj;j),  thus  in  the  proper  age  relation  to  Benaiah's  father. — 
29  (28).  And  Zadok].  Th.\sZd.ddk,\Khoyv\t\\  twenty  two  captains 
of  his  father'' s  house  is  represented  as  associated  with  Jehoiada,  is 
probably  designed  to  be  the  priest  who  with  Abiathar  was  at  the 
court  of  David  (2  S.  8")  and  who  later  supplanted  Abiathar 
entirely  (i  K.  2^^).  The  twenty-two  captains  are  a  reflection  of  the 
twenty-two  priestly  classes  of  the  post-exilic  period  24^-'«  Ne.  12'-'- 
'^-2'  (We.,  Bn.),  yet  the  twenty-two  classes  are  doubtful.— 30  (29). 
For  until  now]  i.e.,  up  to  the  time  of  David's  coronation,  the  event 
which  the  writer  is  describing. — The  great  part  of  them  kept 
their  allegiance  to  the  house  of  Said]  lit.  kept  the  charge  of  the 
house  of  Saul,  a  form  of  expression  used  frequently  of  the  care 
of  the  sanctuary  (23^2  Nu.   i"  3^9    32  g/  ^ly     ^he  writer  com- 


202  I   CHRONICLES 

pletely  ignores  the  fact  that  according  to  2  S.  2'"  not  only  Ben- 
jamin but  all  Israel  except  Judah  adhered  to  the  house  of  Saul 
until  the  death  of  Ishbaal.— 31  (30).  0/or  in  their  fathers'  houses]. 
This  is  the  usual  rendering  (r/.  5").  But  Be.  preferred  according 
to  their  fathers'  houses,  i.e.,  that  was  their  order  (for  this  use  of  h 
cf.  BDB.  5  i  ((0)-— 32  (31).  And  from  the  half-tribe  of  Manasseh] 
i.e.,  from  Manasseh  west  of  the  Jordan.  The  other  half,  east  of 
the  Jordan,  is  mentioned  in  v.  "  "7) — ]\'Jio  were  designated  by 
name].  Cf.  16^'  2  Ch.  28'^  t,V^  Nu.  i"  Ezr.  8-".  The  writer  as- 
sumes that  a  roll  of  individuals  was  kept  and  thus  these  eighteen 
thousand  were  summoned  to  come  to  make  David  king. — 33  (32). 
And  from  the  children  of  Issachar  those  having  an  understanding 
of  the  times  knowing  what  Israel  should  do].  This  applies  to  the 
two  hundred  heads  or  leaders.  The  meaning  probably  is  that  they 
were  skilled  in  astrological  lore  and  thus  knew  what  Israel  should 
do  (®  and  some  of  the  Rabbins,  Be.,  Oe.,  BDB.  ny  2  b  cf  Est. 
i'^),  though  others  have  found  here  only  the  thought  of  prudent 
men  who  knew  what  the  times  demanded  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Ba.).  This 
characterisation  of  members  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar  has  been 
brought  into  connection  with  the  inquiries  made  at  Abel,  a  town 
of  Issachar,  according  to  2  S.  20"  (We.  Prol.  p.  174). — And  alt 
their  brethren  at  their  command].  The  number  of  these  is  strangely 
omitted,  and  perhaps  has  fallen  from  the  original  text. — 38  (37). 
One  hundred  and  twenty  thousand].  The  round  number  of  forty 
thousand  for  each  tribe. — These  contingents  that  came  to  make 
David  king  {)resent  a  total  as  follows : 

Judah 6,800  Issachar    ...         ? 

Simeon      ....      7,100  (200  chiefs  "and  all 

Levi 8,300  their  brethren") 

(4,600  "from  Levi,"  Zebulun     .  50,000 

3,700  with  Jehoiada,  Naphtali   .     .     .     37,000 

Zadok,  and  22  captains)  (with  1,000  chiefs) 

Benjamin ....      3,000  Dan      ....     28,600 

Ephraim   ....    20,800  Ashcr    ....     40,000 

Half  Manasseh  .     .    18,000  Tribes  E.  Jordan  120,000 

339.600 


Xn.  24-41.]  HOSTS   ASSEMBLED   AT  HEBRON  203 

The  basis  upon  which  these  numbers  were  reckoned  it  is  im- 
possible to  determine.  The  writer's  object  clearly  is  to  magnify 
the  part  taken  by  the  tribes  of  the  subsequent  Northern  kingdom 
in  David's  coronation.  He  has  imparted  a  pleasing  colour  to  his 
statistics  by  the  variety  of  phrases  with  which  he  describes  the 
tribal  hosts. — 40.  41  (39.  40).  Cf.  for  descriptions  of  similar  joy 
and  feasting  ag^"-"  2  Ch.  y^-'o  i  K.  8«2-«6  2  Ch.  30"  » .  While 
sacrifices  are  not  mentioned  here,  they  would  naturally  accompany 
a  coronation  festival  with  its  oaths  of  treaty  or  allegiance  {cf.  Gn. 
2116. 64)_ — Food  of  flour]  i.e.,  bread  stuffs  made  of  wheat  or  barley, 
usually  in  the  form  of  thin  flat  round  cakes. — Pressed  cakes  of 
figs\  Cf.  I  S.  25 '8  30'^  In  making  these  the  figs  are  sometimes 
first  beaten  in  a  mortar  and  then  pressed  into  a  cake  (DB.). — 
Bunches  of  raisins].  Cf.  i  S.  25''  30'*  2  S.  i6».  These  were 
dried  grapes,  probably  also  pressed  into  cakes. 


24.  (g  has  ri  ovbixara  (niDB'  instead  of  noDc).  This  probably 
was  written  by  a  careless  transcriber  through  the  notion  that  the 
verse  was  a  subscription  of  the  preceding  verses. — On  the  omission  of 
nii'N  before  inj,  see  Ges.  §  i55<i.  Bn.  after  05  inserts  la's. — n3x*7  F'"'^"'"'] 
V.  25  Njx  ijiSn,  those  equipped  for  the  host,  i.e.,  for  war,  cf.  Nu.  31' 
32''  Jos.  4".  This  phrase  is  parallel  with  X3S  '>nxii  v.  '\  cf.  518. — 
34.  ^^3S  inxv].  See  v.  ^. — ncnSn  1S3  h32  nnnSn  '>oij?]  setting  in  order 
for  war  with  every  kind  of  weapon  of  war,  cf.  v.  '. — iiySi]  Ges. 
§  ii4/>.  (5,  U,  and  some  Heb.  MSB.  have  ityS  preferred  by  Kau.,  Bn., 
while  the  text  is  adhered  to  by  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ki.  Here  and  in 
V.  ='  mj7  is  apparently  used  as  a  synonym  of  '\^^•;,  which  word  actually 
appears  in  v.  '^  in  some  mss.  {q.  v.).  Perles  suggests  as  original  in 
both  passages  the  word  nic  which  in  Babylonian  as  saddru  has  the 
technical  meaning  "  arranging  (an  army)  in  battle  array."  A  copyist 
then  inserted  Tij?  as  a  gloss  to  this  foreign  word  in  both  places,  whence 
arose  the  form  -ny  by  combination  of  the  two  {OLZ.  8,  1905,  col. 
181). — 3S1  2S  N^a]  with  one  heart,  lit.  "  with  not  a  heart  of  two  kinds," 
cf.  Ps.  12',  for  construction  Ges.  §  123/.  Dav.  Syn.  §  29  R.  8.  On 
nS3  cf.  V.  18. — 35.  n^jm]  w.  '•  '^  nnm.  It  is  uncertain  whether  we 
should  draw  a  distinction  between  these  (Now.  Arch.  I.  p.  362),  al- 
though the  former  has  been  regarded  as  the  heavier  weapon  used  by 
great  warriors  (2  S.  2^  2321)  {EBi.  art.  Spear). — 37.  N3X  >nxii]  cf.x. 
^. — 39.  my]  some  MSS.  and  (&  ^3iy  preferred  by  Kau.,  Bn.  {id.  or 
'■^'J?).  cf.  v.  '<. 


204  I   CHROXICLES 

XIII.  1-14.  The  removal  of  the  ark  from  Kiriath-jearim. 

— This  narrative  is  taken  from  2  S.  6'-",  but  is  provided  by  the 
Chronicler  with  an  introduction  vv. '  -*  fitting  it  into  his  conception 
of  the  organised  hosts  of  Israel  and  of  the  activity  of  the  Levites  at 
that  time.  In  giving  the  removal  of  the  ark  immediately  after 
David's  coronation  and  capture  of  Jerusalem  (11'-')  the  Chronicler 
has  departed  from  the  order  of  2  S.,  where  accounts  of  David's 
building  himself  a  house,  and  of  his  family  and  of  his  victories 
over  the  Philistines  (2  S.  5""),  precede  the  mention  of  his  removal 
of  the  ark.  The  Chronicler  has  clearly  placed  this  last  event  first 
in  order  to  magnify  David's  concern  for  the  worship  of  Yahweh. 
David's  religious  acts  are  the  main  thing  with  the  Chronicler. 
Others  are  mere  episodes  in  the  King's  career. 

1.  For  such  consultation  with  all  officers  of  the  realm  cf.  28' 
2  Ch.  I-.  This  representation  may  be  due  to  the  Chronicler's 
desire  to  minimise  the  suggestion  of  the  arbitrary  authority  of  the 
King  seen  in  the  books  of  S.  and  K.  (Ba.). — 2.  All  the  assembly  oj 
Israel]  i.e.,  the  assembly  of  officers. — Let  us  send  in  ez'ery  direction 
(Oe.,  Ba.)  or  let  us  send  quickly  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Ki.)].  The  former 
rendering  (RV.)  is  the  better  according  to  the  meaning  of  the  verb 
(pS),  cf.  On.  28"  Is.  54'  Jb.  i'«  (but  v.  i.).—Who  are  left  in  all 
districts  of  Israel]  i.e.,  those  who  did  not  come  to  make  David  king 
in  Hebron.  The  writer  closely  connects  the  removal  of  the  ark 
with  the  assembly  of  the  hosts  described  in  the  previous  chapter. — 
The  priests  and  the  Levites].  The  narrative  in  2  S.  has  no  word 
concerning  the  participation  of  the  priests  and  the  Levites.  Their 
introduction  here  is  due  to  the  point  of  view  of  the  Chronicler.  K\  - 
erything  must  be  done  according  to  P. — /;/  their  cities  that  have 
pasture  lands].  An  express  provision  of  the  Levitical  and  priestly 
cities  was  that  pasture  lands,  the  immediately  adjoining  suburbs, 
should  go  with  them  (Nu.  35'  '■,  see  also  Jos.  14^  22='  «  i  Ch. 
63.  fr.  (54  ff.j  2  Ch.  11'^).— 3.  And  let  us  bring  up  [lit.  round]  the  ark 
of  our  God].  The  Chronicler  varies  in  his  use  of  terms  designating 
the  ark.  In  passages  independent  of  Biblical  sources  he  calls  it 
the  ark  of  God  v.  >  15'-  2-  is.  24  2  Ch.  i*,  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  God 
16",  the  ark  of  Yahweh  15=  '=  '*  16^  2  Ch.  8"  and  the  ark  of  the 
covenant  of  Yahu'ch  16"  22"  28'-  '%  and  in  the  Biblical  excerpts  he 


Xm.  1-14.]  FIRST   REMOVAL  OF  THE   ARK  205 

has  allowed  to  remain  unchanged  ark  of  God  vv. «  ^  and  the  ark  of 
the  covenant  of  Yahweh  2  Ch.  52-  \  and  has  substituted  for  the 
ark  of  Yahweh,  the  ark  of  God  vv.  >2.  13  (//^g  ark)  '^  16',  and  for  the 
ark  of  Yahweh,  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  Yahweh  15"-  ^^-  29-  29, 
and  the  same  also  for  the  ark  of  God  17'.  Thus  while  a  tendency 
is  shown  toward  preferring  the  term  God  to  Yahweh,  since  in  no 
instances  is  the  ark  of  Yahweh  allowed  to  stand  in  a  Biblical 
extract,  yet  since  this  term  is  used  by  the  Chronicler  himself,  we 
have  no  real  consistency  of  usage.  The  preference,  however,  of 
the  Dtic.  term  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  Yahweh  is  noticeable. — 
For  we  have  not  sought  it  in  the  days  of  Saul]  i.e.,  we  have  made  no 
inquiry  concerning  it  (r/.  i  S.  7'  ' ). — 5.  From  Shihor  of  Egypt]. 
In  Is.  233  Je.  2'*  Shihor  clearly  stands  for  the  Nile.  The  name 
properly  seems  to  have  been  that  of  an  arm  or  branch  of  the 
delta  or  canal  of  the  Nile  (Shihor,  DB.,  EBi.).  In  this  passage 
and  the  parallel  one  Jos.  133  the  name  is  more  applicable  to  the 
Wady  el  Artsh  or  the  Brook  of  Egypt,  which  is  elsewhere  taken  as 
the  south-western  limit  of  the  Promised  Land  (Nu.  34^  «  Jos.  15^" 
I  K.  8^^  2  Ch.  78  Is.  27'2)  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.).  Ki.  thinks  of 
the  most  eastern  arm  of  the  Nile  delta;  Bn.,  that  Shihor  is  in  our 
text  through  careless  transcription.  Probably  at  the  time  of  the 
Chronicler  one  thought  of  the  Nile  as  well  as  the  Wady  el  'Arish  as 
the  ideal  boundary  of  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Israel  (cf.  Spurrell 
on  Gn.  15"). — Even  unto  the  entrance  of  Haniath]  the  northern 
boundary  of  Israel  (Nu.  1321  348  Jos.  13^  Jg.  3=)  identified  with  the 
Beka  ,  a  broad  valley  between  Lebanon  and  Anti-Lebanon  watered 
by  the  Orontes,  in  which  was  located  the  city  of  Hamath,  mod. 
Hamd.—Kiriath-je  arim]  a  city  of  the  Gibeonites  west  of  Jerusalem 
(identification  uncertain)  {cf.  Buhl,  GAP.  pp.  166/.).  The  ark 
was  placed  there  after  its  return  by  the  PhiHstines  (i  S.  7'  ' ). — 
6.  From  this  verse  to  the  end  of  the  chapter  the  narrative  is  taken 
directly  from  2  S.  62-1'  with  few  variations  (yet  a  marked  one  in 
V.  '<),  and  the  text  is  on  the  whole  here  better  preserved  than  in  2  S. 
— Ba  alah]  was  another  name  for  Kiriath-jearim  (Jos.  15'-"-  *° 
18'^).  The  name  shows  that  the  place  was  an  ancient  sanctuary 
or  seat  of  Baal-worship. — Yahweh  enthroned  above  the  cherubim 
whose  name  is  called  over  it*]  i.e.,  over  the  ark;  signifying  that 


2o6  I   CHRONICLES 

the  ark  belonged  especially  to  Yahweh  (Oe.,  Bn.,  v.  i.).  This 
description  of  God  probably  did  not  belong  to  the  original  text 
of  2  S.  6k — 7.  New  cart]  to  avoid  any  possible  defilement. 
— Abinadab].  Cf.  i  S.  7'.  In  2  S.  6'  the  house  of  Abinadab 
is  located  on  a  hill  and  'Uzza  and  Ahio  are  his  sons.  The 
Chronicler  has  omitted  these  particulars  and  also  the  verb  and 
they  bore  it  (iriSw''^1)- — 8.  On  the  instruments  of  music  v.  i., 
and  cf.  i5'«-  "•  ". — 9.  Cliidon]  the  name  probably  of  the  owner 
of  the  threshing-floor. — 10.  That  Uzza  met  his  death  from  some 
cause  now  utterly  unknown  while  the  ark  was  being  brought,  may 
be  historical,  and  the  reason  assigned  would  be  most  natural  (cf. 
15").  On  the  other  hand,  the  story  may  have  originated  in  an 
endeavour  to  explain  the  meaning  of  the  local  name  Perez-  uzza 
V.  ". — 14.  And  the  ark  of  God  abode  by  the  house  of  Obed-edom 
in  its  own  house]  i.e.,  the  ark  was  in  its  tent  alongside  or  near  the 
house  of  Obed-edom.  This  statement  is  a  modification  of  that  of 
2  S.  6"  (v.  i.)  where  the  ark  is  represented  as  placed  in  the  house 
of  Obed-edom.  The  Chronicler,  however,  evidently  could  not 
conceive  of  the  ark  placed  in  an  ordinary  dwelling  and  modified 
the  text  accordingly.     On  Obed-edom  as  a  Levite  cf.  15". 

1.  ntt']  followed  by  two  genitives,  cf.  2  Ch.  11'  12"  Gas.  §  128a. 
(16^  fMfTo.  tQv  irpe<x^vT^po)v  Kal  before  ns'  is  not  likely  original. — 
luj  '73S]  in  short  with  every  leader.  For  the  force  of  S  v.  BDB.  S  5  e 
(d).  OS^  Kal  /tteri  iravrbs  rjyovfx^vov  probably  had  no  different  underlying 
Heb. — 2 .  aita  Dyhy  an].  Sy  has  here  the  force  of  a  dat.  cf.  Ne.  2«-  '  Est. 
i>9  39  et  al. — U'ihSn  nin>  p]  cf.  Gn.  24'°. — nn^u'j  nxnoj]  for  the  con- 
struction V.  Ges.  §  i2oh.  (8  connects  nxnoj  with  previous  clause  and 
renders  eiuddydrj.  This  suggests  that  ^  is  corrupt.  SS.  conjecture 
mp:  or  nxinj  Niph.  forms,  favoured  also  by  Kau.,  Bn.,  BDB.;  nx-^j 
Klo.,  who  connects  with  previous  clause  and  renders  mid  wir  von 
Jahve  unserm  Gotte  Gunst  dazu  erlangen.  Ki.  BH.  after  (8  reads 
nnsnj,  and  from  Yahweh  our  God  it  is  acceptable.  Both  V  and  iJ 
favour  connecting  the  verb  with  the  previous  clause. — ij^hn  S>'].  Si- 
interchanges  with  Sk  in  late  Heb.  v.  BDB.  ':>n  note  2  and  Sj:  8. — nwiN] 
this  plural  of  V""*  is  almost  wholly  late  (some  twenty-two  times  in  i 
and  2  Ch.)  used,  as  here,  for  districts  of  Israel,  cf.  also  2  Ch.  11"  15', 
as  well  as  countries  adjoining  Israel  14"  22'  29'°,  et  al.  (1.  6). — 3. 
injcii]  (B  I'lvj'ii.  J  may  be  a  corruption  of  1,  or  ince  versa. — 4. 
J3  nis'5.''']  on  the  use  of  inf.  after  -waof.  27"  2  Ch.  21'  Ps.  106"  Est. 


XIV.  1-7,]  DAVID   IN  JERUSALEM  207 

4',  Ew.  §  338  a. — 6,  '7N-\tt'''  Sai  in  S;?>i]  2  5.6^  ib'n  opn  "tdi  in  ^'?'1  opM 
iHN.  In  2  S.  6'  the  people  who  are  with  David  are  only  thirty 
thousand,  while  according  to  Ch.  v.  ^  David  has  assembled  all 
Israel. — nn,T>'?  .  .  .  nnSj?3].  The  text  in  2  S.  is  corrupt.  Ch.  prob- 
ably preserves  the  original  with  the  insertion  of  Dny>  nnp  Sn  (Bn.). 
Bu.  in  2  S.  (SBOT.)  reads  n-iin>  nSya. — snpj  -ic'k  DonDn  2m>  nin> 
DtJ']  2  S.  vS;;  D'a-ion  3a'>  niisas  nin^  od-  Dtt*  N-ipj  ib-n.  Both  texts 
appear  faulty.  Dr.,  Bu.,  after  05,  omit  Dtf  2  in  2  S.  Kau.  substitutes 
in  Ch.  the  text  of  2  S.  with  this  omission  and  that  of  'js.  Bn. 
with  Oe.,  after  (S,  reads  vSp  idb',  and  thinks  the  Chronicler  changed 
the  order  of  2  S.  purposely  to  avoid  placing  the  ark  in  close  con- 
nection with  the  God  of  Israel  as  Yahweh  Sabaoth,  the  God  of 
War,  and  instead  merely  refers  to  the  ark  as  of  Yahweh  .  .  .  whose 
name  is  called  over  it;  the  last  phrase  indicating  merely  ownership 
(for  ref.  see  BDB.  I.  Nip  Niph.  2.  d.  (4).).  Ki.  BH.  reads  ma' 
oa*. — 7.  n>'3J3  .  .  .  inx!r>i  nnn  in  2  S.  63-  *  are  a  dittography  and  to 
be  struck  out.  The  Chronicler  has,  however,  omitted  the  remainder 
of  V.  Mn  2  S. — 8.  CT'ttoi  ly  Sjj]  2  S.  6'  0''!:'n3  '"xy  Soa.  Ch.  has 
the  true  reading. — nnxxn^i  DinSxs2i]  2  S.  D^SxSsai  D>3,'jj?jnai.  The  latter 
text  is  the  original  (Be.,  Zoe.,  Dr.).  The  motive  of  the  change  was 
to  introduce  instruments  better  known  or  more  in  use.  The  anxxn 
are  often  mentioned  by  the  Chronicler  (15^*-  ^*  i6«-  ^2  2  Ch.  s'^f. 
1312.  14  1514  2o28  et  al.)  (1.  44). — 9.  pi3]  2  S.  6«  has  poj  which  as  a 
part.  Jixed  is  meaningless  (v.  Dr.). — ni  pn]  wanting  in  l|  of  2  S.  is 
required  by  Heb.  usage  (Dr.,  Bu.). — 2  S.  has  also  rnNM  instead  of 
rnsS. — -itaDU']  read  perhaps  iticu',  see  BDB. — 10.  Compared  with  2  S. 
6',  whose  text  is  quite  corrupt,  Ch.  has  here  the  original  text. — 11. 
-\n^'^]  ^  Kal  rie^fj-rjcrev,  which  is  also  the  rendering  of  ^  inM  in  i  S. 
15",  hence  the  emendations  to  "\pM  or  ixy  proposed  by  Dr.,  Bu., 
SBOT.,  do  not  appear  necessary  (Sm.  on  i  S.  15")- — V^  ''^l  2  S.  68 
\'-\s  nrx  ^•;. — 12 .  O'-nSsn  1  »nd  2j  2  S.  6^  mn\ — idnS]  2  S.  icxm. — How  shall 
I  bring  the  ark  unto  me].  2  S.  "  How  shall  the  ark  come  unto  me." — 
13.  n>Dn]  2  S.  610  -,,3,-,^  nax. — 14.  Before  n^i  of  2  S.  611  the  Chronicler 
has  inserted  Dj?  and  he  has  also  inserted  after  'Obed-edom  m^ao  (v.  s.). 
— iS  -la-x  Ss  HNi  mx  12^  ni2  tn].  <S  omits  pia  and  2  S.  reads  hn 
inn  "jo  ^\n^  q-^h  nay. 

XIV.  David  in  Jerusalem. — This  chapter  is  taken  from  2  S. 
5"-".  As  already  remarked,  the  Chronicler  has  varied  the  order 
in  2  S.,  giving  the  first  place  to  David's  removal  of  the  ark,  c.  13, 
and  now  the  second  to  his  buildings,  his  family,  and  his  victories. 

1.  2.  David's  assistance  in  building  from  Tyre. — The  em- 
bassy from  the  Phoenician  King  with  gifts  of  cedars  and  skilled 


2o8  I  CHRONICLES 

slaves  was  a  recognition  of  David's  great  power,  his  friendship 
being  worth  cultivating,  and  this  prosperity  indicated  that  God 
had  established  David  as  king  over  Israel, /or  his  kingdom  was 
exalted  on  high. 

1.  m^n]  Qr.  has  aim  preferred  by  Ki.  (see  his  note  SBOT.),  and 
also  occurring  in  2  Ch.  2*-  '"  '•  8'  '»  9".  In  S.  and  K.  we  have  sth. 
This  is  what  we  should  expect  from  a  compound  of  hn,  which  is 
generally  seen  in  Hiram  (v.  BDB.,  m^n  after  nn;  also  i'.  Ahumai  4'). 
oninx  is,  of  course,  possible  like  '?nijd. — "t-p  ''cnn>]  2  S.  5"  p.s  "'Bnni 
Tp. — nia  1*7  pua*?]  2  S.  nnS  n>3  ij3M.  The  Chronicler  is  fond  of 
using  the  inf.  of  purpose  and  substitutes  it  for  the  waw  consec. — 2. 
'3]  2  S.  5'*  ^31.  It  is  d  fl&cult  to  determine  whether  the  omission  of  the 
1  is  a  slip  or  intentional  by  the  Chronicler  to  show  why  David  knew 
that  Yahweh  had  established  him  as  king. — rxu'j]  must  be  taken  as  a 
Niph.  pf.  3.  fern,  and  so  (5  of  2  S.,  where  1$  has  ips'^cd  ncj.  The 
Chronicler  has  substituted  the  common  word  of  late  Heb.  i.'^isSc,  and 
also  inserted  for  emphasis  n'l'j':;'^,  a  phrase  peculiar  to  Ch.,  to  intensify 
the  verb,  c/.  22^  23"  29'  »  2  Ch.  i>  20",  with  i;-  16'=  i;'^  268  (1.  87). 

3-7.  David's  sons  born  in  Jerusalem.  (C/.  3'  ^  2  S.  5''".) — 
The  Chronicler  has  omitted  from  2  S.  the  mention  of  the  con- 
cubines, either  as  derogatory  to  David  (Bn.,  but  cf.  3')  or  because 
according  to  3'  the  sons  here  mentioned  were  only  those  of  wives 
(Be.).  The  names  of  the  sons  correspond  to  those  given  in  2  S., 
except  as  in  3'  ''•  '"  (</.  v.)  we  have  the  two  additional  names 
Elpelet  and  Nogah  w.  =■''•  ^a^  .j^^t^  correctly  Beeliada  (yTt^y^) 
instead  of  Eliada'  (yT''?S*),  cj.  y. 

3-7.  Besides  the  omission  of  D'K'j'^d  before  O'Cj,  the  Chronicler  has 
omitted  the  reference  to  Hebron,  but  has  preserved  the  true  reading 
oSrn'a  instead  of  aSs'n^D.  He  has  also  given  nn  nVvi  instead  of 
nnS  n'^ri,  and  also  we  have  in  v.  *  sm^vn,  instead  of  a''iS'n,  followed 
by  the  additional  words  vn  tj'K,  The  retention  of  iij?  (v.  *)  is 
meaningless,  since  the  record  2  S.  3'-',  to  which  it  refers,  is  omitted. 
For  variation  in  the  names  see  above. 

8-12.  David's  victory  at  Baal-perazim.  {Cf.  2  S.  5"".) — 
The  Chronicler  follows  here  very  closely  the  text  of  2  S.  The  only 
specially  noteworthy  variations  are  his  removal  at  the  end  of  v.  » 
of  the  reference  to  the  stronghold,  w  hich  perhaps  he  did  not  under- 


XIV.  8-17.]        VICTORIES   0\'ER  THE   PHILISTINES  209 

stand  and  which  in  meaning  is  not  perfectly  plain  (see  Sm.);  his 
substitution  of  Elohim  for  Yahweh  w.  •"■  ",  and  the  new  statement 
in  V.  ",  (/.  V. — 8.  Over  all  Israel],  David  as  King  of  Judah  had 
not  been  a  menace  to  Philistia  and  it  is  possible  that  he  thus  ruled 
with  some  kind  of  consent  from  the  Philistines,  but  they  naturally 
could  not  countenance  the  extension  of  his  power  over  all  Israel. 
— 9.  In  the  valley  of  Rephaim]  very  near  Jerusalem,  through  which 
passes  the  railway  from  Jaffa  (Baed.^  p.  15)  (GAS.  HGHL.  p. 
218). — 10.  Inquired  of  Yahweh]  by  the  sacred  lot,  the  Urim  and 
Thummim  or  the  Ephod  {cf.  Ju.  i'  i  S.  23^- «  '-'230'  ' . — 11.  Baal- 
perazim]  should  probably  be  identified  with  Mt.  Perazim  of  Is. 
28^".  The  site  is  unknown.  The  meaning  is  "Lord  of  breakings." 
If  the  name  is  not  more  ancient  than  David,  to  wit,  that  of  some 
sanctuary  of  a  god,  then  Baal  is  equivalent  to  Yahweh,  who,  as  the 
remainder  of  the  verse  implies,  had  given  them  the  victory  that 
day. — 12.  In  2  S.  5^'  we  read  that  the  Philistines  left  the  images  of 
their  gods  and  that  David  and  his  men  took  them  away.  Here  we 
read  that  David  commanded  and  the  images  were  burned  with  fire. 
The  Chronicler  could  not  think  of  any  other  disposal  of  idols  by 
David  than  their  destruction  according  to  the  law,  Dt.  75-  ". 

8.  nn  ncsj]  2  S.  5"  nn  ns  1^•.^•o. — Sd]  wanting  in  2  S. — anijoS  nxm] 
2  S.  niixnn  Sn  tim.  Probably  the  stronghold  of  Adullam  was  meant 
(Bn.).— 9.  vJ-i'D^]  2  S.  5'8  ir::r.  This  latter  is  by  Ki.  preferred.  Bn. 
says  it  is  impossible  to  determine  which  is  original. — 10.  O'ti'^n^]  2  S. 
5>«  nini3. — Dnnji]  2  S.  a.-i.-in. — i'?]  2  S.  nn  Sn. — D^n.nji]  2  S.  t.^^N  inj  ''3 
S'^nu'Van  ns,  a  good  illustration  of  abridgment  by  the  Chronicler. 
— 11.  iSyi]  2  MSB.,  (&  sg.,  2  S.  520  nn  N3M. — a'tnSsn]  2  S.  mnv — no] 
2  S.  •'JdS. — 12.  DH^n^x  nx]  2  S.  5^1  onoxj?  pn.  Ch.  supported  by 
<B  in  2  S.  doubtless  preserves  the  original  reading  (Dr.,  Bu.,  Bn.,  Sm.). 
A  transcriber  of  2  S.  refused  to  call  idols  gods. — w'N3  iD"\i:'''i  in  ncN^i] 
2  S.  va':Ni  •^^•^  dn'.:'ii,  v.  s. 

13-17.  David's  victory  over  the  Philistines  in  the  valley 

(=28.  5""  with  the  addition  of  v.  "). — V.  "  has  been  abridged 
with  the  loss  of  Repha  ini^  the  name  of  the  valley.  Elohim,  as 
above,  has  been  substituted  for  Yahweh  in  vv.  '^■"'  and  inserted  in 
V.  '<,  giving  and  God  said.  Emphasis  has  been  placed  on  David's 
inquiry  of  God  by  inserting  the  word  again. — 13.  In  the  valley] 


2IO  I  CHRONICLES 

i.e.,  of  Rephaim  (v.  s.). — 14.  Philistines  are  to  be  attacked 
on  flank  or  rear. — 15.  When  thou  hearest,  etc.].  The  omen  for 
attack  was  to  be  the  sound  of  the  wind  in  the  trees:  the  wind  was 
regarded  as  a  manifestation  of  Yahweh  (r/.  2  S.  22"  i  K.  19"  ' 
Jb.  38').  It  is  not  necessary  to  think  that  the  trees  before  this 
event  were  regarded  as  sacred. — 16.  From  Gibe  on  even  to  Gezer]. 
The  former  {cf.  8^')  indicates  the  quarter  of  attack  and  the  latter 
(cf.  6"  <«")  the  Canaanitish  city  the  probable  place  of  refuge 
and  escape  of  the  Philistines.  The  distance  is  some  si.xteen 
miles.  This  scene  of  the  battle  may  account  for  the  Chronicler's 
omission  of  Rephaim  in  v.  ". — 17.  The  Chronicler  has  given  an 
exaggerated  significance  to  this  victory  quite  in  the  line  of  his 
desire  to  glorify  David. 

13.  2  S.  5"  has  niSj?S  after  DTitt'SiJ  and  irHji  instead  of  y3vd^  (see 
V.  »)  with  a^NDT  after  pcy. — 14.  (F.  s.)  oniSya  aon  D^^-\^^<  n'^yn  nS]  2  S. 
5"  on^-inx  Vn  30n  n^';:^  ah.  The  text  of  2  S.  is  preferable.  A  frontal 
attack  is  forbidden  and  one  commanded  on  the  rear.  Chronicles  gives 
the  wrong  connection  to  annnN,  and  yet  adapted  it  probably  by  changing 
its  force  from  behind  them  to  that  of  following  in  a  straight  direction 
qfler  them.  Dn^SpD  is  either  an  original  addition  of  the  Chronicler,  or 
possibly  the  original  of  2  S.  was  Dn>S;;  nSyn  nS  and  we  have  by  over- 
sight in  Chronicles  an  interchange  of  prepositions  (Be.,  Bn.). — In  both 
te.xts  read  3D  instead  of  3Dn  (Dr.,  Bu.,  Ki.,  BDB.). — 15.  n-n'^cj  Nxn  tn] 
"  paraphrase  with  much  loss  of  originality  and  vigor  "  of  2  S.  5"  in 
Vnn.-i. — 16.  'd  njno  pn  idm]  2  S.  5"  'd  nx  y\ — pyajs]  2  S.  rajc.  The 
former  is  the  true  reading,  cf.  Is.  28"  "  where  Perazim  and  Gibeon  are 
mentioned  together  as  scenes  of  celebrated  victories.  The  Philistines 
are  in  the  d^ndi  pDj?  south  of  Jerusalem.  David  advancing  from  the 
south  does  not  approach  them  in  front,  but  makes  a  circuit  and  assails 
their  rear.  From  Gibeon,  on  the  north-west  of  Jerusalem,  would  thus 
just  indicate  the  quarter  from  which  his  attack  would  be  made  "  (Dr.). 

XV.-XVI.  The  bringing  of  the  ark  to  the  city  of  David.— 
This  narrative  differs,  especially  in  its  elaboration,  from  the  paral- 
lel in  2  S.  6"-".  In  2  S.  the  impulse  for  the  second  removal  of  the 
ark  is  derived  from  the  blessing  which  the  ark  had  brought  to  the 
house  of  Obed-edom  and  which  had  taken  away  the  fear  of  the 
King  (v.  "»,  cf.  V.  '),  and  the  removal  itself  is  described  as  per- 
formed by  the  King  and  the  people  without  the  mention  of  a  priest 


XV.  1-24.]     PREPARATIONS   FOR   REMOVAL   OF   ARK  211 

or  a  Levite.  In  Chronicles,  on  the  other  hand,  this  blessing  of  the 
house  of  Obed-edom  is  mentioned  only  incidentally  (13'*  =  2  S.  6") 
and  is  not  made  the  motive  which  led  David  to  carry  out  his  original 
intention  of  bringing  the  ark  to  Jerusalem.  The  King,  apparently 
having  realised  that  the  failure  of  the  first  attempt  was  due  to  a 
non-compliance  with  the  Levitical  law,  now  proceeds  to  bring  up 
the  ark  with  due  ecclesiastical  state  and  ceremony. 

If  we  exclude  15""  "  "''  and  in  16'  the  words,  and  Obed-edom  and 
Jeiel  .  .  .  and  Asaph  (v.  i.),  the  narrative  runs  smoothly  and  is  probably 
the  composition  of  the  Chronicler.  The  sixfold  division  of  the  Levites 
(vv.  '-'")  is  somewhat  peculiar  and  has  been  given  as  the  ground  for 
assigning  15'-"  to  an  older  source  (so  Bn.,  Ki.),  but  the  text  does  not 
imply  that  Elizaphan,  Hebron,  and  Uzziel  were  co-ordinated  with  Kehath, 
Merari,  and  Gershon  as  sons  of  Levi.  Subordinate  members  of  a  family 
might  have  become  heads  of  classes  beside  those  named  after  their 
forefathers  {cf.  2  Ch.  29''  «  ).  According  to  Nu.  a^"'-  the  family  of 
Elizaphan,  the  son  of  Uzziel,  had  charge  of  the  ark  and  in  the  light  of 
Nu.  4"  where  the  transportation  of  the  sacred  utensils  is  committed  to 
the  sons  of  Kehath  only,  it  is  surprising  that  the  descendants  of  any  but 
this  family  should  be  represented.  The  tradition  that  there  were  only 
three  sons  of  Levi  was  firmly  established  by  the  time  of  P  (see  on  5" 
(6')).  Hence  we  think  it  simpler  to  suppose  that  the  Chronicler  himself 
introduced  the  representatives  of  the  three  great  divisions  of  the  Levites 
beside  those  from  the  family  of  Kehath.  These  men  with  their  brethren 
do  not  represent  necessarily  all  the  Levites,  but  merely  those  assigned 
to  this  task,  which  accounts  for  the  small  number. 

The  Psalm  fragments  {16^^)  may  be  later  interpolations  (Hitzig, 
Reuss,  Bn.)  or  more  probably  they  were  introduced  by  the  Chronicler 
(Ki.  Kom.  p.  70). 

The  evidence  that  i5'»-"-  "  was  added  later,  is  as  follows :  (i)  The 
corrected  text  of  v.  "  (v.  i.)  refers  to  twelve  singers  whose  names  are 
found  to  that  number,  followed  by  the  names  of  two  gate-keepers,  but 
in  vv.  "'•  the  whole  number  are  classified  as  singers,  including  the 
well-known  gate-keeper  Obed-edom  {cf.  15"  i6»  26*  i.  8.  15)  and 
one  new  name  Azaziah  {v.  i.).  (2)  Although  the  Chronicler  gives 
lists  of  singers  elsewhere,  he  never  classifies  them  according  to  their 
instruments  (except  16'  v.  i.).  (3)  The  phrase  nc'-p  ^i!  (v.  ")  is 
found  elsewhere  only  in  the  titles  of  Pss.  (9'  46'  48"^  t,  see  BDB.),  and 
the  same  is  true  of  n^rce'n  Sy  (v.  ",  cf.  Ps.  6'  12'  f)-  n^^'^'"  precedes 
the  latter  in  both  Pss.  cited,  and  in  Chronicles  nxjS  follows  the  phrase. 
If  the  Chronicler  had  been  interested  in  these  musical  terms,  we  should 
expect  them  elsewhere  in  a  narrative  so  replete  with  references  to  the 


212  I    CHRONICLES 

singers.  (4)  The  notice  concerning  the  elsewhere  unknown  j^^ate- 
keepers  (v.  ")  seems  to  take  the  place  of  the  two  in  v.  '".  On  the 
other  hand,  v.  "  may  have  come  from  the  Chronicler,  since  he  knows 
a  Chenaniah,  a  Kehathile  (26"),  who  would  be  a  suitable  prince  of  the 
carrying.  The  Chronicler  thought  the  singers  needed  instruction  (25'), 
and  he  might  well  have  thought  the  bearers  of  the  ark  also  required 
directions  after  the  ill-fated  ending  of  the  first  attempt  (13"').  Either 
the  reference  to  Chenaniah  in  v.  ='  is  also  secondary  or  v.  '^  is  from 
the  Chronicler. 

The  development  of  i5>6  "  seems  to  have  been  somewhat  as  follows: 
The  Chronicler  wrote  vv.  ""•  "■  i*='.  An  interpolator  interested  in  the 
classification  of  singers  according  to  musical  instruments  added  vv. 
"-2'  taking  all  the  names  except  Azaziah  from  the  preceding  lists.  He 
found  the  text  of  v.  "  in  its  present  corrupt  form  (v.  i.)  and  so  concluded 
that  all  the  names  were  those  of  singers.  There  is  no  indication  in  the 
present  text  of  v.  "  that  Mikneiah  concludes  the  list  of  the  singers. 
Then,  supposing  the  names  of  the  gate-keepers  to  have  fallen  out  after 
O'lyi-M  (v.  '*),  he  added  two  gate-keepers  (v.  ''),  probably  appropriating 
the  names  from  9".  The  final  clause  of  v.  -'  originated  in  a  marginal 
gloss  contradicting  the  statement  in  v.  ". 

The  interpolator  of  vv.  "-"•  "3  also  inserted  the  words,  and  Ohed-edom 
and  Jeiel,  and  Asaph  into  i6^  Obed-edom  and  Jeiel  were  added 
since  otherwise  only  one  harp-player  would  have  been  mentioned  (c/. 
15")  and  the  insertion  of  and  Asaph  assigns  to  him  the  cymbals  as  in 
15".  Since  the  phrase,  Ohed-edom  also  the  son  of  Jeduthun,  in  16" 
is  probably  a  gloss  (v.  i.),  there  is  every  reason  to  doubt  that  Obed-edom 
was  known  to  the  Chronicler  as  anything  but  a  gate-keeper,  and  since 
his  position  as  a  singer  (15^'  16')  rests  in  all  likelihood  upon  the  inter- 
polator's misunderstanding  of  15",  there  is  little  probability  that  in 
history  the  family  of  Obed-edom  were  ever  anything  except  gate-keepers. 

XV.  1-15.  The  general  preparation  for  bringing  up  the 
ark. — These  verses  have  no  direct  parallel  in  2  S.  Si.\  Levites 
were  assigned  the  task  of  carrying  the  ark,  the  Chronicler  possibly 
thinking  of  a  representative  of  each  of  the  three  great  classes  of 
the  Levites  as  at  one  end  and  three  representatives  of  the  Kehath- 
ites  at  the  other.  The  two  priests  who  were  appointed  doubtless 
had  the  task  of  covering  the  ark  (r/.  Nu.  4").  These  were 
commanded  to  sanctify  themselves. — 1.  And  he  made  for  himself 
houses].  The  reference  is  either  to  the  erection  of  other  build- 
ings besides  the  palace  which  David  had  built  with  the  assist- 
ance of  Hiram  (14')  (Be.)  or  to  the  internal  construction  of  the 


XV.  1-24.]       PREPARATIONS   FOR   REMOVAL   OF   ARK  213 

palace  as  a  residence  for  wives  and  children  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.). — 
And  he  prepared  a  place  for  the  ark  God^  Some  kind  of  a 
permanent  enclosure  is  clearly  meant  where  a  tent  could  be 
erected  for  the  ark.  The  old  tabernacle,  according  to  Chron- 
icles, was  at  Gibeon  (2  Ch.  i',  cf.  1  Ch.  163"  21"). — 2.  Then] 
i.e.,  after  the  ark  had  been  three  months  in  the  house  of  Obed- 
edom  (13'^)  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.),  or  better  after  the  preparation 
mentioned  in  v.  '  when,  according  to  the  writer,  David  is  ready 
to  renew  the  attempt  to  bring  up  the  ark. — The  observation  about 
the  Levites  is  made  in  view  of  the  death  of  Uzza  (13'").  It  is  im- 
plied that  the  Law  had  not  been  observed  in  carrying  the  ark  on 
a  cart  {ly).  For  the  law  cf.  Nu.  i^"  41*  79  10". — 3.  This  state- 
ment or  its  equivalent  is  lacking  in  2  S.,  although  such  an  assembly 
might  be  inferred  from  2  S.  6'^  where  all  Israel  is  mentioned. — 5. 
Uri'el].  The  name  occurs  in  the  Kehathite  genealogy  of  Elkanah 
6»  (">.  He  is  mentioned  first  because  the  Kehathites  had  the 
duty  of  carrying  the  furniture  of  the  sanctuary,  Nu.  4". — 6. 
'Asaiah  ].  A  Merarite  of  this  name  with  his  genealogy  is  mentioned 
in  6"  <"'. — 7.  Jo'el\  One  of  this  name  is  mentioned  in  23 ^  as  a 
son  of  the  Gershonite  Ladan  and  the  head  of  a  family. — 8.  Eliza- 
phan].  Cf.  2  Ch.  29'3  where  Elizaphan  also  represents  a  division 
of  the  Levites.  In  Nu.  3'°  the  prince  of  the  Kehathites  is  Elizaphan 
the  son  of  Uzziel. — Shemaiah]  a  name  of  frequent  occurrence 
(cf.  9'^). — 9.  Hebron]  a  son  of  Kehath  in  5"  (6^)  6'  "»>  23'^  Ex. 
6'8  Nu.  3". — Eli'el]  in  the  genealogy  of  Heman  6^^  "^>  and  the 
name  of  a  Levitical  overseer  appointed  by  Hezekiah  2  Ch.  ^i^\ 
elsewhere  in  Chronicles  as  the  name  of  non-Levites  cf.  5"  S-"-  " 
ii<«  '•  i2'2  ('". — 10.  Uzzi'el]  like  Hebron  a  son  of  Kehath  in  pas- 
sages given  above  v.  ' — ' Amminadab]  the  name  of  a  son  of  Kehath 
in  6'  '")  but  there  the  name  is  a  textual  error  for  Izhar. — 11.  Zadok 
and  Abiathar  the  priests].  This  double  priesthood  is  mentioned 
in  2  S.  S"  {cf.  I  Ch.  iS'^  for  true  text)  15"-  35  1911  20='  and  came 
to  an  end  in  the  reign  of  Solomon  when  Abiathar  was  deposed 
(i  K.  2"-  "). — 12.  Of  the  Levites]  is  here  used  in  the  general 
sense,  including  the  priests,  cf.  v.  '^ — Sanctify  yourselves]  (cf. 
2  Ch.  5"  29'-  "•  '*  30'-  "■  "  3i»«  35«)  by  the  washing  of  the 
body  and  the  garments  and  the  keeping  aloof  from  every  defile- 


214  I    CHRONICLES 

ment,  avoiding  sexual  intercourse  {cf.  Gn.  35'  Ex.  19"  '«  '»  » ). 
— Unto  the  place  which  I  have  prepared  for  it].  Cf.  vv.  '  ». 
On  the  construction  see  textual  note. — 13.  The  verb  bear  (^tt'^) 
may  be  supplied  in  the  first  clause  (Oe.,  RV.,  cf.  v.';  ^  has 
prcBsentes,  on  (g  v.  i.). — Made  a  breach  upon  us].  Cf  13". — For 
we  did  not  seek  it  (or  him)  aright].  The  text  is  ambiguous,  the 
pronominal  object  of  the  verb  may  either  refer  to  the  ark  as  in 
13'  (Q-  "^'O  (Ba.)  or  to  God  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  and  most).  The 
former,  however,  is  to  be  preferred :  We  did  not  search  out  and 
bring  up  the  ark  in  the  right  way. — 14.  David's  request  is  com- 
plied with. — 15.  Upon  their  shoulders].  Cf.  Nu.  i'"  7',  but  see 
text.  n. 

1.  r^■i'•;]  is  here  taken  with  the  force  of  nj3  by  Be.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  while 
Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.  give  the  force  to  prepare  (see  nrj;  BDB.  II.  3). — 2.  nNS'S] 
on  use  of  inf.  cf.  Ges.  §  114/. — 7.  D^nj]  read  psnj,  see  on  6'. — 12. 
iS  v-iip3n  S.n]  equivalent  to  'ui  'jn  oipo  '^n  Ex.  23".  On  the  omission 
of  the  relative  see  Ges.  §  i56n  (d),  Dav.  §§  144,  145  Rem.  5,  Ew.  § 
333  b;  for  the  same  construction  where  preposition  precedes  verb  2  Ch. 
I*  and  very  similar  i  Ch.  29'  2  Ch.  16'  30"' . — 13.  njs'Nnac'^]  apparently 
a  combination  of  ncS  and  njrNna,  the  union  being  formed  as  in  the  case 
of  nc  with  short  words,  nrs  Ex.  4',  n^Sc  Is.  3",  nx'^.-io  Mai.  i"  (Be.). 
noh  then  has  the  force  of  t-'S  hy  wherefore,  because,  Ew.  §  353  a,  Koe. 
ii.  §§  2.  3S9h.  Hence  Kau.  renders  the  clause :  Weil  ihr  das  erste  Mai 
nicht  zugegen  wart.  BDB.  (under  na  i.  e)  renders:  Because  ye  were 
not  (employed) /or  what  was  at  first.  Ki.  retains  the  interrogative  force 
and  renders:  Warttm  wart  ihr  doch  bislier  nicht  da?  (6^  reads  Sri  oCik 
iv  T(p  irpbTepov  v/jiai  elvai  eTot/iovs  (^  omits  fToi/xouj).  Bn.  then  re- 
gards l§  as  a  corruption  and  reads  '"(3  CJUJ  o.~n  n*?  '3. — 16.  0Dn33] 
is  wanting  in  (S"**  and  hence  is  regarded  as  a  gloss  derived  from  f\P32  in 
Nu.  7'  by  Bn.,  Ki. — In  P  the  carrying  staves  of  the  ark  are  O'-'S  Ex. 
25"  "•  Nu.  4*  et  at.,  c:i3  the  frame  or  flat  surface  on  which  the  utensils 
of  the  sanctuary  were  carried  Nu.  4"'-  ",  also  the  grapes  of  Eschol  Nu. 
13",  see  Gray,  Com.  in  locis. — an'*?;'].  The  suffix  refers  to  the  implied 
pi.  in  DDns. 

16-24.  The  musical  arrangements  for  bringing  up  the  ark. 
— On  the  composite  character  of  this  section,  sec  above. — 16.  And 
Daind  comtnatided]  expresses  the  Heb.  idiom  more  nearly  than  the 
spake  to  of  EVs.  {v.  i.). —  The  chiefs  of  the  Levites].  The  reference 
may  be  to  the  six  enumerated  in  vv.  '•"'  repeated  in  v.  ". — With 


XV.  1-24.]     PREPARATIONS   FOR   REMOVAL   OF   ARK  215 

psalteries  and  harps  and  cymbals].  These  three  instruments  are 
often  mentioned  together  by  the  Chronicler  v.  "  13 '  16'  2  Ch.  5" 
29"  Ne.  12".  The  cymbals  expressed  by  meziltayim  are  mentioned 
only  in  Chronicles.  In  2  S.  6*  Ps.  150'  the  Heb.  word  for  cymbals 
is  zelzelitn  (cf.  13'),  although  we  cannot  distinguish  between  the 
instruments  (Now.  Arch.  I.  pp.  272  /".). — 17.  On  the  three  singers, 
Hemafi,  Asaph,  and  Ethan,  cf.  6'«-"  <"■■">  25'  «-. — 18.  Their 
brethren  twelve]  should  be  read  instead  of  their  brethren  of  the  sec- 
ond degree  (v.  i.).  The  singers  here  mentioned  are  given  again  in 
vv. »'  '•  and  in  part  in  16'  {v.  s.). — Zechariah]  has  been  identified 
with  the  Zechariah  of  9"  26'-  '<  (EBi.  IV.  col.  5390).  The  name  is 
an  Asaphite,  probably  family,  name  in  2  Ch.  2o'<  Ne.  12"-  ". — 
The  following  Ben,  wanting  in  v.  »i  16',  should  be  read  Bani 
(v.  i.).  A  Bafii  appears  in  the  line  of  descent  of  the  singer  Ethan 
(6"  <"')  and  as  an  Asaphite  (Ne.  11"). — 'Uzzi'el"^]  (so  read  also 
in  V. "  16'  instead  of  'Azi'el,  Je'i'el)  the  name  also  of  a  musician, 
a  son  of  Heman,  in  25^,  and  of  a  son  of  Jeduthun  in  2  Ch.  29'*. — 
Shemiramoth].  A  Levite  of  this  name  appears  also  in  2  Ch.  17'  f. 
— Jehi'el]  the  name  of  a  son  of  Heman  2  Ch.  29'^  Qr.,  also  else- 
where frequent. — 'Unni]  wanting  in  16',  a  Levite  in  Ne.  i2»  Qr.  f. 
— Eli'ab]  a  frequent  name,  not  elsewhere  of  a  musician. — Beniah] 
in  an  Asaphite  pedigree  2  Ch.  2o'<. — Maaseiah]  wanting  in  16*. — ■ 
Maitithiah].  Cf.  9",  a  son  of  Jeduthun  25'  ^i. — Eliphelehu  f  and 
Mikneiah  f]  both  wanting  in  i6\ — ' Obed-edom].  This  historical 
Philistine  caretaker  of  the  ark,  a  native  of  Oath,  2  S.  6"'  '■,  is  trans- 
formed by  the  Chronicler,  or  the  school  which  he  represents,  into 
a  Levite  of  the  division  of  the  gate-keepers,  v.  '*  i6'8  26* "  ,  and  as  a 
Korahite  gate-keeper  (26'-  ■•),  he  is  a  Kehathite.  On  his  appearance 
as  a  singer  see  above  and  on  16". — Jei'el]  a  name  of  frequent  oc- 
currence; in  an  Asaphite  genealogy  2  Ch.  2o'<.  The  name  is 
doubtless  used  for  the  same  individual  as  Jehiah  (v.  ")  but  which 
is  correct  cannot  be  determined. — The  gate-keepers]  i.e.,  Obed-edom 
and  Jeiel,  cf.  9"  ^■.  With  the  Chronicler  both  singers  and  gate- 
keepers are  fully  recognised  as  Levites. — 19-21.  The  singers  are 
now  divided  into  three  divisions  according  to  their  musical  parts. 
— With  cymbals].  Cf  v.  '«.  These  instruments  fell  to  the  con- 
ductors to  mark  the  time  (art.  Music,  DB.). — To  sound  aloud] 


2l6  I    CHRONICLES 

perhaps  equivalent  to  beating  time  (Ke.,  Zoe.). — With  psalteries]. 
Cf.  V.  ",  stringed  instruments  perhaps  not  unlike  the  Greek  Utc. 
— Set  to '  Ala  moth  ]  Ht.  to  (the  voice  of)  young  women,  i.e.,  in  soprano 
{cf.  Ps.  46'  48'S  BDB.  n!;^y).  The  phrase  is  obscure.  Kau. 
and  Ki.  refuse  to  translate. —  Azaziah]  wanting  in  v.  "  and  16*, 
hence  may  not  be  original. — With  harps].  Cf.  v.  '»,  stringed 
instruments  whose  difference  from  the  psalteries  is  not  entirely 
clear,  but  they  were  probably  more  harp-like. — Set  to  the  Sheminith 
lit.  upon  the  eighth,  i.e.,  prob.  to  a  deep  octave  or  in  the  bass, 
cf.  Ps.  6'  12'. — To  lead].  The  musicians  led  the  service  of  song. 
— 22.  Chenaniah].  Cf.  v.",  the  name  also  occurs  of  Levites  in 
26"  and  as  Conaniah,  which  Ki.  after  (g  prefers  here,  2  Ch.  31"  '• 
35'. — Chief  of  the  Levites  in  the  carrying]  i.e.,  he  had  charge  of  the 
duty  of  carrying  the  sacred  furniture  and  directed  the  carrying 
(of  the  ark)  because  he  was  skilful.  This  is  the  usual  interpreta- 
tion, but  the  word  massa,  meaning  bearing,  carrying,  uplifting,  is 
rendered  uplifting  of  the  voice,  song,  by  ($,  EVs.,  Oe.  (H  prophetia). 
— 23.  Berechiah].  For  the  occurrence  of  the  name  in  kindred  lists 
cf.  V.  "  62<  <")  Qi6. — Elkanah].  Cf.  as  above  9".  Elkanah, 
derived  from  the  father  of  Samuel,  appears  in  the  genealogy  of 
Heman,  cf.  6"'-'=  (»-")•  "-"  <"-«>.  The  introduction  of  two  gate- 
keepers here  in  addition  to  those  of  w.  "  -*  is  striking  and  suggests 
that  this  section  is  composite. — 24.  Shebaniah]  also  the  name  of  a 
priest  in  Ne.  10'  '<'  i2'<,  and  of  Levites  in  Ne.  9*  '■  10'°  and  per- 
haps I  Ch.  24"  f. — Joshaphat]  an  abbreviated  form  of  Jchosha- 
phat.  Neither  name  occurs  elsewhere  as  that  of  either  a  priest 
or  a  Levite. — Nethan'cl]  the  name  of  priests  in  Ezr.  10"  Ne.  12", 
of  Levites  in  26*  2  Ch.  35'  Ne.  i2'«. — 'Amasai]  not  elsewhere  a 
priest's  name,  but  in  the  genealogy  of  the  Kehathite  Heman,  6" 
(ss).  JO  (J6)^  and  of  the  Kehathite  Mahath,  2  Ch.  29". — Zechariah] 
not  elsewhere  the  name  of  a  priest;  of  Levites  see  v.  ". — Benaiah] 
not  elsewhere  as  a  priest's  name;  as  Levite  see  v.  '«. — Eirezer]a. 
priest's  name  in  Ezr.  10'*. — Sounded  with  trumpets]  {hazozeroth 
Tini'^'n)  the  long  straight  metal  horns  with  flaring  mouths, 
mentioned  almost  entirely  as  a  sacred  instrument  (v.  "  13'  2  Ch. 
15X  2o's  29"  "  Ezr.  3'"  Ne.  12"  <■  espec.  Nu.  io'-»)  in  distinction 
from  the  shophar,  the  curved  horn  of  a  cow  or  ram  used  in  early 


XV.  1-24.]     PREPARATIONS   FOR   REMOVAL   OF   ARK  217 

Israel  especially  in  signals  of  war  ( Ju.  3"  6"  7 '  i  S.  13'  2  S.  2",  etc.), 
but  also  by  the  priests  (Jos.  6<  Lv.  25^*).  The  seven  priestly 
trumpeters  before  the  ark  were  doubtless  suggested  by  Jos.  6*. — 
'Obed-edom  and  Jei'el*  were  gate-keepers  for  the  ark]  a  curious 
repetition  from  v.  '«  (q.  v.),  probably  a  gloss. 


16.  iSNii]  a  late  use  of  ics  with  the  force  command  followed  by  inf. 
+  ">  of  pers.  (1.  4),  cf.  2  Ch.  14'  2921  3i«  Est.  i'";  so  Kau.,  Ki.— T'oyn?] 
inf.  instead  of  the  direct  discourse  in  older  writings,  Ew.  §  338  a,  cf. 
13*  27"  2  Ch.  i'8. — DnnS]  inf.  expressing  means,  Ew.  §  280  d,  Ges.  § 
1 140. — "^ipa].  On  use  of  3  cf.  Ew.  §  282  d,  Ges.  §  1199,  BDB.  3 
III.  4. — nnntyS]  S  should  be  struck  out:  a  dittography. — 17.  iniBiip] 
(gB  Keiffaiov,  (g*!-  Kiffaiov,  hence  with  reference  also  to  ^tt^p  6^'  we 
should  read  miB'^i  (Ki.). — 18.  cja'cn  onTot  oncyi]  o-'jtt'D  occurs  else- 
where only  in  I  S.  15'  and  Ezr.  1'°,  where  the  text  is  corrupt  in  both 
places  (see  BDB.  njtt'c  and  authorities  there  cited),  hence  is  suspicious. 
After  subtracting  the  two  gate-keepers,  the  following  list  contains  twelve 
names.  Accordingly  we  conjecture  that  the  original  read  a.T'nN  ancyi 
iiyj;  Dija*,  and  with  them  their  brethren  twelve,  the  first  two  consonants 
of  D''jtrj:n  having  come  in  by  dittography  caused  lU'j?  to  fall  out. — 
''NMyM  p  innot]  ]2  is  wanting  in  (&,  v.  '",  and  16*,  but  it  would  naturally 
be  omitted  before  the  copulative,  since  it  is  used  nowhere  as  a  proper 
name.  Probably  1  and  '•  have  been  transposed  and  the  copulative 
before  the  resulting  ■'J3  has  been  connected  with  the  preceding  word, 
accordingly  read  SxnjJi  ^jai  nnar.  The  spellings  of  the  first  and  of 
the  last  of  these  names  are  supported  by  v.  ="  SN>t;'i  tt'-idt  and  partially 
by  16'  S!<iy>  ni-(3T  {q.  v.). — 3NiSn]  without  1  suggests  some  disturbance 
of  the  text  (see  Ki.  SBOT.).  (&  has  1.  The  preceding  name  is  dubious, 
cf.  (g.— 19.  rcnj].  On  constr..  Dr.  TH.  188,  Ges.  §  izid.—22. 
in\jj-]  (gBNL  have  'Ktavevia,  Xuvevia,  lexovM,  hence  Ki.  reads 
i.T'jjiD. — xrcai]  wanting  in  (§,  and  so  omitted  by  Ki.,  Bn. — Nttra  no-] 
<S  S.px<^v  tCjv  (^5Civ,  N'j'sn  "yz'  followed  by  Ki.,  Bn.,  the  former  ren- 
dering NS'D  with  reference  to  carrying  the  ark,  the  latter  being  un- 
certain, V.  s. — ID"']  inf.  abs.  Oe.  regards  it  as  a  noun  or  ptc. — 24.  O'-ixsnc] 
Hiph.  ptc.  from  denom.  -\xxn  Kt.  onxinp  Ges.  §  530  (for  a^-ipSHD 
Stade,  Gram.  280)  or  onxsno  Baer,  also  BDB.  Qr.  ansriD  Ges.  §  530, 
Baer,  Koe.  i.  §  305  e).  Cf.  2  Ch.  512  7*  13"  2928,  Piel  2  Ch.  5"  f  (1-  44)- 
— nini]  read  after  v.  '^  Sk'J.". 

Following  the  clue  of  16^  Bn.  and  Ki.  give  the  original  of  vv.  "'  as 
follows:  The  Levites  appointed  Asaph  the  son  of  Berechiah  the  chief 
and  Zechariah  the  second  in  rank,  then  Uzziel,  and  Shemiramoth,  Jehiel, 
Eliab,  Beniah,  Mattithiah,  and  Obed-edo7n  and  Jeiel,  the  gate-keepers. 


2l8  1    CHRONICLES 

The  names  omitted  are  regarded  as  coming  from  a  later  annotator  who 
has  also  added  vv.  >9-2<»;   v.  "'■  is  a  still  later  gloss  (but  see  above). 

25-XVI.  3.  The  bringing  up  of  the  ark.— The  Chronicler 
took  these  verses  from  2  S.  6 '='-■",  making  such  alterations  as  were 
necessary  according  to  his  view  of  the  affair,  which  is  shown  in  the 
preceding  passage. — 25.  So  David,  etc.].  The  connection  is  with 
V.  »  after  the  details  concerning  the  preparation  have  intervened. 
2  S.  makes  no  mention  of  the  elders  of  Israel  and  the  captains  of 
thousands. — The  ark  0/  the  covenant  0/  Yahweh]  in  2  S.  "the  ark 
of  God"  or  "the  ark  of  Yahweh,"  cf.  w.  "  "  '  with  2  S.  6"  '•■ 
•••  "'.  This  change  is  a  touch  of  the  school  of  the  Chronicler,  cf. 
13'. — 26.  Wheji  God  helped  the  Levites].  The  Chronicler  piously 
introduces  the  divine  agency  as  the  cause  of  the  auspicious  begin- 
ning of  their  undertaking.  2  S.  has  "when  they  that  bare  the  ark 
had  gone  six  paces." — That  they  sacrificed  seven  bullocks  and  seven 
rams].  According  to  2  S.  David  is  the  sacrificer  and  the  sacrifice 
is  "an  ox  and  a  falling."  Ke.  and  Zoe.  harmonise  the  passages 
by  making  them  refer  to  two  distinct  occasions,  2  S.  describing  the 
start  and  i  Ch.  the  conclusion  of  the  journey.  But  the  sacrifices 
of  the  conclusion  are  mentioned  in  16'.  Ba.  points  out  that  the 
small  offering  of  2  S.  is  represented  as  David's  and  the  large  one 
of  Chronicles  as  that  of  the  King  and  his  ciders.  For  special 
sacrifices  consisting  of  the  same  numbers  of  the  same  animals  cf. 
Jb.  42»  Nu.  23'-  ",  also  2  Ch.  29". — 27.  With  a  robe  of  byssus]. 
Not  only  David  but  also  the  Levites  and  singers  are  represented 
as  wearing  processional  robes  of  white  linen. — And  upon  Daiid 
was  an  ephod  of  linen]  from  2  S.  is  perhaps  a  gloss.  According 
to  2  S.  David  wore  only  an  ephod,  which  was  a  scant  skirt  or  kilt, 
and  thus  he  was  liable  to  shameful  exposure  (EBi.  II.  col.  1306) 
2  S.  6'«-  »».  According  to  the  Chronicler,  David  wears  the  priestly 
robe.  The  Chronicler  omits  all  reference  to  David's  dancing 
save  incidentally  in  v.  ".  The  scandal  of  the  exposure  of  his  per- 
son is  passed  over  in  silence. — 28.  2  S.  mentions  David  along  with 
Israel  and  introduces  only  one  musical  instrument,  the  shophar 
or  horn  {cf.  v.  »*)  occurring  in  Chronicles  only  here.  On  the  other 
instruments,  the  addition  to  the  text  of  2  S.,  cf.  \^-.  "■"•  »«. — 29. 


XV.  25-XVI.  3.]   SECOND   REMOVAL   OF   THE   ARK  219 

It  is  a  mark  of  the  unskilful  art  of  the  Chronicler  that  this  single 
verse  of  the  episode  of  Michal's  judgment  on  David  should  be 
here  introduced  when  the  story  as  a  whole  with  its  reflection  on 
David  is  omitted.— 1.  Peace-offerings]  were  largely  eaten  by  the 
worshippers;  hence  indicative  of  feasting. — 2.  He  blessed  the 
people].  The  king  as  well  as  the  priest  exercised  this  function; 
cf.  Solomon's  blessing  (i  K.  8'')  omitted  by  the  Chronicler 
(2  Ch.  7'  "•).— 3.  A  portion]  uncertain  whether  of  flesh  or  wine 
(v.  l). 

25.  DiDSnn]  strike  out  n,  a  dittography,  so  Kau.,  Ki. — D■^^t— 13;]  2  S. 
612  +  -in  i^jj  which  is  superfluous  here,  cf.  v.  •. — 27.  S:nDc]  either  a 
denom.  verb  from  BAram.  xSanj  Dn.  3^1  or  from  SaD  with  i  inserted, 
BDB.  Be.  thought  Y^2  S-'i'CJ  Sansa  a  corruption  of  v;  ^32  -\3-\Dn  (as 
in  2  S.  6'0  through  illegibility,  and  this  emendation  is  accepted  by  BDB. 
(v.  Via  p.  1 01).  More  likely  the  change  was  intentional,  as  the  omission 
of  nini  •>jdS  would  show.  The  statement  also  that  "the  Levites  that 
bare  the  ark  "  danced  would  then  be  inappropriate,  while  a  description 
of  their  sacred  vestures  is  a  natural  touch  of  the  Chronicler. — irn]. 
Either  the  art.  is  to  be  omitted  or  read  az'vz  instead  of  Nw'cn,  cf.  v.  ". 
— ama'Dns]  jg  an  explanatory  gloss  (Zoe.,  Bn.)  by  a  reader  who  under- 
stood Ncnn  to  refer  to  the  lifting  up  of  the  voice  in  song,  cf.  v.  " 
(Kau.). — 29.  in^]  2  S.  6''  n>m.  The  latter  is  striking  in  pre-exilic 
literature.  Dr.  TH.  133,  Dav.  §  58  c,  and  is  probably  a  corruption. 
— X3].  On  the  perfect  cf.  Dr.  TH.  165 .— pna-ci  npic]  instead  of 
nDi3Ci  USD  in  2  S.,  a  substitution  made  either  to  suggest  a  more 
dignified  movement  or  because  more  intelligible.  i3-irD  is  an  oTr.  Xey. 
and  TiDD  a  Sis  Xey.—XVI.  1.  o^nSxni-  2]  2  S.  6"  mn>,  cf.  13'.— 
After  iPN  2  S.  has  iDipDa. — 'ui  niSy  lanpii]  2  S.  r^^7^^  ':sh  niSv  Syi 
n,ni,e,i, — 2.  nin^]  2  S.  6'«  +  niNax,  cf.  13'. — 3.  The  Chronicler  con- 
denses Sxnc^  pnn  SaS  ayn  SjS  of  2  S.  6"  into  Snt;'^  k-^n  SsS.— -i3d] 
(the  ordinary  word  for  loaf,  Ju.  8'  i  S.  2"  10'  Pr.  6=6  Je.  37")  2  S.  nSn 
elsewhere  only  in  P  of  a  sacrificial  cake,  implying  that  the  people 
received  cakes  connected  with  the  peace-offerings. — 2  S.  has  in  % 
not  (S,  the  numeral,  nns,  ins,  with  each  gift. — The  exact  meaning 
of  iD'i'N  ciTr.  "Key.  is  unknown;  the  renderings  in  the  Vrss.  vary  (for  full 
discussion  cf.  Dr.  TS-,  pp.  207/.). 

XVI.  4-6.  The  Levites  appointed  for  service  before  the  ark. 

— These  verses  are  original  with  the  Chronicler  with  the  omission 
of  the  words,  and  Obed-edom  and  Jeiel,  and  Asaph,  from  v.  ' 
{v.  5.).     The  appointees  already  mentioned  (15"  «  )  were  set  aside 


220  I    CHRONICLES 

merely  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  the  ark  in  state  to  Jerusalem. 
They  consisted  of  three  chief  singers  with  twelve  of  their  brethren 
and  seven  priests.  Here  we  have  only  one  chief  singer  with  seven 
of  his  brethren  and  two  priests.  The  reason  for  this  reduction  in 
the  numbers  is  to  be  sought  in  v'v. "  "•.  The  Chronicler  thought 
the  tabernacle  with  the  altar  of  bumt-ofifering  was  at  Gibeon  at  this 
time.  The  occasion  of  bringing  up  the  ark  to  Jerusalem  was  so 
important  as  to  call  for  the  participation  of  all  the  priests  and 
Levites.  When  this  had  been  accomplished,  they  were  divided 
for  service  in  both  places.  Asaph  and  seven  of  his  brethren  were 
assigned  to  service  before  the  ark  in  Jerusalem,  while  Heman 
and  Jeduthun  and  the  rest  of  those  mentioned  by  name  (v. «') 
were  appointed  to  the  worshij)  in  the  tabernacle  at  Gibeon.  Only 
two  priests  were  appointed  for  services  as  trumpeters  before  the 
ark.  Thus  the  reductions  are  not  in  the  same  proportion.  We 
should  expect  Asaph  with  but  four  of  his  brethren.  The  number 
two  for  the  priests  may  have  been  suggested  by  15"  or  Xu.  10'  ', 
while  a  large  number  of  priests  was  indispensable  at  the  altar  of 
burnt-offering.  Since  the  service  before  the  ark  is  represented 
as  of  a  musical  character  entirely,  the  larger  number  of  singers 
appointed  to  that  service  is  accounted  for,  also  the  number  seven 
may  have  influenced  the  Chronicler  {cf.  15^*). 

4.  The  administration  of  the  Levites  was  one  of  prayer  and 
song  as  is  implied  by  the  following  words,  both  to  commemorate 
and  to  thank  and  to  praise  Yahweh  the  God  of  Israel.  These  in- 
dicate three  forms  of  service,  the  first  a  liturgical  prayer  at  the 
presentation  of  that  ])art  of  the  meal-offering  which  was  burnt, 
i.  e.,  the  memorial  (cf.  Lv.  2'  '•  '«  5"  6'  <">  Nu.  5"  and 
explanations  of  the  titles  of  Pss.  38  and  70  espec.  Briggs,  Psalms, 
i.  Intro.  ,^  39  (/»));  the  second  refers  to  the  use  of  Psalms  that 
prominent iy  confess  and  give  thanks  to  God;  and  the  third  to 
praises  like  those  of  the  Hallelujah  songs  (Zoe.).  The  Levites 
were  assigned  the  duty  "to  thank  and  to  praise  Yahweh"  at  the 
daily  burnt-offerings  and  at  all  burnt-offerings  (23'°  ' )  of  which 
the  meal-offering  constituted  a  part  (Nu.  28'  «  ),  hence  all  three 
of  these  liturgical  forms  are  connected  with  the  burnt-oifering. 
Since  the  Chronicler  represents  that  no  regular  sacrifices  were 


XVI.  4-36.]    SERVICE   OF   SONG   BEFORE   THE   ARK  221 

made  in  Jerusalem  at  this  time  {cf.  21^8  «),  it  may  be  inferred  that 
these  Levites  were  to  conduct  the  musical  Hturgy  before  the  ark 
at  the  same  time  that  the  offerings  were  being  made  on  the  ahar  at 
Gibeon  with  corresponding  musical  service.  The  two  priests  also 
(v.  «)  sounded  the  two  silver  trumpets  as  if  present  at  the  bumt- 
ofiferings  (2  Ch.  29^-28  Nu.  iC-  '•  ">). — 6.  J ahazi'' ell  does  not  ^.p- 
pear  in  15'^     For  occurrences  of  the  name  cf.  12'  «'■'  23"  Ezr.  8'. 

4.  jnx]  05  +   nn3. — 5.  Snij?';']  read  Snmjji  as  also  in  15"-  20  ^.  ^.^ 
so  Ki. — 'i'N^i'^^]  in  152*  n^n'-  but  cf.  15". 

7.  An  interesting  statement  showing  that  Psalms  of  thanksgiving 
(Hodu  Psalms)  were  assigned  to  a  particular  class  of  singers 
(Bn.). 

8-36.  A  Psalm  of  thanksgiving. — This  is  a  compilation  from 
verses  found  in  the  Psalter,  vv.  8-"  =  Ps.  los'-i",  w."-"  =  Ps.  96, 
vv.  3<-35  =Ps.  106'^'  ■•  8.  The  A-ariations  from  the  text  of  the  Psalter 
are  slight.  The  original  place  of  these  verses  was  in  the  Psalter, 
since  w.  «"  are  clearly  a  fragment  of  Ps.  105.  (This  is  now 
universally  admitted,  although  Hitz.  and  Ke.  held  the  original 
place  to  have  been  in  Ch.)  Hence,  since  v.  ='  corresponding  to 
Ps.  io6<«,  is  the  doxology  marking  the  close  of  the  fourth  book 
of  the  Psalter,  it  is  a  fair  and  usual  inference  that  the  Psalter  had 
already  been  arranged  in  five  books  at  the  time  of  the  Chronicler- 
Yet  it  may  be  further  said  that  if  the  small  fragment  vv.  "-'• 
existed  independently  of  Ps.  106  (so  Cheyne),  and  if  the  whole 
section,  vv.  '-'«,  is  an  insertion  of  a  later  date  than  the  period  of 
the  Chronicler  (so  Bn.),  this  inference  cannot  be  made. 

8-22  =  Ps.  io5'-'«.  According  to  Briggs,  the  first  five  verses 
are  an  introductory  gloss,  making  the  Ps.  into  a  Hallcl. — 8.  9. 
Two  tetrameter  synthetic  couplets : 

Give  thanks  unto  Yahweh,  call  upon  his  name; 
Proclaim  among  the  peoples  his  doings. 
Sing  unto  him,  make  music  for  him; 
Muse  upon  all  his  wondrous  deeds. 

The  Hebrew  shows  assonance  between  the  first  and  third,  and  the 
second  and  fourth  lines,  these  ending  in  the  sounds  d  and  au  re- 


222  I    CHRONICLES 

spectively.  Each  couplet  consists  of  three  clauses,  the  first  two  short 
composing  one  line,  and  the  third  a  tetrameter  and  so  a  line  by  it- 
self. In  the  first  couplet  the  first  clause  calls  upon  the  worshipper 
to  pay  divine  honours,  the  second  clause  is  a  stronger  re{)etition  of 
this  call,  and  the  third  commands  him  to  proclaim  the  deeds  of 
his  God  among  the  peoples;  in  the  second  couplet  the  movement 
is  similar. — Call  upon  his  name']  may  also  be  rendered  "proclaim 
his  name,"  which  is  preferred  by  Briggs,  but  the  former  is  better 
suited  to  the  structure  of  the  stanza.  The  second  couplet  shows 
that  this  clause  strengthens  the  preceding  command  instead  of 
anticipating  the  following. — Make  music  for  him].  The  verb 
(laT)  may  either  mean  to  sing  to  (7)  God,  Ps.  27*  loi'  104", 
also  here  according  to  BDB.,  or  it  may  be  used  of  playing  musical 
instruments,  Ps.  ^t,^  cf.  144'  (parallel  to  n"l''w^N),  71"  98=  147' 
149'.  The  parallelism  of  Ps.  144'  suggests  that  the  latter  meaning 
may  have  been  intended  here,  so  Briggs. — These  two  couplets 
are  based  upon  Is.  12*  ' ,  which  reads  as  follows : 

"Give  thanks  unto  Yahweh,  call  upon  his  name; 
Proclaim  among  the  peoples  his  doings. 
Commemorate  for  his  name  is  e.xalted. 
Make  music  ("nCT)  unto  Yahweh  for  he  hath 

done  e.xcellent  things, 
Let  this  be  known  in  all  the  earth." 

The  first  two  lines  were  taken  verbatim;  the  last  three  were  re- 
duced to  the  same  form  as  the  first  two.  The  words  "in  all  the 
earth" — parallel  to  "among  the  peoples" — may  have  been  origi- 
nal in  Ps.,  but  not  in  Chronicles. — 10.  Glory  in  his  holy  name] 
i.e.,  his  name  as  sacred  and  separate  from  all  defilement. — 0/ 
them  that  seek  Yahweh].  Briggs  substitutes  as  original  the  per- 
sonal pronoun,  him,  instead  of  the  divine  name  for  the  sake  of 
the  assonance. — 11.  Seek  his  face  continually]  that  you  may 
gain  knowledge  of  his  greatness,  even  as  when  men  sought  the 
face  of  an  earthly  king,  i  K.  10". — No  assonance  appears  in  this 
verse,  but  in  12  there  is  an  apparently  intentional  resemblance  of 
sound  (niphle^othau  .  .  .  mophethau)  in  the  midst  of  the  lines 
instead  of  at  the  ends. — Commemorate]  celebrate  by  recoimting, 


XVI.  4-36.]     SERVICE   OF   SONG   BEFORE   THE   ARK  223 

His  wondrous  deeds  which  he  has  done]  and  his  marvels]  espec. 
the  miracles  of  the  Exodus,  cf.  Ps.  105".     This  is  done  in  Pss. 
105  and  106,  but  most  of  these  wonders  of  Hebrew  history  are 
omitted  here.— 13.  The  original  text  of  Ps.  probably  read,  "Ye 
seed  of  Abraham,  his  servant,  Ye  sons  of  Jacob,  his  chosen  one" 
(so  Briggs),  which  in  Chronicles  has  become,  Ye  seed  of  Israel, 
his  servant  (pi.  in  (g  is  not  likely  original),  Ye  sons  of  Jacob,  his 
chosen  ones.     The  Chronicler  copied  the  pronominal  suffixes  from 
the  present  text  of  Ps.,  where  the  assonance  has  been  destroyed 
by  a  copyist's  misunderstanding,  by  which  the  plural  his  chosen 
ones,  i.e.,  the  sons  of  Jacob,  has  been  substituted  for  the  singular 
his  chosen  one,  i.e.,  Jacob  rather  than  Esau  (Briggs).     Israel  was 
doubtless  substituted  for  Abraham,  since  it  makes  a  more  obvious, 
though  less  poetic,  parallel,  cf.  v.  >^— 14.  He,  Yahweh,  is  our  God; 
In  all  the  earth  are  his  judgjnents]  an  assertion  of  the  world-wide 
rule  of  Yahweh.— 15-22.  The  Psalmist  then  recalls  the  covenant 
which  Yahweh  made  with  the  three  patriarchs  in  turn,  with 
Abraham]  On.  15,  17,  22'6-'8,  his  oath  unto  Isaac],  Gn.  26=^  imto 
Jacob  for  a  statute],  Gn.  sS'^-'s,  and  to  Israel  for  an  everlasting 
covenant],  Gn.  35  =  -'^  and  how  when  they  were  but  a  few  in  num- 
ber (so  read  instead  of  ye,  v.  i.),  cf.  Gn.  34'°,  he  suffered  no  man  to 
wrong  them  ],  as  in  the  relation  of  Abraham  to  the  Canaanites,  of 
Isaac  to  the  men  of  Gerar,  of  Jacob  to  Laban  and  to  Esau,  and 
reproved  kings  for  their  sakes],  Pharaoh  Gn.  i2>%  and  Abimelech 
Gn.  203-''.     The  patriarchs  are  represented  as  anointed  kings  only 
here  and  in  the  parallel  Ps.     In  Gn.  20'  (E),  Abraham  is  termed 
a  prophet.— 23-33  =Ps.   96'"  =t-'-  ""'  "»  ""  "''-''^     The  strong 
beginning  of  Ps.  96  is  weakened  by  omitting  vv.  '"  '",  since  they 
are  inappropriate  here  (Be.).    In  these  verses  an  appeal  is  made  to 
all  the  earth  (v.  "),  and  Yahweh  is  proclaimed  as  the  one  efficient 
God  who  alone  has  done  wondrous  deeds  among  all  peoples  (v.  ■*). 
He  is  contrasted  with  the  gods  of  other  peoples  which  are  things  of 
nought  and  have  done  nothing  for  their  worshippers,  cf.  Is.  40'*  «• 
44'  «•  Je.  2"  Ps.  115*-',  while  Yahweh  made  the  heavens  (v.  "). 
All  peoples  are  admonished  to  bring  offerings  unto  Yahweh  and 
to  worship  him  (vv.  "•  ").     All  nature  shall  rejoice,  the  heavens 
and  the  earth,  the  sea  with  all  its  life  and  the  field  with  all  its  life, 


224  I    CHRONICLES 

and  the  trees  of  the  forest,  for  Yahweh  cometh  to  judge  the  earth. 
The  conclusion  of  Ps.  96,  v.  '"■',  is  omitted  in  Chronicles,  since 
the  Ps.  does  not  come  to  an  end  with  v.". — 34^  36=Ps.io6'  "  ". 
The  first  of  these  verses  is  a  common  liturgical  phrase  with  which 
Pss.  106,  107,  118,  and  136  begin  and  makes  also  an  appropriate 
closing,  Ps.  118",  cf.  also  Je.  T,y'  Ezr.  3"  i  Mac.  4". — 35.  And 
gather  t<s  together  and  deliver  tis  from  the  nations].  In  Ps.  "and 
gather  us  from  the  nations"  is  a  clear  reference  to  the  dispersion 
and  so  inappropriate  to  the  time  of  David.  The  writer  sought 
to  remove  this  significance  of  the  phrase  by  inserting  the  words, 
and  deliver  us. — Verse  36,  the  doxology  of  the  fourth  book  of  Ps., 
is  not  unsuitable  here. 

12.  in>D]  Ps.  105'  VD. — 13.  SN-it:'>  y^t]  Ps.  105"  aniaN  j,-«r. — 15. 
not]  Ps.  105'  t?!  (S",  fj.vr)/jLoi'€iJOnei>  has  grown  out  of  (&^^'  /xv-rjtJLOi'evwy 
=  "(31.  Ki.  BH.  prefers  the  reading  of  Ps.  but  the  Chronicler  may 
have  changed  to  pi.  imv.  intentionally  to  accord  with  vv.  «  '•  '«•  '2- 
"•  "  +. — 16.  pnx-''?]  Ps.  105'  pnc"''?  which  spelling  also  occurs  in  Je. 
33'«  Am.  7«-  '6. — 19.  oo.irna]  Ps.  105'=  orvnz,  likewise  i  MS.,  (6,  IB. 
This  is  the  better  text. — 20.  naScm]  lis  wanting  in  Ps.  105". — 21. 
c'xV]  Ps.  105'*  o-iN. — 22.  "N'ajai]  Ps.  105'*  ^x^an. — 23.  ov  Sn]  Ps. 
96'  DvS. — 24.  11133  tn]  Ps.  96'  without  ns. — 25.  niui]  1  wanting  in 
Ps.  96*. — 26.  ninn]  <B  k.  6  Oebs  Tjtxuiv  =  u'^nSxi. — 27.  inpsa  nnni]  Ps. 
96'  iifipca  niNorv  nnn  is  a  late  word  frequent  in  Aram.,  elsewhere 
in  OT.  only  Ne.  8".  The  word  place  may  have  been  substituted 
for  sanctuary  because  more  general  and  belter  fitting  the  abode  of 
the  ark  before  the  Temple  was  built  (Zoe.). — 29.  rjc*^]  instead  of 
vnnxn':',  Ps.  96',  because  the  Temple  was  not  built. — w'l,-)  n-ins].  The 
meaning  is  dub.  RV.  in  holy  array  (margin  in  the  beauty  of  holiness), 
better  in  holy  attire.  Perles  suggests  a  connection  with  the  Babylonian 
addru  "to  fear  "  and  interprets  veneration  before  the  sanctuary,  though 
this  rendering  is  e.xcluded  in  2  Ch.  20",  which  he  regards  as  corrupt 
{OLZ.  8,  1Q05,  col.  127). — V.  "■=  corresponds  to  Ps.  96'*. — 30.  This 
verse  is  composed  of  Ps.  96">  "'"^  ""'. — vjfl'^~]  Ps.  96'  vjor. — 31. 
Composed  of  Ps.  96"»  ■ind  io«. — nrs'^]  Ps.  96'"  n::N. — Ps.  96"'« 
D>T.:'n3  D'cy  pT  wanting  in  Ch. — 32,  Composed  of  Ps.  96'"'  and  u.. 
— men  Y^p]  Ps.  96"  ^-p  rSp>. — 33.  ■'jdSd  ny^n  >x;-]  Ps.  96"i'  "•  S3 
^jbS  nj?>  <xj?. — N3]  Ps.  +  N3 '3. — 35.  ncNi]  wanting  in  Ps.  106". — 
UjjB'^  ^hSn]  Ps.  irn'^N  7\^r\\ — ij'^>xni]  wanting  in  Ps. — 36.  icn'i]  Ps. 
106"  1CN1. — hltS  SSni]  Ps.  n>-iS^n.  Thus  the  poetic  termination 
of  Ps.  106  is  turned  into  an  historical  statement.  On  ^^r\  cf.  Ges. 
§  1132- 


XVI.  37-43.]     LEVITES   APPOINTED    FOR   SERVICE  225 

37-43.  Levites  appointed  for  service. — A  continuation  of 
v\-.  4-6. — 37,  A  resume  of  vv.  <  ' . — 38.  And  'Obed-edom  and  his* 
brethren  sixty-eight  and  Hosa  to  be  gate-keepers].  We  must  either 
read  his  with  (g,  H  (Bn.)  or  transpose  and  Hosa  to  a  position  be- 
fore and  their  brethren,  etc.  (Kau.,  Ki.).  The  phrase  and  'Obed- 
edom  the  son  of  Jediithiin*  is  probably  a  marginal  gloss  which  made 
its  way  into  the  text  in  the  wrong  place.  The  glossator  finding 
Obed-edom  represented  as  a  singer  in  152'  16'  gives  him  a  place  in 
the  family  of  Jeduthun,  the  singer  (see  below  on  v. ").  In  26'  the 
gate-keepers  of  the  family  of  Obed-edom  number  sixty-two. — 
On  Hosa  cf.  26'«. — 39.  Thus  according  to  the  Chronicler  there 
were  two  sanctuaries,  the  ark  brought  to  Jerusalem  constituting 
one  and  the  tabernacle  with  its  other  furniture  at  Gibeon  consti- 
tuting the  other  (21"  2  Ch.  i^-').  At  this  latter  Zadok  and  his 
brethren  ministered. — On  the  high  place  which  was  at  Gibe' on  cf. 
I  K.  3<  ' . — 40.  On  the  continual  offerings  cf.  Ex.  29^8  Nu.  28'-  ». — 
And  to  do  all  that  is  written,  etc.]  i.e.,  everything  which  was  the 
priests'  duty  to  do  in  the  sanctuary. — 41.  With  them]  i.e.,  with 
Zadok  and  his  brethren  at  Gibeon  were  placed  the  two  guilds  of 
singers  represented  by  Heman  and  Jeduthun,  while  the  guild  of 
Asaph  (v.  ")  ministered  before  the  ark  at  Jerusalem.— ^H(i  the 
rest  of  the  chosen]  refers  to  all  the  singers  chosen  at  this  time. — 
Who  were  designated  by  name]  i.e.,  those  so  designated  in  15" 
who  did  not  serve  in  Jerusalem  (v. ').— 42.  And  in  possession  of 
theni  were  trumpets  and  cymbals  for  mnsiciatis  and  other  instru- 
ments used  in  sacred  song*]  lit.  and  instruments  of  the  song  of  God. 
With  song  of  God,  cf.  song  of  Yahweh,  Ps.  13 7^  2  Ch.  2g".— And 
the  sons  of  Jeduthun  at  the  gate]  is  dubious.  Chronicles  does  not 
know  of  any  sons  of  Jeduthun  who  were  gate-keepers  except 
"Obed-edom  the  son  of  Jeduthun,"  v.  ^\  a  late  gloss  possibly 
dependent  upon  the  statement  here.  Some  words  may  have 
fallen  from  the  text  between  Jeduthun  and  at  the  gate.— ^3.  Taken 
from  2  S.  ei"--  28a  and  thus  is  a  continuation  of  v.  k 

37.  vnvN^i  ^Ds'^]  S  with  direct  object,  Ges.  §  iiyn. — ova  or  i3iS] 
cf.  Ex.  5"  i6<  et  at.— 38.  Jinn^]  is  merely  a  copyist's  variation  of 
pnn\ — 39.  pnx  pn]  obj.  of  aiy^i  of  v.  ". — 42.  onsj-i]  BDB.  d>-  3.  b. 
— ]-iP'[-{>-\  p'n]    wanting  in    (g   and    to    be    omitted    as   a    dittography 


226  I    CHRONICLES 

from  V.  <'  (Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.)-  Be.  holding  that  'nh  i<s^  'Sa  were  equiva- 
lent to  the  nnjDai  o^"?!}  of  v. '  rearranged  vv.  ♦'  '■  somewhat  after  the 
order  of  v.  «  reading :  'd  nin>S  rnin*?  nicuo  lapj  nr«  cinon  iNri 
cycs'o  ov-iSid  nnxsn  jipiti  ]l2■<^\^  o^ri^nn  i^jy  I'^ja  non  D'^iy':'. — 43. 
3Dm]  2  S.  ar'i. 

XVII.  The  promise  to  David  in  view  of  his  purpose  to  build 
a  temple  for  Yahweh. — Taken  with  slight  variations  from  2  S.  7. 
According  to  Dt.  12"'  '  unity  of  worship  should  become  law 
after  the  Israelites  had  passed  over  Jordan  and  when  Yahweh 
had  given  them  "rest"  from  all  their  enemies  round  about,  and 
had  chosen  a  place  "to  cause  his  name  to  dwell  there"  {i.e.,  when 
the  Temple  should  have  been  built).  This  "rest"  came  in 
with  David  and  Solomon,  <-/.  2  S.  7'-  "  i  K.  5"  <«>  (We.  Hist, 
of  Isr.  pp.  19  /.,  n.).  If  the  narrative  in  2  S.  7  is  as  late  as 
the  Exile  (so  Sm.  Com.)  the  writer  probably  knew  of  this  Deuter- 
onomic  provision  and  sought  to  show  why  this  imity  of  worship 
was  not  ushered  in  by  David  through  the  erection  of  the  Temple 
when  "Yahweh  had  given  him  rest  from  all  his  enemies  round 
about"  (v.  ').  To  thi.  Chronicler,  David,  the  man  of  blood,  in  no 
wise  fulfilled  this  condition  (cf.  i  Ch.  22'  ' ),  hence  he  omitted 
from  2  S.  7'  the  words  "Yahweh  had  given  him  rest,  etc.,"  and 
substituted  /  will  subdue  all  thine  enemies  (v.  '»)  for  "I  will  cause 
thee  to  rest  from  all  thine  enemies"  (2  S.  7")- 

1-15.  Nathan's  message  to  David. — 1.  2.  When  David  dwelt  in 
his  house]  probably  the  one  built  with  the  aid  of  the  King  of  Tyre, 
14"  =  2  S.  5". — Nathan,  the  prophet]  (vv.  "-■  '  "  and  parallels  in 
2  S.  7,  2  S.  12'  +  6  times  in  2  S.  12,  i  K.  i»  f  10  times  in  i  K.  i, 
2  Ch.  29"  Ps.  51'  (title)  BS.  47';  in  the  phrase  "acts  of  Nathan  the 
prophet"  I  Ch.  29"  2  Ch.  9";  and  frequent  as  a  personal  name 
elsewhere)  was  the  well-known  court  prophet  during  David's  reign 
and  one  of  the  supporters  of  Solomon  at  his  accession,  i  K.  i. — 
Lo,  I  dwell  in  a  house  of  cedar  and  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  Yahweh 
is  under  curtains].  The  contrast  between  David's  regal  palace 
and  the  humble  resting-place  of  the  ark  was  sufficient  to  indicate 
his  intention  to  his  religious  adviser,  who  immediately  responded, 
Do  all  that  is  in  thy  heart,  for  God  is  with  thcc. — 3.  Nathan's 
first  impression  that  God  would  favour  David's  tmdertaking  was  a 


XVn.  1-15.]  THE  PROMISE  TO   DAVID  227 

mistaken  one. — It  came  to  pass  the  same  night,  that  the  word  of  God 
came  to  Nathan]  doubtless  in  a  dream. — 4.  Thou  shall  not  build 
me  a  (lit.  the,  v.  i.)  house  to  dwell  in]  is  expressed  in  2  S.  in  the  form 
of  a  question  equivalent  to  a  negative. — 5.  For  I  have  not  dwelt 
in  a  house  from  the  day  I  brought  up  Israel,  i.e.,  from  Egypt  (so 
2  S.),  unto  this  day,  but  have  walked  in  a  tent  and  in  a  tabernacle*]. 
This  statement  was  not  literally  true,  since  the  sanctuary  at  Shiloh 
seems  to  have  been  a  fixed  structure  (see  Dr.  in  DB.  IV.  p.  500  a, 
also  EBi.  IV.  col.  4925,  §  2).— 7-14.  H.  P.  Smith  finds  traces  of 
rhythmical  structure  in  this  oracle,  but  not  without  extensive 
emendation  (see  Cotn.  in  loco). — 7f.  /  took  thee  from  the  pasture, 
from  following  the  sheep]  as  narrated  in  i  S.  16"  *•.  From  this 
humble  origin  Yahweh  had  made  David  a  prince  over  Israel  and 
promised  to  make  his  fame  like  that  of  the  great  men  of  the  earth. 
It  is  implied  that  David's  honour  is  great  enough  without  the 
added  credit  of  building  the  Temple. — 9.  And  I  will  appoint  a 
place  for  my  people  Israel  and  will  plant  them]  i.e.,  the  establish- 
ment of  the  people  in  the  promised  land  in  safety  from  their  enemies 
was  not  yet  accomplished,  hence  the  time  for  the  building  of  the 
Temple  as  set  forth  in  Dt.  12"'  '•  had  not  yet  come  {v.  s.). — 10. 
Will  build  thee  a  house]  certainly  means  a  dynasty  and  not  a  build- 
ing.— 11.  Thou  must  go  to  be  with  thy  fathers].  2  S.  "thou  shalt 
sleep  with  thy  fathers"  is  the  more  usual  phrase  (cf.  Gn.  4^^"  (J) 
Dt.  31"  I  K.  2'"  II"  2  Ch.  262,  etc.),  while  that  of  Chronicles  has  no 
exact  parallel,  yet  cf  1  K.  2^  Gn.  I5'^  The  motive  for  the  change 
in  Chronicles  is  difficult  to  determine.  Boettcher  (Aehrenlese) 
thought  the  expression  to  go  was  more  indeterminate  and  that  it 
was  introduced  by  one  believing  in  the  continuation  of  David's 
life. — 12.  A  direct  reference  to  the  Temple  to  be  built  by  Solomon, 
with  which  is  coupled  the  fundamental  Messianic  promise. 
In  2  S.  the  verse  may  be  a  gloss  (so  Sm.). — 13.  The  foreboding 
of  iniquity  with  its  punishment  contained  in  2  S.  7'*  is  omitted 
evidently  to  avoid  a  sombre  thought.  "So  sensitive  is  the  Chron- 
icler for  the  honour  of  David  and  his  house  that  he  cannot  even 
endure  in  the  mouth  of  Yahweh  a  reference  to  its  faults"  (Ki.). 
— As  I  took  it  from  him  that  was  before  thee]  i.e.,  from  Saul,  who  is 
mentioned  by  name  in  2  S.  (v.  i.). — 14.  But  I  will  settle  him  in 


228  I    CHRONICLES 

my  house  and  in  my  kingdom  forever]  2  S.  "Thy  house  and  thy 
kingdom  shall  be  made  sure  forever  before  thee."  The  change  of 
Chronicles  (2  S.  has  the  more  original  text)  is  due  to  the  point  of 
view  of  the  Chronicler,  who  regards  the  kingdom  as  a  theocracy, 
cf.  "upon  the  throne  of  the  kingdom  of  Yahweh"  28',  "thine  is  the 
kingdom,  O  Yahweh"  29",  "upon  the  throne  of  Yahweh"  29". 
My  house  must  be  taken  parallel  to  my  kingdom,  thus  referring  to 
the  people  of  Israel. 

1.  Ch.  has  -\VH2,  Tn  twice,  njn  and  n;-'-^'' rnn  mrr' r^ia  ins  where 
a  S.  7'  »  have  '^  >  I'^cn  ,  nj  hni,  D-;^^^n  ^ipa  yy^  o'i'^nh  jnx.  The 
Chronicler  by  his  last  phrase  has  given  a  clearer  description  of  the 
jKisition  of  the  ark. — '3js]  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.  has  elsewhere  'js,  except 
Ne.  i'  (LOr.'»,  pp.  155  /.,  foot-note). — 2.  Ch.  has  again  ti-i  in 
the  place  of  iSsn,  and  has  omitted  i^  before  nr;. — 3.  a'.i'^N-i]  2  S. 
7«  nin^. — jnj]  6  mss.,  &  +  NOjn,  which  is  not  original,  cf.  2  S. — 4. 
nay  Tn  Sn]  2  S.  7*  nn  Sn  n^y  Sn. — natyS  n'an  'V  njap  n.-^s  n'^]  2  S. 
'naiyS  n'»a  -h  njan  nnN.i.  The  latter  is  undoubtedly  the  more  orig- 
inal statement,  n'an  is  either  definite  with  the  idea,  the  house  which 
shall  be  built,  not  by  thee,  but  by  thy  son  (Bn.),  or  Ges.  §  1265, 
only  definite  in  the  writer's  mind  and  to  be  rendered  indefinite  in 
our  idiom. — 5.  Ss-iir^  pn  •'n'>Sj.n  -ir.s  orn  p]  2  S.  7*  ■•ja  tn  \-i'rj,Ti  avcS 
onxca  Sni:;". — ptr'cci  ^r\H  Sn  Snxr  n\nNi]  2  S.  pii'cai  Snsa  I'^nrs  rrnxi. 
This  latter  is  probably  the  true  text  (Be.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  Bn.).  Bu. 
(SBOT.)  after  Klo.  reads  |3i:'d  Sn  ps'rs  Shn  Vn  'i'ins  li^npv  n'nsi. 
"Thus  only,"  says  Bu.,  "does  the  necessary  sense  of  shelter  under 
strange  roofs  find  proper  expression  whereas  jfl  (in  2  S.)  expresses  a 
wandering  about  in  and  with  a  shelter  belonging  to  it  corresponding 
to  the  later  fiction  of  "i;?i3  Sns  in  P."  But  one  would  expect  this 
later  fiction  to  be  shown  by  the  text  of  Ch.  rather  than  S.  (Bn.). — 6. 
After  '^aa'  2  S.  7'  has  -ja. — las-']  the  true  text.  2  S.  'ca::',  a  clear 
case  of  copyist's  confusion  of  letters. — 'cy]  2  S.  -J-  Snis"  rs. — 7.  js 
nns]  2  S.  7'  -\nN3  supported  by  Ps.  78". — Before  '^N-\r'  2  S.  has 
Sy,  an  unnecessary  repetition  and  perhaps  not  original. — 8.  .-n;Ni]  2 
S.  7'  npn —  . — 2  S.  has  '^nj  after  CJ".  <S  in  2  S.  agrees  with  Ch.  in 
its  omission,  hence  Ch.  has  the  true  text  (We.  TS.,  Dr.,  Bu.,  Sm.). 
— 9.  As  in  V.  '  the  preposition  with  'cy  is  repeated  before  "^nis"  in 
2  S.  7">. — i.-i'?aS]  2  S.  ^7^^y;^.  Bn.  thinks  the  text  of  Ch.  is  original, 
but  the  use  of  nSa  in  Dn.  7"  suggests  that  this  verb  was  supplanting 
the  older  and  more  usual  n:y.  (S  toO  TairfivQxTai  reproduces  the  text 
of  2  S.  Perhaps  1$  comes  from  a  late  transcriber. — 10.  D'^'C^i]  2  S. 
7"  avn  p'^i.  In  both  texts  after  (S  in  2  S.  1  should  be  omitted  (Dr., 
Bu.,  Bn.,  Ki.?).     To  retain  the  1  causes  a  refL-rence  in  v.   "^  to    the 


XVn.  16-27.]    DAVID'S   PRAYER    OF  THANKSGIVING  229 

Egyptian  oppression,  but  this  is  a  thought  alien  to  the  context,  in 
which  rather  the  blessings  secured  by  the  settled  government  of  David 
are  contrasted  with  the  attacks  to  which  Israel  was  exposed  during 
the  period  of  the  judges. — io>iN  S3  nx  ^-^yjoni]  2  S.  io\s  'tjd  iS  ^nn^jm. 
We.  TS.,  Dr.,  Bu.  prefer  for  the  text  of  2  S.  as  more  agreeable  to 
the  context  io'n  Sod  iS  'nn^jni.  Bn.  prefers  in  Ch.  vomn  as  demanded 
by  the  context. — nin^  ^S  nja^  noi  -\h  njxi]  2  S.  nsyy'  no  o  nin>  -^S  -luni 
mn^  l'>.  Both  of  these  texts  are  harsh.  Ki.  in  Ch.  removes  1  before 
n>3.  (g  read  lS-ijxi  and  I  will  tnagni/y  thee.  This  is  followed  by 
Oe.  and  commends  itself  to  Bn.  In  that  case  we  should  read  nj3N, 
cf.  the  first  person  in  v.  »;  nin>  has  then  arisen  from  n>ni  the  first 
v/ord  of  V.  ".  Bu.  (SBOT.)  gives  as  the  true  text  in  2  S.  ^S  i>ja  'jjni 
nini  ^S  r^Z']!''  no  o.  Sm.  suggests  that  the  material  of  v.  'o  is  a  gloss 
(see  his  full  comment). — 11.  hmi]  wanting  by  error  in  2  S.  7'2  (Dr., 
Bu.).— I'nns  oy  no*^'-]  2  S.  n^nnx  ds  r^y^n  followed  by  (g  in  Ch.— 
n^j3D  n^n^  -i::'n]  2  S.  i^yoD  ns^  -ityN,  also  (g  in  Ch.  The  change  in  Ch. 
has  been  made  to  point  more  definitely  to  Solomon. — inuSc]  2  S. 
inaSDD,  see  142.— 12.  >S]  2  S.  7"  ^s^-^.— indj]  2  S.  inoSoD  NDr.  (6  in 
2  S.  supports  the  text  of  Ch. — 13.  On  omission  see  above. — i^dn] 
supported  by  <g  in  2  S.  71=  where  ^  has  ^\^D\  and  preferred  as  more 
pointed  by  Dr.,  Bu.,  Sm.— n^jcS  n\T  tj-nc]  2  S.  'm>Dn  iiyN  SiNtr  d>'d 
TJuSd.  The  shorter  '^xt  of  Ch.  is  original  (Be.,  We.  TS.,  Dr., 
Bu.,  Sm.).— 14.  dSi;?  iy  jioj  n\n>  inD3i  D':'i];n  ny  ^noScai  >no3  in^mci'ni] 
2  S.  7"  dSij?  njrjiDo  nM>  ^^<D^  ^'Ji3S  0*^11;  i-;  ino'^oci  ^no  jonji. 

16-27.  David's  prayer  of  thanksgiving.— Thus  David  ex- 
pressed his  gratitude  for  the  divine  promise  dcHvered  by  Nathan.— 
16.  Then  David  went  in],  the  newly  erected  sanctuary  (Be.)  or 
possibly  his  own  house, — and  sat  before  YaJiweh].  This  posture  in 
prayer  is  peculiar  in  the  OT.,  but  for  instances  among  related 
peoples,  see  Sm.  on  2  S.  7".  Standing  (Gn.  18"  i  S.  i^^),  kneeling 
(i  K.  8"  Ps.  956  Dn.  6"  ""')  and  prostration  (Nu.  16''  i  K.  18*') 
were  the  usual  postures.— The  prayer  begins  with  an  expression 
of  wonder  that  Yahweh  should  have  exalted  one  so  humble  and 
from  such  an  unimportant  iamily,— Who  am  I,  O  Yahweh  God, 
and  what  is  my  house,  that  thou  hast  brought  me  thus  far? — 17. 
This  verse  is  obscure  both  here  and  in  the  parallel  text  of  2  S. 
(v.  i.). — 18.  What  shall  David  continue  to  say  unto  thee?*  for 
thou  knowest  thy  servant].  This  rendering  is  of  a  text  corrected 
from  2  S.  {v.  i.).  David's  heart  is  too  full  for  utterance,  yet  God 
will  understand  his  servant.— 19.  Again  the  text  is  doubtful.— 20. 


230  I    CHRONICLES 

All  that  men  have  heard  reveals  the  uniqueness  of  Yahweh,  beside 
whom  there  is  no  other  God. — 21.  According  to  Geiger  (Urschn/i 
und  Ueberselzungen,  p.  288)  this  verse  in  its  most  original  form 
contained  a  contrast  between  Israel's  God  and  the  gods  of  other 
nations.  His  reconstructed  text  {v.  i.)  is  rendered  as  follows :  And 
who  is  like  thy  people  Israel?  {Is  there)  another  nation  in  the 
earth  which  a  god  went  to  redee>n  to  himself  for  a  people  and  to  give 
to  himself  a  name  and  to  do  for  them  great  and  terrible  things  in 
driving  out  from  before  his  people  a  tuition  and  its  gods.  But  the 
Chronicler,  or  rather  his  forerunner  in  2  S.,  applied  all  this  to 
'srael  by  the  change  of  another  (inX)  to  one  ("nS)  and  other 
changes  until  Chronicles  read :  And  who  is  like  thy  people 
Israel  ?  a  unique  nation  which  God  went  to  redeem  to  himself  as  a 
people,  giving  to  thyself  a  nat)ie  by  great  and  terrible  things  in  driv- 
ing out  nations  from  before  thy  people,  which  thou  didst  redeem 
from  Egypt.  Chronicles  passes  from  the  third  to  the  second 
person,  not  an  unusual  construction. — 22.  It  is  Israel's  glory 
that  the  true  God  had  chosen  them  in  preference  to  any  other 
nation,  that  they  should  be  his  people  and  he  should  be  their  God. 
— 23.  The  King  prays  that  the  message  borne  by  Nathan,  the 
prophet,  may  be  established  forever. — 24.  Saying,  Yahweh  of 
hosts  is  the  God  of  Israel  *  and  the  house  of  thy  servant  David  is 
established  before  thee].  The  prayer  seems  to  be  that  the  people 
may  say  that  Yahweh  is  Israel's  God,  and  that  David's  house 
has  the  legitimate  right  to  rulership  by  divine  choosing.  The 
change  from  third  to  second  person  is  awkward,  but  possible  (v.  s. 
v.  ^')-  Thus  King  David  puts  the  rights  of  his  house  to  rule 
beside  the  right  of  Yahweh  to  be  the  God  of  Israel,  and  wishes 
them  as  firmly  established.  He  justifies  the  boldness  of  this 
petition  by  recalling  the  divine  revelation  which  he  had  received 
through  Nathan, — 25  thou  hast  revealed  to  thy  servant  that  thou 
wilt  build  him  a  house. — 27.  The  prayer  closes  with  an  assertion 
of  the  confidence  of  the  worshipper  that  Yahweh  has  blessed  his 
house  and  what  he  has  blessed,  shall  be  blessed  forever.  In  this 
the  text  differs  from  that  of  2  S.,  where  the  last  verse  is  a  prayer 
for  this  blessing.  Bertheau  regarded  the  text  of  2  S.  as  the  original 
because  the  request  for  the  fulfilment  of  a  promise  and  also  for 


XVn.  16-27.]    DAVID'S  .PRAYER   OF   THANKSGIVING  231 

new  blessing  has  its  proper  place  at  the  close  of  the  prayer.  This 
very  fact,  however,  Benzinger  alleges  as  the  reason  why  we  should 
look  for  the  change  of  a  perfect  into  an  imperative,  and  not  the 
converse.  The  request  for  fulfilment  he  finds  in  v.  ".  The 
leading  thought,  he  says,  of  David's  prayer  is  that  Yahweh  through 
his  revelation  has  already  brought  a  blessing  and  made  a  beginning 
with  salvation  (vv."-  28);  therefore  David's  house  will  endure,  for 
whatever  Yahweh  once  blesses,  remains  blessed  forever,  and  this 
thought  is  disturbed  by  the  introduction  of  the  imperative. 

16.  >2h]  2  S.  7>»  ^ojN,  cf.  V.  '.— o^nSx  mn^]  2  S.  nini  >jin._17.  2  S. 
7"  has  nij;  after  rapn.— a^nSx]  2  S.  nin>  ijin.— S;]  2  S.  Sn.— -nnj  >jn'Nii 
nS>'cn  Dnxn].  (Some  Heb.  mss.  have  1^n2  instead  of  mno,  which  helps 
not  at  all  in  solving  the  textual  difSculty.)  And  (thou)  hast  regarded 
me  according  to  the  estate  of  a  man  of  high  degree,  AV.,  RV.  2  S. 
D-iNH  mi,-i  PNn,  And  this  too  after  the  manner  of  men,  RV.,  And  is 
this  the  law  of  man?  AVm.,  RVm.  Both  of  these  texts  are  clearly 
corrupt  and  are  unintelligible.  <&  in  Ch.  has  Kal  iire?54s  /xe  dis  Spa<ris 
dvOptiirov  Kal  vxf^uxrds  /xe,  the  last  clause  of  which,  and  thou  hast  exalted  me 
(■'jSym),  gives  good  sense,  and  from  the  first  half  Bn.  would  derive  ^jxin 
nxico  and  render,  Dii  liessest  mich  schauen  etwas  wie  eine  Vision.  Ki. 
gives  ^  up  as  hopelessly  corrupt.  Oe.  reads  ^jS^dh  din  mino  ■'jn^Nii, 
Thou  regardest  me  after  the  manner  of  a  man  {i.e.,  in  thy  condescension), 
O  thou  who  exaltest  me.  Ke.  gave  a  similar  meaning  but  retained  n'7;'i;n 
(as  corresponding  to  pimr':')  as  regards  the  elevation,  i.e.,  the  elevation  of 
my  race  (my  seed)  on  high.  We.  TS.,  after  hints  of  Be.  and  Ew.  (see 
Sm.),  reads  in  2  S.  D-iNH  r^n  >i'!i•\r^^  And  thou  hast  let  me  see  the  generations 
of  men,  i.e.,  hast  given  me  a  glimpse  into  the  future  of  my  descend- 
ants. Bu.  adopts  this  and  then  from  n'?>>s  in  Ch.  adds  0*?;^.  Kau. 
favours  the  reading  of  We.  TS. — 18.  pk  iijdS  i^^n  i>n  -\y;  r|>Di>  no 
•^^3y]  2  S.  72"  i>Sn  lanS  -yyj  nn  I'Di^  nsi.  Ke.  defends  the  text  of  Ch. 
as  the  original  because  the  more  difficult.  Zoe.  allows  it.  Oe.  reads 
*I33S  after  (g  tov  So^daai  and  thus  obviates  the  harsh  construction 
of  iiay  nx.  But  ii^j;  nx  is  wanting  in  <S  and  came  probably  by 
copyist  oversight  from  the  second  half  of  the  verse  and  inoS  is  likely 
an  error  for  lanS,  hence  the  text  of  2  S.  is  to  be  preferred  (Be., 
Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.). — In  2  S.  ']-\2';  is  followed  by  mn>  ijix.  Ch.  omits 
^JiN,  and  niH',  in  iJI,  goes  with  v.  i'. — 19.  ni.T>]  see  v.  '8. — i-,^;-]  2  S. 
72'  1-131,  which  Be.  and  Ba.  regard  as  the  original  reading  but  (g  in 
2  S.  agrees  with  Ch.  and  is  followed  by  Bu.,  SBOT.,  Sm.  rightly 
(Bn.). — After  ynnS  2  S.  has  iiaj;  but  wants  niSnjn  '?o  pn.  ^b  j^  ch. 
omits  the  clause.     Bu.  in  2  S.  rearranges  v.  "b  (after  Reifmann  given 


232  I    CHRONICLES 

in  Dr.)  (see  Sm.),  r^Nrn  n^^•\}r^  ^3  rs  iiap  jjninS  n^e'p.  The  Chron- 
icler, however,  had  clearly  the  present  order  in  2  S.  before  him. — 20. 
Ch.  has  retained  only  n^n•>  out  of  '3  D\n':'{<  run'  nSnj  ja  Sp  in  2  S.  7" 
before  ]'n.  The  words  n^-^j  p  '^;'  may  be  represented  in  the  'I'a  nn 
mSnjn  of  the  previous  verse  (Be  ). — 21.  Both  the  texts  of  Ch.  and 
2  S.  7"  give  evidences  of  corruption,  but  the  former  is  the  better.  Ch. 
has  rightly  '^iSi-;-'  instead  of  '7n->;;"3.  i'^i  instead  of  12"^^,  and  v-\3  instead 
of  IxiN*^,  while  2  S.  has  correctly  ^'^  air"?  instead  of  n*?  DiS'^,  and  r>nj 
instead  of  n'?njn.  Both  texts  require  emendation  of  "inx  into  "inN 
after  (&^  in  2  S.  Ch.  has  omitted  03"?  nitt'yVi  (to  be  read  anS  "?i)  after 
az'  and  also  at  the  end  of  the  verse  vn^N.  The  passage  according 
to  Geiger  {Urschrift,  p.  228)  followed  by  We.  TS.,  Dr.,  Bu.,  Sm. 
(and  Ki.  in  Ch.),  originally  read  as  follows :  nnx  mj  Sn-ic"  •\i:t:2  'Si 
niNiui  ni'^nj  onS  nviv*?!  dj:'  iS  avj-Si  bjjS  i*?  pnoS  D'hSn  ^'^^  -\u\s  ]'-(N3 
vnSxi  >u  Miy  ''Jon  lyijS.  Bn.  emends  av^S  reading  ari-ri  and  thus  re- 
tains the  second  person  and  the  clause  respecting  redemption  from 
Egypt,  which  clause  Ki.  regards  as  an  insertion  or  marginal  note. — 22 . 
]nm]  2  S.  7"  iS  IJ13.-11. — 23.  n^n^]  2  S.  7"  a^nSs*  .-iin'.— jcn-]  2  S.  apn. 
— 24.  jrxM]  wanting  in  2  S.  7='  and  to  be  struck  out  as  a  dittography 
from  V.  ''. — '?N-\a'>  'h'^n]  wanting  in  2  S.,  also  to  be  struck  out  as  a 
mere  repetition  of  the  following  Sxia'^S  o^^S^{. — 2  S.  has  '^nis"  Sj?  and 
has  nin-i  before  I13J. — 25.  vhSn]  2  S.  7"  Sxtj"'  \-iS.x  pin3X  ninv — nusS 
n'3  iS]  2  S.  iS  nj3N  no  nsxS. — After  113;'  nxd  2  S.  has  nS  pn  and 
after  I'Jd'^.  pnth  nSonn  px.  The  former  is  necessary  to  the  text,  but 
the  latter  is  probably  a  needless  copyist  addition  (Bn.). — 26.  The 
text  of  2  S.  j"  is  fuller  and  as  follows:  a-'n'i'Nn  Nin  nn.s  nvT  >jin  ^\ny^ 
PNTH  r\2rcn  pn  ^^3J?  Sn  -13-ini  pen  v.t'  nn3-i\ — 27.  •\-\2h  P'^Nin]  2  S.  7" 
T131  Snih. — oSij;'?  T^3ci  n3n3  nin<  hpn  >3]  2  S.  man  nin<  'j-in  n.-in  ^ 
dSv*^  Tt3jf  P>3  in3''  nP3-\3?:i.     On  these  changes  see  above. 

XVIII.  1-13.  A  summary  of  the  foreign  wars  of  David.— 

Taken  with  slight  variations  from  2  S.  8'  ".  David  defeats  the 
Phihstincs  and  acquires  Gath  with  its  dependencies  and  conquers 
Moab,  Zobah,  Damascus,  and  Edom.  As  a  con.ieqjenoe  of  the  de- 
feat of  the  King  of  Zobah,  the  King  of  Hamath  sends  gifts,  hence 
David  controls  practically  all  of  Syria  south  of  Hamath  except  the 
Phoenician  cities  and  the  remaining  cities  of  Philistia. — 1.  Gath  and 
its  daughters]  instead  of  the  unintelligible  "bridle  of  the  mother 
city  "  RV.  of  2  S.  8'.  Whether  the  reading  of  Chronicles  is  the  orig- 
inal is  impossible  to  determine.  We.  TS.  and  Dr.  think  it  derived 
from  2  S. — 2.  The  Chronicler  omitted  from  2  S.  the  passage,  "and 
he  measured  them  with  the  line,  making  them  to  lie  down  on  the 


XVm.  1-17.]  FOREIGN   WARS   OF   DAVID  233 

ground;  and  he  measured  two  lines  to  put  to  death,  and  one  full 
line  to  keep  alive,"  possibly  because  this  harsh  treatment  of  the 
Moabite  captives  cast  reflections  upon  the  character  of  David 
after  the  previous  kindness  shown  him  by  the  Moabite  King,  i  S. 
22'  '•.  Of  that  incident  the  writer  of  2  S.  8^  seems  to  have  had  no 
knowledge  (Sm.),  but  the  Chronicler  certainly  must  have  been 
acquainted  with  it.  This  fact,  then,  rather  than  the  excessive 
cruelty  of  the  measure,  probably  influenced  him,  cf.  20^ — And 
brought  tribute]  probably,  as  in  the  days  of  Alesha,  this  consisted 
of  wool,  2  K.  3^ — 3.  Hadad!ezer'^].  Chronicles  has  here  and  else- 
where Hadarezer,  cf.  vv.  '•  '"•  '"  i9'«-  ",  as  also  (S  in  all  the  parallel 
passages  in  2  S.  The  original  form  of  the  name  was  of  course 
Hadactezer,  as  in  2  S.  IH,  and  i  K.  11".  The  component  Hadad 
appears  in  the  name  Benhadad,  carried  by  a  number  of  kings  of 
Damascus  of  later  times,  i  K.  15''  ^"  =  2  Ch.  i6=-  *  i  K.  20',  etc. 
Of  these  Ben-hadad  II.  is  known  in  Assyr.  ins.  as  Dadda-id-ri 
(var.  'idri)  =  Aram.  Hadad-idri  =  Heb.  Hadadezer  {KB.  i, 
p.  134,  n.  i).  Hadad  was  the  name  of  a  Syrian  deity.  The  name 
signifies  Hadad  is  help  (Dr.)  (see  Sm.).— Zo6a/f]  an  Aramean 
state  of  consequence  during  the  reigns  of  Saul  (i  S.  14")  and 
David,  mentioned  in  Assyr.  ins.  as  Subutu  or  Subiti  (see  Del. 
Par.  pp.  279/.,  Schr.  KAT.^  pp.  182/.),  and  situated  according  to 
Noeldeke  between  Damascus  and  Hamath  {EBi.  I.  col.  280  §  6). 
—Unto  Hamath]  is  an  addition  to  the  text  of  2  S.  Whether  from 
a  glossator  or,  as  is  more  likely,  from  the  Chronicler,  the  statement 
is  an  inference  from  vv.  «  ^■.  Hamath  is  identical  with  the  mod. 
Hamd  on  the  Orontes  about  one  hundred  and  fifteen  miles  north  of 
Damascus. — Ashe  went  to  establish  his  hand  by  the  river  Euphrates]. 
The  subject  is  either  Hadadezcr  (Be.,  Zoe.,  Dr.)  or  more  probably 
David  (Oe.,  Ba.,  Sm.). — 4.  A  thousand  chariots  and  seven  thousand 
horsemen]  but  according  to  2  S.  David  took  a  thousand  and  seven 
hundred  horsemen  and  no  mention  is  made  of  the  chariots.  Since 
(S  of  2  S.  agrees  with  Chronicles,  the  Chronicler  did  not  likely  alter 
the  text,  but  rather  reproduced  what  he  found. — Daznd  hamstrung 
all  the  chariot  horses]  as  a  measure  to  insure  peace,  cf.  Jos.  11  «•'. 
The  Hebrews  among  their  hills  were  slow  in  adopting  cavalry  and 
chariots,  but  David  now  began  their  use,  for  he  reserved  from  them 


234  I    CHRONICLES 

[horses] /or  a  hundred  chariots. — 5.  Aram  of  Damascus].  Aram 
is  a  singular  collective  for  the  Arameans.  The  Aramean  kingdom 
with  Damascus  as  its  chief  city  played  an  important  role  in  the 
history  of  Syria  imtil  it  was  finally  overthrown  by  Tiglath-pileser 
III  in  732  B.  c.  Damascus  itself  is  a  city  of  extreme  antiquity, 
although  early  references  to  it  are  few  and  uncertain.  It  appears 
as  Timasku  in  the  list  of  the  Syrian  conquests  of  Thotmes  III,  and 
as  Jlmalgi,  Di»uiSka,  in  the  Amama  letters. — The  independence  of 
Damascus  was  also  threatened  by  this  attack  upon  Zobah,  hence 
the  willingness  to  succour  Hadadezer. — 6.  llien  David  put  garri- 
sons* in  Aram  0/ Da?nasci{s]  as  was  his  custom  to  do  to  subjected 
peoples,  cf.  V.  ". — The  writer  piously  ascribes  the  credit  for  David's 
victories  to  Yahweh,  cf.  v.  '^ — 7.  Shields  of  gold]  is  a  somewhat 
doubtful  rendering,  more  likely  arms  or  armour  (Ba.  Exp.  Times 
X.  pp.  43  f)-  Of  gold  would  refer  to  the  decoration. — 8.  Tibhath] 
(so  read  also  in  2  S.  8«  f)  and  Cun  f]  (2  S.  Berothai)  are  other- 
wise unknown.  Furrer  (ZPV.  viii.  p.  34)  identifies  the  latter  with 
the  mod.  Kuna  near  Bereitan. — Whereunth  Solomon  made  the 
brazen  sea  and  the  pillars  and  the  vessels  of  brass]  is  an  addition 
from  the  hand  of  the  Chronicler,  whence  it  made  its  way  into  (g 
of  2  S. — 9.  To'u,  king ofHamath]  (2  S.  To'i)  is  otherwise  unknown. 
Ilamath,  regularly  mentioned  as  the  northern  boundary  of  Israel, 
on  the  western  side  of  Hcrmon  immediately  north  of  Dan.  This 
kingdom  had  plainly  been  threatened  by  the  Arameans  whom  David 
defeated. — 10.  Hadoram,  his  son]  (2  S.  Joram).  Nothing  further 
is  known  of  him.  The  name  appears  as  that  of  an  Arabian  tribe 
in  1 2'  {q.  v.). — Upon  the  defeat  of  Hadadezer  Tou  hastened  to 
send  his  son  to  bless  David,  /.  e.,  to  congratulate  him,  possibly  to 
acknowledge  his  suzerainty,  and  to  purchase  his  favour  with  gifts. 
— 11.  These  also  did  king  David  dedicate  to  Yahweh  ]  together  with 
the  spoils  of  war  from  the  nations,  Edom,  Mo^ab,  'Amman,  the 
Philistines,  and  'Amalek.  2  S.  adds  "and  from  the  spoil  of  Hadad- 
ezer, son  of  Rehob,  king  of  Zobah."  We  have  no  other  mention 
of  a  w^ar  of  David  with  Amalek  except  that  in  i  S.  30,  where  we 
are  told  that  David  distributed  the  spoil  among  his  friends  in 
Judah  (w. "  «•). — 12.  And  when  he  returned  he  smote  Edom"^ 
in  the   Valley  of  Salt  eighteen  thousand].     This  is  probably  the 


XVin.  1-17.]         FOREIGN   WARS   OF  DAVID  235 

original  text  here,  an  abridgment  of  2  S.  8'^  "And  David  made  a 
name.  And  when  he  returned  from  his  smiting  of  Aram,  he 
smote  Edom,*  etc. "  HI  of  Chronicles,  Moreover  Abshai  the  son  oj 
Zeriiiah,  is  due  to  a  curious  misreading  of  a  copyist  (v.  i.).  The 
Edomites  may  have  taken  advantage  of  the  absence  of  David  and 
the  army,  when  they  were  far  north,  to  make  a  hostile  raid,  as  the 
Amalekites  did  when  David  left  Ziklag  to  go  north  with  the  Philis- 
tines (i  S.  30).  The  Valley  of  Salt  is  only  mentioned  in  connec- 
tion with  Edom,  2  Ch.  25>'  2  K.  14'  Ps.  6o^  On  account  of  its 
proximity  to  the  salt  mountain,  Khashm  Usdum,  and  to  the  Salt 
Sea,  it  has  been  identified  with  the  plain  es-Sebkhah,  at  the  southern 
end  of  the  Dead  Sea.— 13.  And  he  put  garrisons  in  Edom]  as  he 
had  done  in  Damascus,  v.  «.  The  pious  formula  which  closes  v.  « 
is  repeated  here  verbatim. 

1.  np■'^]  2  S.  8'  +  nn. — n^njai  pj  pn]  2  S.  ncNn  jpd  pn,  which  is 
quite  unintelligible  (see  Sm.).— 2.  On  omission  see  above.— 3Nin  vhm] 
2  S.  8^  3N1D  •>nni. — 3.  iry-nn]  many  mss.,  2  S.  8'  iiynn.  Ch.  pre- 
serves a  corrupt  spelling,  which  since  it  appears  in  (S  of  2  S.,  'ASpaafap, 
may  have  been  found  in  this  form  by  the  Chronicler. — Ch.  has 
omitted  3m  p. — npcn]  wanting  in  2  S.  Bn.  thinks  it  is  a  corruption 
of  ncSn,  ai  Helam,  see  191'.— 2>snS]  2  S.  3'>!:'n'^.  The  former  is  read 
after  Dr.  by  Bu.,  who  thinks  it  represented  in  iTri<TTfj(7ai  of  05  in 
2  S. — pid]  wanting  in  Kt.  of  2  S.,  given  in  Qr.  and  some  MSB.- 4. 
D>ciD  o^dSk  py^tfi  331  t]^i<]  2  S.  &*  3^^-10  P1ND  p3-^'i  I'^x.  05  in  2  S. 
agrees  with  Ch.  But  ll|  of  2  S.  is  likely  nearer  to  the  true  reading, 
which  may  have  been  originally  seven  hundred  chariots,  cf.  2  S.  10", 
to  which  was  added  a  thousand  horsemen,  and  finally  by  other  ad- 
ditions and  changes  the  text  of  Ch.  appeared  (see  Bn.).— 5.  N3n] 
2  S.  8^  N3P1. — In  iB-D-n  instead  of  ptr'm  we  have  an  unusual  spelling, 
cf.  V.  «  and  Syriac  -  m  ^nKni^  For  a  full  discussion  see  J.  Halevy, 
Revue  Semitique,  1894,  pp.  280-283.— ir>ninS]  see  v.  '.—6.  a^3XJ  gar- 
risons given  in  2  S.  8«  has  fallen  from  the  text  as  the  object  of 
Dtt-M.  It  is  found  in  the  Vrss.~^nM]  2  S.  ^npi— n^nS^]  2  S.  in  nx.  The 
former  gives  the  better  idea,  Yahweh  gave  victory  to  David. — 7.  hy 
ii3>']  correct  over  against  >13JJ  S^x  of  2  S.  (Be.,  Dr.,  Bu.,  Sm.). — 
oStt'ii''  0N«3''i]  wanting  in  B. — 8.  rn3-JC]  true  reading  confirmed  by  05 
in  2  S.,  where  in  ^  nt33D,  cf.  Gn.  22".  Kau.  reads  n3t3pi. — p3Ci]  2  S. 
ini3a\  (5  in  both  2  S.  and  Ch.  has  iK  tuv  ^/cXe/cTwv  =  pni3D  cf. 
16"  or  in3!:D  (Bn.),  inn3a  (Sm.).  Nothing  is  known  of  a  city  of  either 
name. — 'ui  ns-j?  13]  wanting  in  2  S.,  an  addition  by  the  Chronicler, 
V.  5.-9.  VP]  2  S.  8»  ";r,  but  the  text  of  Ch.  is  confirmed  by  (g  in 


236  I    CHRONICLES 

2  S.  and  is  the  more  probable  form  (Dr.,  Bu.). — n^ix  ^^r]  wanting  in 
2  S. — 10.  n'^'•i'-^]  2  S.  8'"  adds  the  King's  name. — ^-mr-]  2  S.  c-<v, 
but  since  (8  in  2  S.  has  Itddovpav  the  text  of  Ch.  is  to  be  preferred 
(Dr.,  Bu.). — r•i•TM^  ^031  ant  >'73  >?ji]  2  S.  •''^'2^  an?  '"-ji  t^oz  •<^2  vn  n'3i 
nifnj. — 11.  s-z':]  2  S.  8"  s'npn  and  also  after  bmjh  the  additional 
clause  U'33  n^-.s. — ans-]  2  S.  8"  dins.  The  text  of  Ch.  is  to  be 
preferred  (see  Sm.). — 2  S.  has  after  p':'S>2i  the  additional  clause 
nais  I'ro  am  ja  ■^r;•^^^  '?"<;;'2i. — 12.  cnN  pn  n^n  hm-ix  p  >::'aNi]  2  S.  8'» 
D->N  HK  vman-;  la'ra  O'^  nn  b';m.  The  first  clause,  /ln</  David  made  a 
name,  the  Chronicler  clearly  omitted.  Instead  of  la^'a  the  original 
after  CS  in  2  S.  was  laii'ai  (Bu.,  Ki.).  This  by  a  copyist  has  been 
corrupted  into  ja  'S-as,  and  then  some  hand  has  added  the  missing 
name  of  the  mother  n^nx.  nan  may  have  been  the  correct  reading  in 
2  S.  (We.  TS.,  Bu.),  where  as  the  text  now  stands  we  must  substi- 
tute ms  for  anx,  or  possibly  the  original  text  may  have  contained 
two  clauses  and  as  a  whole  read :  cnN  pn  viana  larai  x:-y  in  t'y^\ 
DIN  PN  nan  (Bu.,  SBOT.,  somewhat  after  Be.,  who  read  Aud  Joah 
the  son  of  Zeruiah  smote  Edom  when  he  returned  from  the  conquest 
of  Aram).  Ke.  read  as  Bu.  except  I'l  instead  of  nan.  The  words  of 
the  title  of  Ps.  60,  rhr:  Nua  ciin  .-n  T'lasv  au'^i,  support  the  reading  of 
Be.,  yet  the  title  most  probably  is  subsequent  to  the  text  of  Ch.  with 
OB'S!  (Bn.). — 13.  After  a^'ai-j  2  S.  8'*  has  the  additional  clause  Saa 
caxj  D'Zf  anN,  which  (if  not  a  dittography)  the  Chronicler  naturally 
omitted  as  superfluous. — rn^]  2  S.  ^nM. 

14-17.  Administrative  officers. — Taken  from  2  S.  8"". — 14. 
The  King  himself  acted  as  chief  justice,  thus  making  himself  acces- 
sible to  the  people,  cf.  2S.  15'  '  . — 15.  David's  nephew  Jo^ab  the  son 
of  Zeniiah  (David's  sister)  was  over  the  host].  Cf.  2". — Jehosha- 
phat  the  son  of  Ahilnd  was  the  recorder].  This  Jehoshaphat 
always  mentioned  in  this  way  (2  S.  8"  20'*  i  K.  4'  f )  held  office 
also  in  the  reign  of  Solomon  (i  K.  4').  The  functions  of  the 
recorder  (T'DTD,  lit.  the  one  who  causes  to  remember)  are  nowhere 
defined  e.xactly.  Most  likely  his  duty  consisted  in  reminding  the 
King  of  important  business  (sec  Bn.  Arch.  p.  310,  Now.  Arch.  I. 
p.  308). — 16.  Zadok,  the  son  of  Ahilnb].  Cf.  5"  (6'). — Ahimelech* 
the  son  of  Abiathar].  V.  i.,  cf.  24'. — Shavsha  was  scribe].  The 
spelling  is  doubtful  (v.  /.).  The  scribe  ("l21D)  was  the  King's 
secretary,  an  office  distinct  from  that  of  the  recorder.  Shavsha's 
two  sons  acted  as  scribes  in  the  reign  of  Solomon  (i  K.  4'). — 17. 
Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada  J  see  11",  was  over  the  Cherethites  and 


XIX.  1-19.]  CAMPAIGNS   AGAINST   AMMON  237 

the  Peleihiles]  the  King's  guard  (cf.  2  S.  15"  20^  +  v.  "  Qr.  i  K. 
I"-  **). — And  David's  sons  were  about  the  king]  is  the  Chronicler's 
paraphrase  for  2  S.  "And  David's  sons  were  priests  "  because  he 
could  not  understand  how  any  could  be  priests  except,  according 
to  P,  the  sons  of  Aaron  (see  Intro,  p.  13). 

14.  2  S.  8"  has  in  after  ■'ni\ — 16.  in^3N  p  ^SD13X1  air^PN  ja  pnxi] 
(S>,  M,  2  S.  8"  iSn^nx  the  true  reading  for  Ch.,  but  since  Abiathar 
is  mentioned  as  priest  before,  during,  and  after  David's  reign,  most 
modern  scholars  prefer  to  read  in  2  S.  after  §  Abiathar  the  son  of 
Ahimelech  (Dr.).  The  change,  however,  should  go  further  and  we 
should  read  in  2  S.,  but  not  in  Ch.,  3i:3^n.>{  p  ■]S3''nN  p  n.-insi  pnsi 
(see  Bu.  Com.). — s-.ris']  supported  against  ry'^'W  of  2  S.  by  n^;;*  2  S. 
20"  and  Ni'v.:'  i  K.  4'. — 17.  •'.Tijn  Sy]  2  S.  8"  \-nDni  by  error. — 
I'^rrn  iiS  CJCNin]  2  S.  o^jnj. 

XIX-XX.  3.  David's  war  with  the  Ammonites  and  their 
Aramean  allies. — Taken  from  2  S.  lo'-"  11'  i2»-  '«•  '«.  The 
Chronicler  has  omitted  the  narrative  of  David's  kindness  to  the 
house  of  Saul,  2  S.  9,  because  he  passes  over  entirely  David's 
relation  to  Saul;  and  he  has  also  omitted  the  episode  of  David's 
crimes  in  connection  with  Bathsheba,  2  S.  11.  12,  because  it 
reflects  upon  the  character  of  the  King.  In  this  story  of  the  Am- 
monite war  the  direct  variations  from  that  of  2  S.  are  of  minor 
importance,  chiefly  those  of  a  magnifying  character  to  give  David 
greater  glory,  or  to  simplify  the  narrative  (see  especially  below 

yy_    «.     7.     16.    is") 

XIX.  1-15.  The  King  of  Ammon  insults  David. — 1.  Na- 

hash  the  king  of  the  children  of  'Amnion]  (v.  =  2  S.  10=  i  S.  ii'-  '  ' 
and  perhaps  also  2  S.  17")  was  already  on  the  throne  during  the 
time  of  Saul  (i  S.  ii'  «■),  but  this  does  not  imply  a  very  long 
reign,  since  we  have  no  exact  chronology  for  the  events  of  either 
Saul's  or  David's  reign. — 2.  When  the  King  of  Ammon  died,  David 
resolved  to  show  kindness  to  his  son  Hanim  because  of  some 
kindness  which  the  father  had  shown  him.  What  this  kindness 
was,  the  history  does  not  tell  us.  Bertheau  suggests  it  may  have 
been  during  the  time  when  David  was  persecuted  by  Saul.  Hiram's 
love  for  David  led  to  a  similar  mission  upon  the  accession  of  Solo- 
mon (i  K.  5»»  <"). — 3.  The  princes  of  Ammon,  suspecting  another 


238  I    CHRONICLES 

aggressive  move  on  the  part  of  the  Hebrew  King,  warned  their 
lord  in  the  scornful  question,  Thinkest  thou  that  David  desires  to 
honor  thy  father  because  he  hath  sent  comforters  unto  thee? — 4. 
With  a  reckless  determination  to  provoke  war,  Hanun  insulted 
the  ambassadors  of  David. — The  beard  was  held  in  high  esteem 
among  the  Hebrews.  To  remove  the  beards  and  shorten  the 
robes  of  the  ambassadors  to  near  the  waist,  was  an  insult  indeed. — 
5.  David  saved  the  feelings  of  his  messengers  and  upheld  his  own 
dignity  by  directing  that  they  should  remain  at  Jericho  until  their 
beards  should  be  grown. — Jericho]  CinT*)  is  the  well-known  town 
in  the  lower  Jordan  valley,  the  mod.  Eriha,  about  fourteen  miles 
(as  the  crow  flies)  from  Jerusalem. 

1.  '<i'n:]  wanting  in  2  S.  10',  which  has  pjn  before  1:2.  Bu.  after 
We.  7^5.  omits  jun. — 2.  ''3]  2  S.  10'  ns'to. — s^onSc]  wanting  in  a 
S.,  which  has  the  additional  phrase  viaj;  t3  and  Sn  instead  of  S; 
before  V2x.  2  S.  lacks  Sn  before  1'"»n,  though  given  in  some  MSB.,  and 
also  inmS  ]Mn  Sn. — 3.  2  S.  10'  adds  an-jn.x  after  jun,  and  instead  of 
yha  v-iay  in3  y^nn  Sj-iSi  isnSi  -i|inS  mv^,  2  S.  has  T'yn  pn  npn  ->n;-2 
TiSn  may  ph  in  rh-y  nssnSi  nSji'^v — larrin]  precedes  the  subject  to 
throw  stress  upon  the  idea  conveyed  by  the  verbal  form,  Dr.  TH. 
§  135  (4). — 4.  on'^jM]  2  S.  10*  Bjpr  ■'xn  rt<  rhy\ — nj-i-Dcn].  The  Chron- 
icler has  given  a  less  offensive  word  than  an\-iins'  of  2  S.  (Bn.). — 5. 
ID*?'!]  and  D''U'jNn  *?;•]  are  wanting  in  2  S.   10'. 

6-15.  The  first  campaign. — 6.  7.  The  Chronicler  has  quite 
rewritten  2  S.  10"',  which  reads  "The  children  of  Ammon  sent 
and  hired  (of)  Aram  Beth-rehob  and  Aram  Zoba  twenty  thou- 
sand footmen  and  (of)  the  King  of  Maacah  a  thousand  men 
and  (of)  Ishtob  twelve  thousand  men."  We.  TS.  and  Bu.  omit 
"a  thousand  men,"  since  the  Chronicler  has  a  total  of  32,000. 
The  sources  or  the  motives  of  the  changes  introduced  in  the  text 
by  the  Chronicler  are  mostly  obscure.  That  he  should  convert 
footmen  into  chariots  is  obvious  enough  to  make  the  victory  of 
David  so  much  greater;  and  possibly  a  similar  motive,  and  his 
love  of  detail  setting  forth  magnificence,  may  have  led  him  to 
insert  as  the  compensation  the  enormous  sum  of  a  thousand  tal- 
ents of  silver.  According  to  2  Ch.  25'  Amaziah  hires  100,000  men 
for  a  hundred  talents.  "  Ishtob  "  may  have  been  omitted  as  obscure 


XIX.  1-19.]  CAMPAIGNS   AGAINST   AMMON  239 

or  because  originally  joined  with  Maacah  or  through  oversight. 
Aram-naharaim  may  have  been  substituted  for  Beth-rehob  be- 
cause the  Chronicler  identified  the  latter  with  Rehob  of  Jos. 
1928,  which  as  a  possession  of  Asher  could  not  belong  to  the  Ara- 
means.  Since  Arameans  from  beyond  the  River  took  part  in  the 
second  campaign  (v. '«),  Aram-naharaim  was  an  easy  substitute. 
The  assembling  of  the  host  at  Medeba  is  a  touch  of  detail  descrip- 
tion, but  scarcely  corresponds  to  the  actual  fact,  since  Medeba  is  a 
city  of  northern  Moab.  In  some  way  it  may  have  been  confused 
with  Rabbah  of  Ammon. — Aram-naharaim]  "Aram  of  the  two 
rivers,"  i.e.,  probably  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates,  cf.  i". 
— Aram-ma  acah]  (Dt.  y  Jos.  13")  was  a  small  Aramean  kingdom 
not  far  from  Damascus  in  Gaulanitis. — Zobah].  Cf.  i8^ — 
Medeba]  (Nu.  21"  Is.  15^  Jos.  13'-  "  f;  also  Moabite  Stone 
n^inO,  line  8)  was  about  six  miles  south  from  Heshbon. — 9.  The 
children  of  Ammon  awaited  Joab's  attack  at  the  gate  0/  the  city, 
doubtless  Rabbath  Ammon,  while  the  Aramean  forces  were  at 
some  distance  in  the  field. — 10.  11.  Joab  prepares  to  attack  the 
Aramean  allies  himself  with  the  flower  of  the  army,  because  they 
were  probably  the  stronger,  while  his  brother  Abishai  with  the  rest 
of  the  people  draw  up  before  the  Ammonites. — On  Jo''ab  and 
Abishai^  see  2'«. — 12.  If  the  forces  of  Joab  should  show  themselves 
unable  to  cope  with  their  Aramean  antagonists,  Abishai  should 
send  him  re-enforcements,  and  in  case  Abishai  should  be  put  to 
the  worse,  Joab  promised  to  help  him. — 14.  15.  Joab's  help,  how- 
ever, was  not  needed,  for  the  Ammonites  lost  heart  when  they  saw 
their  Aramean  mercenaries  in  full  flight,  and  retreated  within  the 
walls  of  their  city. — And  Jo^ab  came  to  Jerusalem].  For  the  time 
the  campaign  was  closed. 

6-7.  irxjnn]  2  S.  io«  v.;'N3j. — imt  oy]  2  S.  1113.  The  remainder  of 
these  verses  is  quite  different  in  2  S.  (v.  s.). — 8.  D'-\3jn  nox  S::]  2  S.  10^ 
D^najn  N3xn  So.  Dr.  accepts  2  S.,  the  construction  being  that  of  ap- 
position. Bu.  follows  Ch.  putting  N2i'  in  construct,  but  both  of  these 
readings  convey  the  wrong  idea  that  the  host  consisted  of  mighty  men. 
The  original  undoubtedly  was  an^jni  K3xn  So  (Th.,  Graetz,  Oe.,  Bn.), 
since  the  mighty  men  were  David's  body-guard. — 9.  "cyn  nrr]  2  S.  10' 
-\•"yT^  nnjj.  Ch.  has  the  original  reading  (Be.,  Bn.).  The  city  is 
Rabbah,   the   royal   city   of   Amnion. — 'iji  a^o'^ani]   2   S.   repeats  the 


240  I    CHRONICLES 

names  of  the  four  allies.  Ch.  has  given  a  natural  paraphrase. — 10. 
iiHNi  B<:c]  2  S.  io«  iins3i  o^jD":. — -Mnn]  2  S.  '-mh::.  Bu.  follows  Ch. 
— 11.  -z-zi*]  2  S.  lo"  ^V2t<,  which  is  the  better  spelling,  so  also 
V.  '5,  cf.  II". — ^2•y•;■'^]  2  S.  l^i-M. — 12.  nyirp-']  2  S.  10"  n;i8»>S. — 
l\iya>ini]  2  S.  l''  ys'inS  vij'^ni.  It  is  impossible  to  determine  which 
text  is  original  (Bn.),  though  probably  that  of  2  S. — 13.  -i;*]  piN, 
ark,  was  probably  the  original  text  of  2  S.  10"  (see  Sm.). — 14.  'JdS 
nsnSnS  din]  2  S.  10"  d-\n3  nsnScS.  The  wording  of  Ch.  is  the  more 
graphic. — 16.  rti:n  dj]  and  vns]  are  wanting  in  2  S.  10".  <S  reads 
and  they  also  fled  from  the  presence  of  Joab  and  from  the  presence  of 
his  brother.  Hence  it  is  inferred  that  3xr  •'JB':  stood  in  the  original 
text  after  ans  (Ki.). — 2  S.  has  after  m^yn  (2  S.  T'j.'n)  the  additional 
clause  psy  "'J3  ^•;'^  2nv  a;"i.  The  unrelieved  statement  of  Ch.  and 
Joab  came  to  Jerusalem  is  certainly  very  abrupt,  and  more  likely  an 
abridgment  of  an  original  than  that  the  text  of  2  S.  should  be  an 
expansion  of  an  original  represented  in  the  text  of  Ch.,  as  Bn. 
suggests. 

16-19.  The  second  campaign. — In  this  the  Arameans  come 
with  re-enforcements  from  the  far  north  in  order  to  regain  their 
lost  prestige.— 16.  The  Arameans  had  apparently  returned  to  the 
north,  where  they  rallied  and  sent  messengers  and  brought  out  the 
Arameans  that  were  beyond  the  River,  i.e.,  the  Euphrates.  Accord- 
ing to  2  S.  it  was  Hadadezer  who  sent  for  the  northern  Arameans. 
Either  his  authority  extended  to  the  region  of  Mesopotamia  or 
he  only  applied  to  the  Arameans  of  that  country  for  assistance. — 
Shophach]  (v.  ",  Shobach  2  S.  lo"-  "  f)  the  commander  of 
Hadadezer's  army,  was  placed  in  command  of  the  new  troops. — 
17.  David  in  turn  gathered  all  the  fighting  men  of  Israel  together, 
crossed  the  Jordan,  and  came  upon  them;  or  better  perhaps  after 
2  S.  {v.  i.)  and  came  to  Jlelam,  an  unknown  place. — And  set  the 
battle  in  array  against  them].  These  words  are  superfluous  and 
have  arisen  from  a  repetition  of  the  text  (x-.  i.). — Apparently 
David  commands  in  person  on  this  expedition. — 18.  The  Arameans 
were  again  defeated. — Seven  thousand  chariots]  2  S.  10"  "seven 
hundred  chariots,"  an  intentional  change  by  the  Chronicler  to 
magnify  David's  victory.  But  the  change  of  "forty  thousand 
horsemen"  (2  S.)  io  forty  thousand  footmen  can  only  be  explained 
on  the  ground  that  the  Chronicler  preserves  the  original  text. 
Otherwise  no  footmen  would  be  mentioned  in  2  S. — 19.  This 


XX.  1-3.]  CONQUEST    OF   AMMON  241 

victory  was  complete  and  the  Arameans  were  reduced  to  the 
position  of  a  subject  people. 

16.  idj:]  2  S.  io'5  t\n. — The  Chronicler  has  abridged  and  simplified 
the  narrative  of  2  S.  by  omitting  the  clauses  "  and  they  were  assembled 
together,"  "and  they  came  to  Helam."  The  latter  may  be  a  wrong 
insertion  in  2  S.  (Bn.).  He  also  has  retained  one  plural  subject  through- 
out referring  to  the  Arameans,  thus  they  sent  messettgers  and  they  brought 
out,  etc.,  where  2  S.  has  "Hadadezer  sent  messengers  and  brought  out," 
etc. — lavr]  2  S.  I2ir,  so  also  v.  's. — 17.  q.-i'^n  n^m]  to  be  read  with 
2  S.  nnxSn  X3'1,  Qr.  nsSn  and  he  came  to  Helam  (Be.,  Bn.,  Ki.). 
This  proper  name  occurs  twice  in  2  S.  10,  in  v.  '^,  the  gathering-place 
of  the  Arameans,  and  secondly  in  v.  "  parallel  to  its  substitution 
here.  It  is  possible  that  in  the  first  instance  Helam,  read  by  Cornill  in 
Ez.  47'^  after  Sibraim  and  situated  between  the  border  of  Damascus 
and  the  border  of  Hamath,  is  meant.  If  this  is  accepted,  Helam  was 
the  northern  rallying-point  for  the  Arameans  called  from  beyond  the 
River  (2  S.  io'«)  and  the  reading  of  M  upon  them  is  correct  and  2  S. 
10"  should  be  corrected  from  Ch.  and  not  vice  versa. — an'^s  Ti>"i 
are  to  be  struck  out  as  a  dittography  from  the  following  and  the  pre- 
ceding words. — ncn'^D  Dix  nNipS  n^n  Ti>''i]  2  S.  10"  ^n  rH-\ph  di>s  12-i;"m. 
(gB  follows  2  S.  and  ^  Ch.,  while  in  2  S.  (&•'  follows  Ch.  and  ^  2  S. 
Either  there  was  a  variant  tradition  which  made  David  initiate  the 
action  or  more  likely  this  change  was  due  to  the  Chronicler  and 
some  Mss.  of  (S  came  under  its  influence. — 18.  c^d'^n]  2  S.  10"  rwr:. — 
^Sji  BfiN]  2  S.  o^eno.  The  text  of  Ch.  is  to  be  preferred  as  original. 
Dr.  and  Bu.  read  c\v. — n^cn  N3sn  T.r  iDir  nsi]  abridged  from  2  S. 
D'if  nci  nan  isax  Ti*  ^a1^'  nxi. — 19.  2  S.  10"  has  a^'D^cn  Ss  with  naj? 
'n  in  apposition  as  the  subject  of  inhm. — nax  k'^i  inia;*'!  Tin  a>*]  2  S. 
isTi  Dn^;"i  SxTi"  nx.  The  Chronicler  is  more  concerned  with  David 
than  Israel  and  has  paraphrased  accordingly. 

XX.  1-3.  The  conquest  of  Ammon. — 1.  Andit  came  to  pass, 
at  the  time  of  the  return  of  the  year,  at  the  time  when  kings  go  ont'\ 
is  doubtless  what  the  Chronicler  copied  from  2  S.  11',  but  there 
the  original  was  "at  the  time  when  the  messengers  went  forth," 
i.e.,  a  year  after  David  first  sent  messengers  to  Hanun,  19^  =  2  S. 
10'  (see  Sm.). — And  Jo'ab  led  forth  the  strength  of  the  host  and 
destroyed  the  land  of  the  children  of  'Ammon,  and  he  came  and 
besieged  Rabbah]  a  paraphrase  of  2  S.  "And  David  sent  Joab, 
and  his  servants  with  him,  and  all  Israel;  and  they  destroyed  the 
children   of  Ammon,   and   besieged   Rabbah."     The  Chronicler 


242  I    CHRONICLES 

sharpens  the  narrative  by  making  it  more  individualistic. — It 
seems  a  curious  oversight  on  the  part  of  the  Chronicler  to  have 
retained  from  2  S.  Now  David  was  abiding  in  Jerusalem,  the  words 
introducing  the  story  of  Bathsheba  and  out  of  place  in  the  Chron- 
icler's narrative,  since  in  the  following  verses  David  is  clearly  in 
the  field  with  the  army. — And  Jo\ib  smote  Rabbah  and  destroyed  it]. 
Cf.  2  S.  12=5  where  the  text  is  faulty  (see  Sm.).  According  to  what 
seems  to  have  been  the  original  text  of  2  S.,  Joab  captured  a 
fortification  which  protected  the  city's  water.  With  victory  thus 
assured,  he  sent  for  David  that  the  latter  might  have  the  glory  of 
taking  the  city.  By  the  Chronicler's  abridgment,  the  King  appears 
abruptly  on  the  scene  in  time  to  take  part  in  the  sacking  of  the 
city. — Rabbah]  (2  S.  11'  Am.  i'<  Je.  49'  and  frequent)  the  mod. 
'Atnman,  thirteen  and  one-half  miles  north-east  from  Heshbon, 
twenty-eight  and  one-half  miles  east  from  the  Jordan,  was  the 
capital  of  the  Ammonites  (cf.  Baed.<  pp.  142  ff.;  Buhl,  GAP. 
p.  260;  and  on  the  history  of  the  place  Schtir.  Jewish  People,  II.  i. 
pp.  119^.).— 2.  And  David  took  tlie  crown  of  Milcom*]  the  national 
god  of  Ammon  (i  K.  11'  "  2  K.  23")  and  probably  distinct  from 
Molech  (see  Moore,  EBi.  III.  col.  3085).  The  name  has  not  been 
found  outside  the  OT.  If  this  emendation  is  correct,  this  state- 
ment implies  that  an  image  of  the  deity  was  found  at  Rabbah. 
A  parallel  to  the  idol's  crown  has  been  found  in  that  of  the  Delian 
Apollo. — And  he  found  the  weight^  a  talent  of  gold  and  in  it  was  a 
precious  stone].  The  weight  is  probably  an  exaggeration,  since  it 
came  upon  David's  head,  i.e.,  it  was  worn  by  him. — 3.  This  verse 
has  been  interpreted  to  mean  that  David  tortured  the  captives,  and 
also  that  he  put  them  at  forced  labour.  The  latter  seems  the  more 
likely,  hence  we  render.  And  he  set  *  them  at  saws  and  at  picks 
arid  at  axes. 

1.  nnS']  wanting  in  2  S.  11'.  On  other  variations  from  the  text  of 
3  S.  see  above. — 2=2  S.  12". — imi]  supplied  by  the  Chronicler. — 
Dr';'^]  their  king,  so  also  2  S.  (S"*  MoXxo(^)M  /SacrtX^wj  avrCjv,  and  ■ 
in  2  S.  MeXxoX  tov  /SacrtX^wj  avrCjv  (other  MSS.,  MfXxo/t, — w/x).  B 
Tutu  atilem  David  coronam  Melchom  de  capite  ejus.  Jewish  com- 
mentators interpret  as  a  proper  name,  dz'^rp  (cf.  i  K.  ii'-  "  2  K. 
23"),  adopted  by  We.,  Dr.,  Sm.,  Kau.,  Oe.,  Bn.,  and  others. — hnxo 


XX.  4-8.]     SLAUGHTER   OF   PHILISTINE   CHAMPIONS  243 

SpB'D]  better  'i-rrcn  nscm  (Bn.).  2  S.  n':'p!:'c.— n^]  wanting  in  ^  cf 
2  S.,  but  given  in  &,  ul,  H,  and  necessary  (Dr.,  Bu.,  Bn.).— 3.  ^)^'^^]  2 
S.  12"  Di"i.  The  text  of  Ch.,  a  ott.  \e7.,  was  preferred  as  original  by 
Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  but  that  of  2  S.  correctly  by  Ki.,  Bn.— nnjoa]  2  S. 
hnzn  m-iTj?:,  axes  of  iron.  This  latter  is  the  true  text.  2  S.  has  the 
additional  unintelligible  clause  pSna  anix  n>2>'m. 

4-8.  Philistine   champions   slain. — Corresponds  with  2  S. 
2118-22,     The   Chronicler   passes   over   the   story   of  Tamar  and 
Absalom,  Absalom's  rebellion,  and  the  atoning  vengeance  on  the 
house  of  Saul,  recorded  in  2  S.,  as  foreign  to  the  purpose  of  his 
history.     This  brought  him  to  the  account  of  the  slaying  of  the 
four  sons  of  a  Philistine  giant,  2  S.  2i>5-".     The  account  of  the 
destruction  of  the  first  the  Chronicler  omits  probably  because  he 
thought  it  unworthy  of  David  that  he  should  wax  faint  and  require 
to  be  rescued  by  one  of  his  men,  2  S.  21 ''-''.     He  gives  then  simply 
the  story  of  the  death  of  three  sons  of  the  giant,  but  departs  from 
the  narrative  of  2  S.  by  changing  the  statement  "Elhanan  slew 
Goliath  the  Gittite"  into  "Elhanan  slew  the  brother  of  Goliath 
the  Gittite,"  v.  K     This  change  by  the  Chronicler  was  undoubtedly 
made  to  reconcile  this  story  with  that  of  i  S.  17,  where  Goliath  the 
Gittite  falls  by  the  hand  of  David.     The  discrepancy  in  S.  is  due 
to  the  different  sources  of  the  stories.— 4.  Sibbecai  the  Hiishathite 
(2  S.  21"  I  Ch.  II"  and  the  corrected  text  of  the  parallel  2  S.  23" 
I  Ch.  27"  t),  i.e.,  Sibbecai  from  the  town  of  Hushah  {cf.  4^.     He 
was  of  the  Judean  family  of  Zerah.—Sippai  f]  (Saph  2  S.  21"'  f) 
otherwise  unknown.— 5.  The  place  of  this  war.  Gob  in  2  S.,  was 
probably  omitted  because  obscure,  just  as  Gezer  was  substituted 
in  the  preceding  verse  (v.  i.). — Elhanan,  the  son  of  Jair]  (2  S. 
21";  and  another  of  David's  chiefs  2  S.  23*^  =  1  Ch.  ii«  f). — 
LaJimi  f]  is  a  fiction  from  the  lehem  of  Bethlehem  in  the  text  of  2 
S.  21"  {v.  i.)— Goliath  the  Gittite]  (i  S.  17^-  "  21'"  22'°  2  S.  21"  f)- 
— The  staff  of  whose  spear  was  like  a  weaver's  beam].     It  is  a  mark 
of  the  Chronicler's  carelessness  that  he  should  have  retained  this 
clause  descriptive  of  Goliath  when,  according  to  his  text,  Goliath 
merely  identifies  Lahmi.— 6.  7.  The  unnamed  giant  was  slain  by 
Jonathan  the  son  of  Shimea.     This  nephew  of  David  is    ap- 
parently called  Jonadab  in  2  S.  13^  «•- 


244  I    CHRONICLES 

4.  "<a;Tii]  a  corruption  of  2  S.  21"  "^v  ^nn  which  <8  has  (Be.,  Zee., 
Oe.,  Ki.,  Bn.). — ■itj^]  2  S.  2J3  in  Gob.  The  Chronicler  probably  sub- 
stituted Gezer  for  the  obscure  Gob,  which  is  likely  the  original  form. 
It  is  considered  the  original  here  by  Zoe.  and  Ki.,  while  Be.  preferred 
Gezer  in  both  places.  But  Gezer  was  a  Canaanite  city.  Klo.  reads 
Gath. — HD'^n  ^■1•''?12  'cD  pn]  (many  mss.  and  editions  CNfj-in)  2  S.  tn 
HB^n  'i':'-3  -irN  f|D. — vjd-i]  wanting  in  2  S.,  and  probably  an  addition 
of  the  Chronicler  (Be.,  Zoe.,  and  Bn.  think  the  word  may  have  fallen 
from  the  text  of  2  S.). — 5.  2  S.  21"  has  3iJ3  after  nrnSn. — lU'"  p  pn'?N 
piSj  "inN  'cnS  PN  (Qr.  "^"i")]  2  S.  n^'^j  tn  •'■!:rhr\  n^a  nj?'  p  pn':'N  (omit- 
ting c-j"^N  after  ^"i;'%  which  is  a  dittography  from  the  following  clause). 
The  Chronicler  has  changed  the  original  text  given  in  2  S.  to  avoid  a 
discrepancy  with  i  .S.  17,  where  David  slays  Goliath  (v.  s.).  n^"  is 
clearly  to  be  preferred  to  ''■>"■'  (Bu.).  Ba.  favours  the  assumption 
that  Goliath  is  a  title  and  not  a  proper  name  and  thus  harmonises 
the  two  statements  concerning  the  death  of  Goliath. — 6.  mc]  2  S.  21" 
jnn  a  corruption  (Dr.,  Bu.). — yansi  ons'j?  cji'i  tt'c  vryaxNi]  2  S.  nyaxNi 
->flD3  jraisi  oni';;  cyi  vy  v'^jt  niyaxNi  vi>  probably  an  amplification 
of  the  original. — nSu]  2  S.  n'^\ — 7.  n;'0!:']  so  Qr.  in  2  S.  21",  but  Kt. 
V^-'  and  I  S.  16'  nn^'. — 8.  n'^i:  '?n]  2  S.  21"  nS>  hSn  pjtjin  pn.  The 
Chronicler  has  omitted  the  numeral  because  he  has  omitted  the  story 
of  the  death  of  the  first  of  the  four  brothers,  n'^u  should  be  pointed 
n'^ij,  Ges.  §  69/,  cf.  3'.     '^N  =  n''N  these,  v.  BDB. 

XXI-XXIX.  The   preparations   for    the   building   of   the 
Temple  and  the  personnel  of  the  servants  of  the  Temple. 

— In  these  cha])lers  David  is  said  to  have  made  such  prepara- 
tions for  the  building  of  the  Temple  as  to  make  him  deserve  the 
entire  credit  for  its  erection.  It  is  to  him  that  the  Temple  site  is 
revealed  in  consequence  of  the  sinful  numbering  of  the  people  and 
the  propitiatory  sacrifice  (21 '-2 2').  The  material  necessary  for 
the  building  and  its  furnishings,  greatly  in  excess  of  what  could 
possibly  have  been  used,  is  represented  as  collected  by  him,  gold, 
silver,  bronze,  iron,  timber,  hewn  stones  (2  2'-<-  '<),  and  even  precious 
stones,  with  variegated  stuff  and  fine  linen  (see  on  29'),  in  astonish- 
ing abundance.  Workmen  in  wood  and  in  stone,  in  gold,  in 
silver,  in  bronze,  and  in  iron  are  also  supplied  without  number  (see 
on  22"  ' ).  Even  the  j)lans  are  prepared  in  advance  and  delivered 
to  Solomon  by  David  with  proper  public  ceremony  (28"  " ). 
The  princes  are  commanded  to  give  the  young  King  all  possible 
assistance  in  carrying  out  the  great  undertaking  (22"  ■  ),  Solomon 


XXI.  1-8.]  DAVID'S   CENSUS  245 

himself  being  admonished  to  conduct  himself  piously  to  secure 
prosperity  for  the  work  (28'  ' ).  Thus  every  problem  is  anticipated 
and  solved  by  David.  Solomon  becomes  merely  the  representa- 
tive who  carries  out  the  predetermined  plans,  and  is  thus  robbed 
of  the  credit  for  that  performance  which  the  earlier  historical 
writings  put  down  as  his  greatest  glory.  The  organisation  of  the 
Temple  servants,  which  grew  up  during  the  long  period  between  the 
completion  of  the  Temple  and  the  post-exilic  period  of  the  writer,  is 
also  credited  to  David  in  defiance  of  historical  facts. 

Modern  critics  have  usually  considered  the  greater  part  of  cc.  21-29 
to  be  from  the  Chronicler  (so  Ki.,  SBOT.).  But  recently,  Buchler 
has  come  to  the  conclusion  that  cc.  22.  28/.  are  a  part  of  an  extensive 
extra-canonical  source  which  he  thinks  the  Chronicler  used  here  and 
elsewhere  (Zur  Geschichte  der  Tempelmusik  tend  dcr  Tern  pel  psalmen, 
ZAW.  1899,  pp.  130/.).  Benzinger  carries  Biichler's  position  still 
further,  maintaining  that  c.  21  (ultimately  taken  from  2  S.  24),  except- 
ing w.  6-28fl.^  is  from  the  same  source,  but  he  ascribes  22'*-''  28'^* 
14-18.  ao  f.  29'o-3o  to  the  Chronicler  {Ko7n.  pp.  61,  62,  64).  Kittel  now 
adopts  Benzinger's  position  {Kom.).  Biichler's  whole  theory  is  based 
upon  radical  textual  emendation  which  discredits  his  results  (/.  c.  pp. 
97  ff-)-  The  Chronicler's  omission,  in  the  preceding  chapters,  of 
everything  which  is  in  any  way  compromising  to  the  character  of 
David,  properly  prepares  for  this  presentation  of  the  crowning  acts  of 
his  life.  The  passage  must  be  late  post-exilic,  and  since  we  find 
many  indications  of  the  Chronicler's  hand  {v.  i.),  we  can  see  no  good 
reason  why  practically  the  whole  section  should  not  have  been  written 
by  him. 

XXI.  1-XXII.  1.  David's  census  and  the  plague.— This 

passage  is  dependent  upon  2  S.  24,  but  deviates  from  it  in  a 
number  of  important  particulars,  (i)  Satan  (v. ')  instead  of  Yah- 
weh  (2  S.  24')  is  the  instigator  of  the  census.  (2)  The  officers  of  the 
army,  there  associated  with  Joab  (2  S.  24'),  are  omitted,  and  also 
the  description  of  the  country  traversed  and  the  time  occupied 
in  taking  the  census  (2  S.  245-8).  (3)  The  results  of  the  census 
differ  (cp.  v.  ^  with  2  S.  24').  (4)  According  to  Chronicles  no 
count  of  Levi  and  Benjamin  was  made  (v.  ^),  while  according  to 
2  S.  all  the  tribes  seem  to  have  been  counted.  (5)  David  sees  the 
destroying  angel  "between  earth  and  heaven"  (v.  "=),  while  in  2  S. 


246  I    CHRONICLES 

he  is  simply  described  as  "by  the  threshing-floor"  (2  S.  24'«).  (6) 
The  elders  appear  with  David,  and  both  are  clothed  with  sack- 
cloth and  fall  prostrate  (v.  '«).  This  description  is  wanting  in 
Samuel.  (7)  Chronicles  also  adds  the  representation  that  Oman 
on  seeing  the  angel  went  into  hiding  with  his  four  sons  (v.  '").  (8) 
The  price  paid  for  the  threshing-floor  varies  (cp.  v.  "  with  2  S. 
242<).  (9)  The  fire  from  heaven  is  not  mentioned  in  2  S.  (10) 
Vv.  26-22'  are  wanting  in  2  S.  Although  these  variations  are 
extensive  and  Chronicles  has  reproduced  2  S.  24  in  a  freer  manner 
than  in  the  earlier  parallels,  there  is  little  ground  for  the  view  that 
the  Chronicler  must  have  used  an  intermediate  source.  Of  the 
main  variations,  (i),  (5),  (6),  (7),  and  (9)  might  be  expected  from 
any  late  writer  including  the  Chronicler;  (2)  is  an  abridgment 
most  natural  from  him;  (3)  rather  reveals  the  Chronicler  after  the 
gloss  has  been  omitted  (see  v.  ');  (4)  is  in  accord  with  his  religious 
attitude.  Even  if  an  earlier  hand  were  certain,  (8)  must  be  an 
exaggeration  due  to  the  Chronicler,  while  (10)  is  recognised  as 
coming  from  his  hand  (except  22',  which  is  certainly  an  mtegral 
part  of  the  preceding  paragraph,  v.  i.). 

Benzinger,  followed  by  Kittel,  holds  that  since  these  variations  cannot 
be  explained  on  any  one  principle,  neither  by  the  theology  of  the  Chron- 
icler, overlooking  exceptions,  nor  as  an  abridgment,  the  Chronicler  did 
not  take  the  chapter  directly  from  2  S.  However,  too  much  stress  should 
not  be  laid  on  the  variations  in  this  case,  since  the  Chronicler  would 
doubtless  have  omitted  this  account  as  doing  David  discredit  had  he 
not  found  a  new  use  for  it,  i.e.,  to  show  how  the  site  for  the  Temple  was 
selected,  a  thing  not  hinted  in  2  S.  The  changes  seem  natural  enough 
from  the  Chronicler.  He  abridges  what  is  to  David's  discredit  (2  S. 
lo''")  and  expands  that  which  does  him  credit  (2  S.  24'6). 

1-8.  The  census. — 1.  Now  Satan  rose  up  against  Israel  and 
moved  David  to  number  Israel].  According  to  2  S.  24'  Yahweh 
moved  David  to  number  the  people.  Some  commentators  have 
held  that  Satan  has  fallen  from  the  text  of  2  S.  (Ew.,  Zoe.,  Oe., 
et  al.),  but  this  finds  no  support  in  textual  criticism.  The  intro- 
duction of  Satan,  who  appears  in  Jb.  i«  2'  as  an  angel  bringing 
complaints  about  men  before  God  (rf.  also  Zc.  3'  *),  is  due  to  the 
Chronicler,  who  desired  to  remove  the  ofifence  caused  by  the  state- 


XXI.  1-8.]  DAVID'S   CENSUS  247 

ment  that  Yahweh  was  the  direct  instigator  of  an  act  portrayed 
as  sinful.  David  sinned  by  ordering  a  census  to  be  taken  without 
having  been  commanded  to  do  so  by  God  {cf.  Ex.  30"-"  and  the 
lustralio  populi  Romani,  introduced  by  Servius  TuUius,  which 
took  place  on  Mars-field  after  each  census,  see  Varro,  de  Re  Rustica, 
ii,  I.;  Livius,  i.  44,  cf.  iii.  22;  Dionysius,  iv.  22).  According  to 
Thenius,  Zoe.,  Ba.,  et  al.,  the  arrogance  of  David  revealed  in  the 
census  was  the  principal  cause  of  Yahweh's  anger.  But  such 
conduct,  though  possibly  the  basis  of  the  popular  view  taken  of  a 
census,  is  not  hinted  in  David's  prayers  (w.  »•  ");  the  census  is 
regarded  by  the  writer  as  a  sin  per  se.  A  connection  between  an 
epidemic  and  the  crowding  of  people  in  narrow  quarters  for 
enumeration  has  been  found  by  some. — For  the  use  of  Israel 
instead  of  "Israel  and  Judah"  (2  S.  24')  see  below,  v. ^ — 2.  And 
David  said  to  Jo'ab,  and  to  the  princes  of  the  people,  go  number 
Israel].  The  census  was  a  military  measure,  hence  was  entrusted 
to  Joab  and  only  those  "that  drew  sword"  (v.^)  were  numbered. 
On  Jo^ab,  cf.  2'«. — From  Be'ersheba'  even  to  Dan]  i.  e.,  the  extreme 
southern  and  northern  limits  (see  Buhl,  GAP.  pp.  69  /.).  Beer- 
sheba,  the  modern  Btr-es-Seba' ,  on  north  bank  of  Wady  es-Seba' 
(cf.  4^8),  lay  twenty-eight  miles  (as  the  crow  flies)  south-west  from 
Hebron,  and  was  an  ancient  sanctuary  (cf  Am.  5^).  For 
biblical  derivations  of  the  name,  cf  Gn.  21''  (E),  26^3  (J)  (see 
Buhl,  GAP.  p.  183,  with  references  there).  Dan,  the  modern 
Tell-el-Kddt,  had  the  original  name  of  Laish  (tS'"'^)  Ju.  18", 
Leshem  (Dw^)  in  Jos.  19".  It  lay  in  the  extreme  north  of  Pales- 
tine, and  according  to  Onom.  (2nd  ed.  Lag.  249.  32,  275.  ^^) 
was  four  Roman  miles  west  from  Panias  (see  Buhl,  GAP.  pp. 
238/.,  with  references  there;  also  GAS.  HGHL.  pp.  473.  480, 
who  identifies  Dan  with  the  modern  Banias).  For  the  Chronicler's 
habit  of  defining  limits  from  south  to  north,  cf.  2  Ch.  19^  30*  Ne. 
11^",  also  I  Ch.  135. — 3.  AndJo'ab  said.  Let  Yahweh  increase  his 
people  as  much  as  one  hundred  times,  is  not  my  lord  the  king,  are 
not  all  of  them  servants  of  my  lord?*]  (v.  i.).  Popular  superstition 
connected  a  plague,  and  consequently  a  large  decrease  of  the 
population,  with  the  taking  of  a  census.  Joab  diplomatically 
called  this  fact  to  his  lord's  attention  by  wishing  for  him  Yahweh's 


248  I    CHRONICLES 

blessing  in  a  great  increase  of  people.  He  also  assured  the  King 
of  the  lo}-alty  of  his  subjects. — Why  will  he  be  a  cause  of  guilt  unto 
Israel?]  i.e.,  the  community  guilt  which  results  from  the  sins  of 
one  or  a  part  of  its  members,  cf.  Lv.  4'  Ezr.  10'°  ". — 5.  And  all 
Israel  were  a  thousand  thousand  and  a  hundred  thousand  that  drew 
sword].  This  number  falls  short  of  those  given  in  2  S.  24'  (800,000 
+  500,000  =  1,300,000)  by  200,000.  This  decrease  was  probably 
intentional  on  the  part  of  the  Chronicler,  since  he  had  e.xcepted 
Levi  and  Benjamin  (v.  «)  from  the  census,  an  explanation  which  is 
favoured  by  the  round  number  of  the  decrease,  100,000  for  each 
tribe,  or  200,000  in  all.  V.  ">  is  a  gloss  (v.  i.).  The  numbers  in 
both  lists  (2  S.  and  here)  are  at  variance  with  those  in  Nu.  i.  2.  and 
26.  6.  This  verse,  wanting  in  2  S.,  is  from  the  Chronicler.  Its 
historicity  was  maintained  by  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.  The  Chronicler 
excepted  Levi  because  the  law  required  that  this  tribe  should  not 
be  numbered  among  the  children  of  Israel  (Nu.  i<«,  cf.  2"),  i.e., 
for  military  service.  They  might  be  numbered  by  themselves, 
however,  for  religious  purposes  (Nu.  3"  26").  Some  commenta- 
tors have  held  that  Benjamin  was  not  numbered  because  the  census 
was  interrupted  (27^*)  by  a  countermand  from  David  (Be.,  Ke., 
Zoe.,  Oe.).  We.,  followed  by  Bn.,  makes  the  ground  of  the 
omission  of  Benjamin  the  fact  that  the  holy  city  lay  within  its 
borders.  But  Jerusalem  was  sanctified  by  the  Temple  and  this  was 
before  even  the  site  of  the  Temj:)le  had  been  consecrated  through 
the  sacrifices  of  David.  The  Chronicler  would  scarcely  overlook 
this  fact  when  in  v.  3°  he  explains  why  David  sacrificed  in  Jerusa- 
lem, It  is  more  probable  that  he  was  influenced  by  the  fact  that 
the  tabernacle  of  Yahweh,  which  the  Chronicler  considered  the 
centre  of  worship  in  David's  time,  was  set  up  at  Gibeon  within  the 
borders  of  Benjamin  (Jos.  18"). — 7.  Therefore  lie  (God)  smote 
Israel]  anticipates  the  account  of  the  plague.  According  to  2  S. 
24'°  it  is  David's  heart  which  smites  him  for  his  sin,  and  leads  to 
his  repentant  cry  to  Yahweh,  while  here  God  first  shows  his  dis- 
pleasure. It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  the  Chronicler 
wished  to  represent  that  David's  confession  was  wrung  from  him 
by  the  appearance  of  the  pestilence  (Ba.).  He  simply  emphasised 
the  divine  leading  in  establishing  the  site  for  the  Temple. 


XXI.  1-8  ]  DAVID'S   CENSUS  249 

1.  iDj,'n]  rise  up,  a  late  usage  for  earlier  Dip,  cf.  2  Ch.  20"  Dn.  8" 
10"  II"  (BDB.  -iDy  Qal.  6  c;  1.  88).  Zoe.  following  (S  eoTTj,  rendered 
stood,  but  (B^  and  other  variations  of  (8  have  ivicT-ri,  B  consurrexit, 
ft  v-s  P — 21  Snis'i  Sj;  NjiiD  •'1  D"ipt<  is  an  attempt  to  harmonise  with  2  S. 
24'. — PD^i]  the  same  form  in  2  S.  24',  but  there  +  3  against,  while 
here  +  inf.,  cf.  2  Ch.  32"  (=2  K.  18"  =  Is.  36'8)  where  only  in 
Ch.  the  inf.  follows.  Also  so  used  in  2  Ch.  18=,  which  is  certainly  from 
the  Chronicler,  cf.  2  Ch.  32'^  18"  (without  doubt  from  the  Chronicler)  %. 
—2.  ^>n]  2  S.  242  i'?cn.  Same  change  in  vv.  ^-  2'-  21=2  S.  243-  ^o.  20. 
The  Chronicler  seems  to  prefer  imi,  cf.  17'  =  2  S.  7',  17'=  2  S.  7^=,  17^  = 
2  S.  7»,  ii«=2  S.  5«. — ayn  nty  '^ni  3nii  Sn]  2  S.  242  t^«  '?''nn  it:'  axr  Sx 
IPN.  Be.  read  doubtfully  i.^x  iu'n  S-inn  i-itt'  Sxi  aNv  Sn.  Ki.  follows 
OS  Kal  vpbs  Toiis  &pxovTa.%  ttjs  dvvdfutus. — nsD  10S  for  the  unusual  Miw' 
and  npa  (in  sense  of  muster)  in  2  S.  24^.  Die  appears  also  in  2  Ch. 
16'  (intensive  stem)  J. — p  nyi  yatt'  in^c].  This  order  elsewhere  only 
in  2  Ch.  306.  2  S.  242  has  yats'  -in3  np  pn,  so  also  Ju.  20'  i  S.  320 
2  S.  3'°  17''  242  15  J  K.  55  Am.  8". — nyiNi]  cohortative,  c/.  Ges. 
§  48c  for  form,  §  io8d  for  use. — 3.  1D>']  2  S.  24'  D>'n.  The  suffix  makes 
Yahweh  the  real  ruler.  This  is  the  Chronicler's  stand-point,  cf.  especially 
29". — shd]  2  S.  24'  anji  on^.  The  repetition  is  customary  in  S.  {cf.  2  S. 
12*).  The  Chronicler's  use  corresponds  to  that  in  Dt.  i". — "'J^^<  nSh 
Dn3j?S  'jikS  dSd  iSnn]  is  at  variance  with  2  S.  24'  niNT  ^SD^  ^jnx  ij^'p, 
which  is  a  more  attractive  reading.  Be.  thought  the  text  in  Ch.  was  the 
result  of  reconstructing  a  corrupt  text  by  conjecture.  Oe.  preferred  the 
reading  in  2  S.,  because  the  increase  of  one  hundred  times  is  not  yet  a 
fact.  Although  Bn.  thinks  (6,  Kal  01  6(pdaKnol  Kvpiov  /lov  ^Xiirovres,  may 
have  been  corrected  from  2  S.,  he  regards  it  as  probable  that  the  text  of  2  S. 
was  also  original  in  Ch.  The  continuation  of  CS  iravres  tQ  Kvpltf)  p-ov 
iratdes  makes  it  altogether  probable  that  (&  is  corrected  from  2  S.,  hence 
has  no  independent  value.  Origen's  text  (Field)  contained  only  this 
last  clause.  nScn  ^jin  nSh  may  better  be  taken  as  a  nominal  sentence, 
with  '•nx  as  the  subject  and  iSon  as  the  predicate,  which  should  be 
translated  "Is  not  my  lord  the  king"  (cf.  ijiSd  mni  Is.  t,^'^^,  nin>  o.v 
D'hSkh  I  K.  18";  and  on  the  rather  unusual  use  of  vxS  with  a  nominal 
clause  Ges.  §  152^).  A  i  may  have  fallen  out  before  oSa,  but  is  not 
indispensable.  nSh  must  be  understood  before  the  second  clause  as  in 
Ju.  9"  I  S.  9="-  -'  and  probably  also  in  Gn.  20'.  This  gives  a  smooth 
reading  and  explains  the  double  question  which  follows:  why  does  my 
lord  require  this  thing,  for  is  he  not  the  king  (over  these  or  a  hundred 
times  as  many),  and  why  will  he  he  a  cause  of  guilt  unto  Israel,  for  are 
they  not  his  servants. — nnifs]  cf.  Ezr.  lo'"-  '',  also  2  Ch.  24"  28">  •»• 
ij.  13  3223  Ezr.  9«-  '■  "•  '6;  elsewhere  Ps.  6o«  Lv.  4"  s^*-  "«  22'6  Am.  8"; 
Torrey  says  of  it  "used  chiefly  by  the  Chronicler"  {CHV.  p.  19,  on 
Ezr.  9«)  (1.  7). — 4.  Abridged  from  2  S.  24*  '.     U'^m  of  2  S.  24^  is  replaced 


250  I    CHRONICLES 

by  the  more  common  "iSnn'i.  Both  are  used  parallel  in  Jb.  i'  2',  v.  s. 
V.  '. — 5.  i-n]  2  S.  24'  l^cn  v.  s.  v.  '  (text.  n.). — □'d'^n  i'^k  'rK-\'y<  Sa  'hm 
3-)n  tp-ff  ivN  ti^'x  nsn]  ^x^^»  hj  is  certainly  used  for  the  whole  kingdom 
in  V. «.  It  will  also  be  noticed  that  in  v. '  the  Chronicler  used  ^t<-\ty^  in  the 
general  sense  to  include  the  r\-y\n>  pni  Ssia'^  pn  of  2  S.  24'.  The  writer's 
intention  seems  to  have  been  to  ignore  the  separation  implied  in  the  term 
"Israel  and  J  udah."  David's  kingdom  was  one  kingdom,  hence  Sn^3"  Ss 
seems  to  be  used  in  the  same  sense  here.  V.  "'/S  then  is  a  gloss  and 
the  internal  evidence  given  for  this  is  supported  by  its  absence  from  <8. 
(The  phrase  could  have  been  lost  from  the  text  of  (6  (or  its  underlying 
Heb.)  by  homoeoteleuton,  but  the  other  evidence  is  strong  against  its  origi- 
nality.) The  Chronicler  certainly  would  not  reduce  the  number  of  2  S. 
24'  from  500,000  to  470,000  (Bn.).  The  glossator  was  influenced  by  2  S. 
24'. — 6.  3>'nj  {]. — 7.  'n  *?>■]  cf.  same  construction  in  On.  21''  and  more 
usually  without  hy  2  S.  11"  Gn.  3810.— 8.  a^^S^^•^]  2  S.  24">  nin\  A 
frequent  though  not  consistent  change  of  the  Chronicler,  cf.  v.  "=2  S. 
24",  also  I  Ch.  ii">  u'o-  "•  '<•  '5  172  3=  respectively  2  S.  23"  s>»-  "•  2'  " 
7'-  *.     See  also  for  further  instances  Dr.  LOT.",  p.  21  n. 

9-13.  Gad's  commission. — 9.  And  Yahweh  spake  unto  Gad 
David^s  seer].  Gad  is  mentioned  twice  elsewhere  in  Ch.,  29'* 
2  Ch.  29";  cf.  also  25'  where  Heman  is  said  to  be  the  King's  seer. 
Gad  figures  as  a  prophetic  counsellor  of  David  whilst  a  fugitive 
from  Saul,  i  S.  22'  f. — 12.  For  triads  of  divine  judgments  cf. 
Lv.  26"  '■  I  K.  8"  2  Ch.  2o»  Je.  14'^  "•  2i'-«  24'"  27«-  "  29''  «■ 
32"'«  34>7  38^  42"-  "  4413  Ez.  5'2  6"  '  ;  also  7"^  i2'«;  for  the  angel 
of  Yahweh  as  an  expression  for  pestilence,  2  K.  19".  The 
Chronicler  brings  out  the  contrast  between  "the  sword  of  man" 
and  "the  sword  of  Yahweh"  which  serves  to  make  David's 
answer  (v.  ")  clearer  than  in  2  S.  24'<. 

10.  njj]  2  S.  24"  Sjij.  (6  ^ptJi  in  both  places.  We.,  Bu.,  et  al., 
adopt  the  reading  of  Ch.  in  both  places. — 11.  '^ap]  not  in  2  S.;  an 
Aram,  loan-word,  late  (BDB.),  cf.  12"  2  Ch.  29"  «  Ezr.  8"  (1.  103).— 
12.  Zi^iv  ci^i']  2  S.  24"  O'Jif  JJ3B'  but  <8  rpla.  ¥rij.  The  reading  of 
Ch.  is  original  (Be.,  Zoe.,  et  al.). — hbdj]  an  error  for  njpj;  2  S.  24'» 
Tip;,  <g  (p€vy€iv  ff€,'B  ic  fugere  (Be.,  Oe.,  Ki.,  Bn.). — :ni  rrz'^h  T3mn  aim] 
2  S.  24"  rvn  DN1  iD-n  Nini.  Zoe.  prefers  the  reading  of  Ch.,  and  Oe.  the 
text  of  2  S.  We.  (on  2  S.  24"),  followed  by  Ki.  and  accepted 
in  BDB,  holds  that  nja'cS  arose  from  a  misreading  of  rvn  on>,  which 
was  original  in  Ch.  This  is  an  attractive  possibility  owing  to  the 
general  resemblance  of  the  letters,  but  the  Chronicler  introduces  the  first 
two  alternatives  with  'f-ON,  hence  we  should  naturally  expect  the  text  as 


XXI.  9-17.]  THE   DIVINE   JUDGMENT  25 1 

given.  Moreover,  the  second  clause  in  2  S.,  13Ti  nih,  shows  that  some- 
thing more  than  the  flight  (iDj)  of  David  was  necessary  to  make  this 
punishment  equivalent  to  the  others.  T3MN  aim  adds  nothing  not 
already  expressed  in  y\^.  It  is  far  simpler  to  suppose  a  i  to  have  fallen 
out  after  ':',  as  the  sense  demands,  so  (B^,  S,  hence  the  clause  read  origi- 
nally njtTD  1*?  "i'3iiN  3-\ni  a7id  the  sword  of  thine  enemies  overtaking  thee. 
Cp.  for  an  exact  parallel  Je.  42'^.  The  same  use  of  the  participle  occurs 
in  the  last  clause  of  the  third  alternative  (n^nz'v). — 13.  h'^dn]  2  S.  24" 
nSijj,  but  there  <&  i/j-wecrovfjiai. 

14-17.  God's  judgment  and  David's  repentance. — 14.  And 

there  fell  ('?S"'1)  from  Israel]  because  they  became  the  victims  of 
the  sword  of  Yahweh;  2  S.  24'^  "And  there  died  (nS"'!)  from  the 
people "  in  consequence  of  the  pestilence.  The  Chronicler  em- 
phasises the  divine  side  {y.  s.  v. '). — 15.  And  he  (God)  repented 
him  of  the  evil].  For  repentance  of  God  cf  Gn.  6«  Ex.  32'^  i  S. 
15"  Je.  18'"  42'°  Jon.  3'°. — And  the  angel  of  Yahweh  was  standing 
by  the  threshing-floor  of  Oman  the  Jehusite].  The  threshing-floor 
of  Oman  lay  on  the  top  of  Mt.  Zion,  where  later  the  Temple 
was  built  {cf.  22').  2  S.  does  not  connect  the  incident  with  the  site 
of  the  Temple.  On  Jebusite,  cf.  i*  1 1^  Oman  is  the  only  Jebusite 
mentioned  by  name. — Verse  16,  not  found  in  the  parallel  text  of 
2  S.,  is  an  embellishment  by  the  Chronicler  based  upon  the  phrase 
"when  he  saw  the  angel  that  smote  the  people"  (2  S.  24")  (Be.). 
In  the  older  narratives  the  angels  of  Yahweh  have  a  human  form 
(cf  Gn.  18  Ju.  6"  s-  132  a),  but  here  the  angel  hovers  between 
earth  and  heaven. 

15.  inSd  0''n'^xn  n-'ii"i]  2  S.  24"5  inSch  ni  rh^''\  The  difficulty 
with  the  text  of  Ch.  lies  in  the  indefinite  l^'^o,  since  the  angel  has 
already  been  mentioned  (v.  '2)  and  has  accomplished  his  work  outside  of 
Jerusalem  (v.  '*).  Moreover,  God  gives  this  command  only  to  counter- 
mand it  at  once.  Be.,  followed  later  by  Oe.  and  Bn.,  pointed  out  that  the 
reading  in  Ch.  arose  in  the  following  manner  :  'n  n"'  (2  S.  24''),  in  a  text 
which  did  not  separate  words,  was  mistakenly  read  nin-'  and  this  the 
Chronicler  changed  to  qmSkh,  according  to  his  custom  (v.  s.  v.  *1.  How- 
ever, the  text  of  Ch.  should  not  be  changed,  for  it  is  the  original  of  the 
Chronicler. — nintt'no]  other  mss.  and  editions  '2,  ^  ws,  g>  j^  but  ®  '2. — 
nin^  HNT  n^ntynoi]  a  clause  not  found  in  2  S.  but  necessary  here  to  explain 
why  God  sent  an  angel  against  Jerusalem  and  immediately  repented 
(Be.,  Bn.). — 2-\]  enough,  cf.  1  K.  19*  Gn.  45". — fps]  2  S.    24"'   Kt. 


252  I    CHRONICLES 

nniNH  Qr.  njnsn.  2  S.  24"  Kt.  n^nx  or  n^ns  Or.  as  above. 
Elsewhere  in  2  S.   24  always  as  Qr.  (8  'Opva  in  all  cases    both  2  S. 

OK 

and  Ch.  ^  always  ^^1, — 16.  Z'^z.-n  p2i  I'inh  p^]  so  also  (S,  S; 
other  Heb.  mss.  insn  p3i  a':;::'n  i»3,  so  "B,  &. — 17.  ncj-s  {<s  i-j'^i] 
Be.  and  more  recently  Ki.  regard  these  words,  which  are  not  found  in 
2  S.,  as  a  gloss,  but  such  an  accumulation  of  clauses  is  characteristic  of 
the  Chronicler. 

18-27.  The  purchase  of  Oman's  floor  and  the  expiatory 
sacrifice. — 18.  And  the  angel  of  Yahweh  commanded  Gad].  The 
appearance  of  the  angel  of  Yahweh  consecrated  this  spot,  cf.  Gn. 
28"  Ju.  6="'  1316  '3  f.  In  2  S.  Yahweh  gives  the  command,  but  in  the 
narratives  in  Judges  the  angel  commanded  sacrifices  to  be  made. 
These  may  have  influenced  the  representation  of  the  Chronicler. 
— 20.  And  Oman  turned  about  and  saw  the  angel;  and  his  four 
sons  with  him  hid  themselves]  since  to  see  the  angel  of  Yahweh  was 
the  same  as  seeing  Yahweh  himself,  which  portended  death  {cf. 
Ju.  6"  13"  Tob.  i2'«  '•  also  Gn.  323°  Ex.  20"  2)3^''  Is.  6'). — Now 
Oman  was  threshing  wheat]  is  wanting  in  2  S.  24,  but  might  easily 
be  inferred  from  v.  2°  {cf.  the  similar  addition  in  (|5  of  2  S.  24" 
Koi  rj/xepaL  Oepia-fiov  irvpwv)  and  appears  to  have  been  intro- 
duced by  the  Chronicler  in  view  of  the  following  statement  of 
v.  "  and  Oman  went  out  from  the  threshing-floor.  V.  ="•  ends 
abruptly  with  Oman  and  his  sons  in  hiding,  but  in  a  similar 
fashion  in  v.  '«  David  and  the  elders  are  left  fallen  upon  their 
faces  because  of  the  presence  of  the  angel. — 21.  And  as  David 
came  unto  Oman]  is  wanting  in  2  S.  but  is  made  necessary  by  the 
insertion  of  v.  2°. — 22.  The  Chronicler  fittingly  makes  the  King 
speak  first. — Place]  more  than  the  actual  area  of  the  threshing- 
floor  (Ba.),  which  would  have  been  sufficient  for  an  altar  (2  S. 
24='  «  )  but  not  for  the  site  of  the  Temple.  This  change  goes 
with  the  increase  in  the  purchase  price  (v."). — 23.  And  wheat 
for  the  meal  offering]  is  not  found  in  2  S.  In  later  times  the 
meal-ofifering  {cf.  Lv.  2'  '«)  was  united  with  the  bumt-ofifcring 
{cf.  Nu.  15'  ■ ).  The  sacrifice  recorded  in  Ju.  13"  may  have 
influenced  the  Chronicler. — 25.  And  David  gave  Oman  for  the 
place  six  hundred  shekels  of  gold  by  weight].  According  to  2  S. 
24'*  David  paid  fifty  shekels  of  silver  for  the  threshing-floor  and 


XXI.  18-XXn.  1.]     THE  PURCHASE  AND  SACRIFICE  253 

the  oxen.  It  is  not  likely  that  we  have  here  two  variant  tradi- 
tions, nor  that  one  is  a  corruption  of  the  other.  If  fifty  shekels  of 
silver  is  too  small  a  price,  by  comparison  with  Gn.  23 '5,  six  hundred 
shekels  of  gold  is  certainly  too  high.  We  have  here  a  characteristic 
exaggeration  of  the  Chronicler  (Th.)  not  only  for  the  sake  of  exalt- 
ing David  (We.)  but  also  to  emphasise  the  value  of  the  Temple 
site  {v.  s.  V.  "),  which  should  not  be  paid  for  in  silver  but  in  gold. 
(Note  the  later  descriptions  of  Solomon's  Temple,  in  which  nearly 
everything  is  described  as  covered  with  gold.)  While  no  im- 
portance can  be  attached  to  the  ancient  harmonising  effort  whereby 
each  of  the  twelve  tribes  was  made  to  pay  fifty  shekels,  and  thereby 
the  six  hundred  in  Chronicles  was  accounted  for  (Raschi),  this  sug- 
gests what  may  have  been  the  Chronicler's  reasoning  in  reaching 
six  hundred  shekels  as  the  price  of  the  Temple  site.  The  Chron- 
icler makes  David  pay  fifty  shekels  of  gold  for  each  tribe  since  the 
Temple  should  be  the  place  of  worship  for  all. — 26.  And  he  called 
upon  Yahweh  and  he  answered  him  with  fire  from  heaven  upon 
the  altar  of  burnt-offering].  God  showed  his  acceptance  of  David's 
sacrifices  with  fire  from  heaven  as  at  the  consecration  of  Aaron 
(Lv.  g'\  cf.  also  i  K.  iS^^  's  2  Ch.  y  2  Mac.  2'"  «•).  This  altar  is 
thus  put  on  a  par  with  the  former  one  (Ki.). 

19.  1213]  better  laiD  2  S.  24'',  Be.,  Oe.,  Gin. — nin-^  ott-a  nat  iir'N] 
2  S.  24"  riini  nis  iirxs.  This  change  was  necessitated  by  the  altera- 
tion in  V.  '^  Gad  spoke  "  in  the  name  of  Yahweh  "  but  not  at  his 
direct  command  {v.  s.  v.  's). — 20.  Be.  corrected  this  verse  from  2  S. 
242°.  Ke.  correctly  asserted  that  v.  ^^  is  not  parallel  to  2  S.  24^",  but 
the  latter  is  reproduced  in  v.  21.  The  result  of  Be.'s  correction  is  a 
doublet  in  vv.  20  and  21. — is'^nn  is  rendered  by  (S^  rbv  ^acriX^a  (  = 
"I^nn),  and  D''N3nnc  being  incomprehensible  after  I'^cn  is  transliter- 
ated nedaxo-^eLv,  but  translated  by  ^  (which  has  top  paaiXea  like  ^) 
Kfiv^ofj-ivoi.  (S^  also  has  rbv  ^aaikia,  but  Tropevo/jL^povs  for  D''N3nnD. 
B,  S,  follow  M.  Ki.  regards  iScn  as  the  original  reading,  and  the 
mistake  by  which  it  was  read  tsSrin  led  to  the  insertion  of  owannc, 
which  he  supposes  to  have  been  originally  o^^'^nrir  {SBOT.),  thus 
finding  three  steps  (Kom.)  in  the  development  of  the  verse,  (i)  As 
Oman  turned  about,  he  saw  the  king  going  about,  etc.  (2)  As  Oman 
turned  about  he  saw  the  angel  going  about,  etc.  (3)  ^4*  Oman 
turned  about  and  he  saw  the  angel,  his  four  sons  hid  themselves  with 
him,  etc.     Furthermore,  he  regards  the  verse  as  a  gloss  in  its  original 


254  I    CHRONICLES 

form,  since  it  conflicts  vrilh.  v.  ^K  The  theory  falls  from  its  own 
weight.  No  reason  is  apparent  why  a  glossator  should  insert  this 
verse  in  Ki.'s  original  form,  since  it  adds  nothing  and  explains  nothing. 
(8  has  the  supposed  original  form  1^=^,  and  also  the  reading  ::'N3nno, 
which  is  regarded  as  the  result  of  misreading  ^NSc^  for  I'^sn.  (See  Tor. 
Ezra  Studies,  p.  112.)  The  Chronicler  desired  to  add  more  witnesses 
to  the  presence  of  the  angel  at  this  spot,  since  this  fact  consecrated 
the  Temple  site,  and  for  this  purpose  the  narrative  is  recorded.  The 
introduction  of  the  four  sons  of  Oman  is  thus  accounted  for.  Other- 
wise the  angel  plays  a  much  more  important  part  in  this  narrative 
than  in  the  account  in  2  S.  (cf.  vv.  "■  '«•  "■  2'  =  respectively  2  S.  24"-  "• 
18.  uy — 22.  '«S  injn  tt'^o  1D03]  cf.  On.  23'. — 23.  cu-iicn]  threshing 
sledges.  For  a  description  of  them,  see  Bn.  Arch.  pp.  209/.,  Now. 
Arch.  i.  pp.  232/.,  DB.  I.  p.  50. — 24.  ni':'yni]  Bn.  and  Ki.  correct  to 
niSyn'?  on  basis  of  (S,  but  ni^yn  may  be  an  inf.  abs.  in  n  as  other  n'S 
verbs,  cf.  2  Ch.  7»  nmm. — 27.  pj  f]  is  a  Persian  loan-word  (see 
BDB.). 

28-XXII.  1.  The   site  for    the    Temple    determined.—^/ 

that  time,  when  David  saw  that  Yahweh  had  answered  him  in 
the  threshing-floor  of  Oman  the  Jehusite  when  he  sacrificed  there 
.  .  .  then  David  said,  This  is  the  house  of  Yahweh  God  and  this 
is  the  altar  of  bitrnt-ofl'ering  for  Israel.]  V."  has  usually  been 
understood  at  that  time  when  David  saw,  etc.,  then  he  was  wont  to 
sacrifice  there  (Luther,  Be.,  Ke.,  Oe.).  Ba.  rightly  points  out  that 
V."  is  a  protasis  to  which  22'  forms  the  apodosis,  \'\'. "  "being 
parenthetical.  The  translation  he  was  wont  to  sacrifice  there  is 
doubtful,  since  the  fear  of  the  angel  of  Yahweh  (v.  '»)  did  not 
prevent  David  from  going  to  Gibeon  to  sacrifice  after  this  event. 
Before  the  Temple  was  built  Solomon  sacrificed  at  Gibeon  (2  Ch. 
i«). — It  follows  that  V.  =^8  and  22',  as  protasis  and  apodosis,  cannot 
come  from  different  sources  (as  Bn.  and  Ki.  maintain).  The  unity 
of  this  section  is  also  shown  by  the  fact  that  this  is  the  house  of 
Yahweh  God  (cf.  Gn.  28")  and  this  is  the  altar  of  burnt-offering 
for  Israel  (22')  are  brought  out  in  contrast  to  the  tabernacle  of 
Yahweh  which  Moses  made  in  the  wilderness  and  the  altar  of  burnt- 
offering  respectively,  which  were  at  that  time  in  the  high  place  at 
Gibeon  (v.  '»).  The  purpose  of  these  verses  is  to  show  how,  as  a 
consequence  of  the  census  and  plague,  the  threshing-place  of 
Oman  became  the  consecrated  site  for  the  Temple. 


XXn.  2-5.]        PREPARATION   FOR   THE   TEMPLE  255 

29.  ti"3J3]  other  MSS.  '3  -it:'N,  so  ®. — 30.  ryaj  J]  elsewhere  in  Niph. 
Dn.  8"  Est.  76;  in  Pi.  Jb.  3^+7  times,  i  S.  i6'<  '^  is_  21^  Ps.  iS* 
=  2  S.  22^ — XXII.  1.  n''n'?Nn  nin>]  c/.  29'.  The  Chronicler  seems 
to  be  fond  of  this  designation  for  the  Deity,  i  Ch.  17'^  •'  has  nin> 
0>rSii  for  nini  ij-in  in  2  S.  7'8-  'S;  cf.  also  'nh  '1  22",  'n  '•>  2820  2  Ch. 
1 9  641.  ii.  42  26' 8  (all  probably  from  the  Chronicler);  also  32'«  (which 
Bn.  and  Ki.  ascribe  to  a  Midrashic  source).  Possibly  a-'n^xn  was 
inserted  by  a  late  editor  (see  BDB.  n>ni  II.  i.  h),  but  then  it  is  strange 
that  this  editor  should  have  chosen  almost  exclusively  those  passages 
which  seem  on  other  grounds  to  belong  to  the  Chronicler.  Of  course 
the  possibility  remains  that  the  Chronicler  himself  inserted  a'n'?,sn  in 
an  older  source,  though  this  is  not  likely. 

XXII.  2-19.  David's  preparation  for  the  Temple.— This 

chapter  is  a  free  composition  by  the  Chronicler,  full  of  general 
and  exaggerated  statements,  with  a  number  of  short  quotations 
from  earlier  canonical  books  woven  together.  No  careful,  definite 
statement  suggests  a  trustworthy  historian  or  even  the  use  of  an 
earlier  source.  That  David  contemplated  building  a  temple  is 
likely  (2  S.  7),  and  he  may  have  made  some  preparation  for  it, 
but  the  Chronicler's  description  must  have  been  drawn  by  infer- 
ence from  the  older  canonical  books,  assisted  by  a  vivid  imagi- 
nation. 

2-5.  General  preparation. — Not  a  studied  account  of  material 
prepared  for  the  Temple,  but  rather  a  careless  list  of  such  things 
as  happened  to  occur  to  the  writer.  Cedar  (TIS)  is  the  only 
timber  mentioned,  though  fir  (U>1"13)  (i  K.  5"  d")  6'5-  34)  and 
olive-wood  (|D*J  "'ti'y)  (i  K.  6"-  ^i-  32-  33)  ^ere  also  used. — 2.  David 
is  here  represented  as  anticipating  the  action  of  Solomon  in  set- 
ting non-Israelites  at  forced  labour,  for  he  commanded  to  gather 
together  the  sojourners  that  were  in  the  land  of  Israel;  and  lie  set 
masons,  etc.  The  historical  fact  seems  to  have  been  that  Solomon 
made  a  levy  upon  pure  Israelites  to  carry  out  his  building  opera- 
tions (cf.  I  K.  5"  '  ('3  f  )  ii28 12<).  A  later  writer  taking  exception 
to  the  reduction  of  Israelites  to  practical  slavery  made  the  levy 
consist  of  non-Israelites  (i  K.  9"  ' ).  The  Chronicler  following 
this  later  view  represents  the  levy  as  consisting  of  sojourners,  but 
makes  David  responsible  for  calling  them  together  just  as  he 
anticipates  every  other  need  in  connection  with  the  building  of  the 


256  I    CHRONICLES 

Temple.  With  characteristic  inconsistency  the  Chronicler  later 
represents  Solomon  as  making  the  levy  (2  Ch.  2'  <=>  '«  '•  <"  '  )). 
The  sojourners  (gerim)  were  foreigners  who  for  one  reason  or 
another  left  their  native  clans  and  attached  themselves  to  the 
Hebrews.  Like  the  jar  among  the  Arabs,  the  ger  was  personally 
free,  but  without  political  rights.  By  the  performance  of  certain 
duties  he  rendered  a  return  for  his  protection.  His  lot  was  often 
hard,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  repeated  exhortations  to  deal  justly 
with  him  Dt.  i'«  24''  27",  to  show  him  kindness  Dt.  10"  26",  to 
refrain  from  oppressing  him  Ex.  22"  23'  (both  JE)  Lv.  19"  (H) 
Dt.  24'*  Je.  7«  Zc.  7'".  He  was  entitled  to  the  Sabbath  rest  Ex. 
2o>o  23'*  (both  JE)  Dt.  5i<.  In  P  the  ger  represents  the  prose- 
lyte of  the  post-exihc  community,  cf.  Ex.  12"  Lv.  24"  Nu.  9" 
i^is.  16.  29_ — 3,  jf0fi  jfi  abundance]  exclusive  of  the  100,000  talents 
given  by  the  princes  (29'). — Binders]  obscure.  Here  they  are 
represented  as  made  of  iron,  but  in  the  only  other  place  where  the 
word  is  found  (2  Ch.  34")  they  are  of  wood.  Possibly  they  were 
merely  iron  or  wooden  pins  used  to  make  the  joints  fast  (BDB. 
"clamps  or  the  like  "). — The  bronze  was  for  use  in  making  the  two 
pillars  which  stood  in  front  of  the  Temple,  the  sea  with  its  support- 
ing oxen,  and  various  sacred  utensils. — 4.  Cedar-trees]oi  Lebanon, 
the  much-prized  building-material  of  the  Assyrian  and  Babylonian 
kings  as  well  as  among  the  SvTians,  were  then  abundant  on  the 
Lebanon  range  east  of  the  Phoenician  coast  and  probably  also  on 
Hermon  and  the  Antilebanons,  also  on  the  Amanus  Mountains 
further  to  the  north,  and  elsewhere. — Sidonians  and  Tyrians]  the 
inhabitants  of  the  two  well-known  Phoenician  cities,  on  which  cf. 
I". — 5.  For  David  said  to  himself]  is  better  than  and  Da'eid  said, 
etc.,  since  v.  >»  states  the  reason  for  David's  preparation  as  narrated 
in  w.  ^■*. — Solomon  my  son  is  young  and  tender,  etc.]  {cf.  29') 
agrees  with  the  Chronicler's  representation  that  the  father  and 
not  the  son  was  the  moving  spirit  of  the  great  undertaking. 

2.  dij:^].  The  use  in  the  Qal  is  late  (BDB.),  cf.  Est.  4'«  Ps.  33' 
Ec.  2'  *•  3'.  The  only  place  where  this  root  is  found  in  any  form  else- 
where in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.  is  Ne.  12",  which  is  agreed  to  be  from  the 
Chronicler.  There  also  it  appears  as  the  inf.  cstr.  with  ^  (1.  55). — 
Dnjn]    <6  irdi'Toj  toi)j  irpo<njXi/roi;s,  so  B;    &     jjo.^^  ^^'^•''^      Sm. 


XXn.  6-19.]     CHARGE   TO   SOLOMON   AND   PRINCES  257 

takes  offence  at  the  word  in  this  connection  and  corrects  to  anrjn  or 
amjn,  "masons"  or  "stone-cutters,"  comparing  2  K.  12"  22*  {JBL. 
vol.  XXIV,  1895,  p.  29),  but  the  Chronicler's  motive  for  introducing 
c>-\jn  is  evident,  cf.  2  Ch.  2". — nc3?>i]  1.  89. — D^n'^NH  n^3]  1.  15. — 3. 
aiS]  also  in  22*  ^-  ^  29-,  etc.,  1.  105. — nnansS]  appears  also  in  2  Ch. 
34"  t,  where  the  construction  is  the  same,  a  verse  agreed  to  be  the 
work  of  the  Chronicler,  1.  34. — pDn]  1.  54. — 4.  .  .  .  yvh"]  cf.  Tor. 
CHV.  p.  20;  1.  132. — 2->'^]  1.  105. — 5.  ncN^'i]  EVs.  said.  Ki.  renders 
dachte,  cf.  Gn.  20"  26' Nu.  24"  i  S.  2026  2  S.  5^  12"  2  K.  5"  (BDB. 
"(DN  Qal  2).  EVs.  render  these  passages  thought.  laS  hn  {cf.  Gn. 
8^')  may  be  »\nderstood  as  well  as  uSa,  hence.  For  David  said  to 
himself. — '?''ijn'^]  on  V  see  1.  129. — nSycS]  1.  87. — .-'Viis]  1.  6. — nj''3N] 
cohortative  used  to  express  self-encouragement,  see  Ges.  §  1086  (a). 
On  Chronicler's  use  of  word  cf.  v.  ',  also  for  pM  (1.  54). — 2-h']  1. 
105. — This  verse  is  cited  by  Driver  (LOT.^^,  p.  539)  as  one  of  the 
Chronicler's  strangely  worded  sentences. 

6-13.  David's  charge  to  Solomon. — 7.  As  for  we,  il  was 
my  purpose  to  build  a  house  unto  the  name  of  Yahweh  my  God] 
is  dependent  upon  i  K.  8'^,  which  is  followed  almost  verbatim 
except  in  the  change  of  person.  The  Chronicler  represents 
David  as  telling  Solomon  his  son  what  the  latter  says  of  David 
in  his  prayer  of  dedication  (i  K.  8'^  «  ). — 8.  The  word  of  Yah- 
weh came  to  David  through  the  prophet  Nathan,  commanding 
him  not  to  build  a  Temple  (2  S.  7  =  i  Ch.  17),  but  no  rea- 
son is  given.  Elsewhere  David's  wars  are  given  as  the  reason 
why  he  could  not  build  the  house  of  Yahweh  (i  K.  5"  <"),  but 
only  because  they  did  not  leave  him  time  for  other  undertakings 
(Ki.).  The  Chronicler  was  the  first  to  state  that  David  could 
not  build  the  Temple  because  he  had  shed  much  blood  (cf.  28'), 
which  may  be  nothing  more  than  a  religious  interpretation  of 
I  K.  5>'  <2'. — 9.  And  I  will  give  him  rest  from  all  his  enemies  round 
about].  Cf.  I  K.  5"'-  '«  (4-^''  5^). — For  his  tiame  shall  be  Solomon] 
(WlbU  peace,  n^h*)^  peaceful),  but  he  is  also  called  Jedidiah 
(nn"'!''  beloved  of  Yah,  2  S.  12=^  ' ). — 10.  With  only  slight  varia- 
tions, this  verse  is  a  repetition  of  2  S.  7"-  '^»  =  i  Ch.  17''-  '^^  but 
the  order  of  the  last  three  clauses  is  reversed.  With  the  first 
clause  cf.  also  i  K.  5"''^  "b/?), — 13.  ^g  strong  (cf  1  K.  2^)  and  of 
good  courage;  fear  not  neither  be  dismayed].  Cf.  28="  2  Ch.  32' 
Jos.  10",  also  Jos.  I'  (where  ^"1^?"  takes  the  place  of  XITl). 


258  I    CHRONICLES 

7.  ^::]  Qr.  "ja;  other  mss.  ij3  Kt.  and  Qr.,  also  ^J3  Kt.  and  Qr. 
($  TiKvov,  B  Fili  mi.  AV.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.  follow  Qr.,  but  the  emphatic 
^JN  (f/.  282)  favours  the  Kt.  (RV.,  Be.,  Ki.).— ^33*?  D>]  cj.  28'  i  K. 
817.  18.  18  (=2  Ch.  6'-  8-  8)  I  K.  102  (=2  Ch.  9')  2  Ch.  i"  24*  29'».— 
8.  a-iS]  1.  105. — D^n-i]  c/.  28'  I  K.  2"  Ps.  79';  also  Ges.  §  i24n. 
— 9.  nc'^-;-]  (&  Za\<j}fi.ti3v,  rarely  SaXo^cof,  (S^  and  NT.  mostly  SoXo/iwv. 
— C|T^  t]- — 10-  '•''iJ"^^]  1-  54- — ':'»<*>-''' S"]  not  found  in  2  S.  7"  =  i 
Ch.  17'^. — imo'^r]  1.  67. — 11.  inp  nin>  >n^].  Same  expression  is  used 
by  the  Chronicler  in  v.  •«,  cf.  also  v.  "  and  282",  both  agreed  to  be  from 
the  Chronicler. — 12.  nj-ai  Sac]  c/.  2  Ch.  2"  (which  Bn.  and  Ki. 
ascribe  to  the  same  source  as  this  passage).  Sdc  is  used  alone  by 
the  Chronicler  in  26"  2  Ch.  30^^  also  Ezr.  8i8  Ne.  8«,  see  Tor.  CHF. 
p.  24. 

14-16.  Transfer  of  material. — 14.  No-w  behold  hy  my  hard 
labor  I  have  prepared  for  the  house  of  Yahweh  a  hundred  thousand 
talents  of  gold  and  a  thousand  thousand  talents  of  silver].  The 
amounts  are  impossible,  and  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  actual  cost 
of  the  Temple.  The  intrinsic  value  of  this  gold  and  silver  is  very 
nearly  equal  to  five  billion  dollars  in  our  money  and  its  purchasing 
value  was  still  more.  Even  if  the  light  talent  was  intended  (Ke., 
Zoe.,  et  al.),  reducing  the  value  one-half,  the  amount  remains 
incredible.  According  to  i  K.  io'<,  Solomon's  yearly  income 
amounted  to  only  666  talents  of  gold,  cf.  also  i  K.  q'*-  ''  lo'". — • 
15.  16.  Moreover,  there  are  with  thee  in  abundance  workmen, 
hewers  and  workers  of  stone  and  timber;  and  all  who  are  skilful 
in  every  work  of  gold,  of  silver,  and  of  bronze,  and  of  iron,  without 
number].  These  two  verses  were  certainly  intended  to  be  read 
together  and  their  separation  causes  trouble  (v.  i.).  Without 
number  refers  to  the  skilful  workers  of  gold,  etc.  The  metals 
were  weighed,  not  numbered.  This  construction  preserves  the 
balance  for  the  whole  section  (w.  "-'«).  In  v.  '«  the  Chronicler 
records  the  material,  which  David  prepared,  in  two  groups:  (i) 
the  metals,  (2)  the  timber  and  stone.  In  v\'. "  '•  he  tells  of  two 
groups  of  workmen  whom  David  gathered  together:  (i)  those  who 
did  the  rougher  work  in  stone  and  timber,  (2)  the  skilful  artisans 
who  worked  in  metals.  The  order  of  these  two  groups  is  reversed 
the  second  time  in  accord  with  the  Chronicler's  habit.  (Notice 
also  timber  and  stone  v.  ",  and  stone  and  timber  v.  ".)     The  ma- 


XXn.  6-19.]     CHARGE   TO   SOLOMON   AND   PRINCES  259 

terials  were  without  weight  .  .  .  in  abundance  (v.    '^),  and  the 
workmen  were  in  abundance  .  .  .  without  number  (vv.  '=  '•). 

14.  "jyo]  (&  Kara  ttjv  vtux^Io-v  /jlov,  H  ift  paupertate  mea,  AV.  in 
my  trouble,  AVm.  in  my  poverty,  so  BDB.,  RV.  iyi  my  affliction.  Bn. 
renders  my  hard-pressed  situation  {bedrangten  lage),  explaining  that 
David  was  poor  compared  with  the  rich  Solomon.  But  the  whole 
account  is  an  effort  to  exalt  David  even  above  Solomon,  who  has  little 
to  do  except  carry  out  the  plans  of  his  father.  HWB.^'^  gives  MUhe 
for  this  passage,  which  is  followed  by  Ki.  In  Ps.  107"  poverty  is  re- 
garded as  an  affliction  (":;•),  but,  possibly  in  Gn.  3132  a^d  certainly  in 
Dt.  26^,  'j;'  means  oppressive  toil.  Be.,  followed  by  Ke.,  rendered 
durch  meine  miilievolle  Arbeit.  The  parallel  ■'Hd  Sdo  in  292  favours 
by  my  hard  (or  painful)  labor.  In  any  case  the  a  is  instrumental  (so 
in  the  translations  of  Be.,  Ke.,  Ki.),  cf.  Ps.  iS'o  Is.  lo^^  Mi.  4"  Ho.  12" 
and  see  Ges.  §  1190. — 15.  a::n]  skilful,  used  of  artisans  of  tabernacle 
and  Temple,  cf.  Ex.  28'  316  3510  36'-  2.  4.  s  2  Ch.  2«-  12.  is.  i3_ — ig. 
nDDD  px  SnjSi  n-irnj'?)  t^x>:h  anr"^]  RV.  of  the  gold,  the  silver,  and  the 
brass,  and  the  iron,  there  is  no  number,  so  Ke.,  Zoe.,  et  al.  Ki.  Kovi. 
translates  Gold,  Silber,  Erz  und  Eisen  ist  unermesslich  viel  vorhanden. 
These  renderings  are  dependent  upon  the  Massoretic  punctuation,  which 
creates  two  difficulties,  (i)  We  should  expect  the  Chronicler  to  use 
Spa's  fN  as  in  vv.  '■  '<,  instead  of  iddo  px,  when  speaking  of  metals 
which  were  reckoned  by  weight  and  not  by  number.  (2)  No  good  rea- 
son can  be  assigned  for  the  repetition  of  this  list  which  has  been  given 
with  more  detail  in  v.  •«.  It  does  not  appear  from  the  text  that  the 
metals  are  the  main  thing  and  must  be  grouped  together  again  to  add 
force  to  the  exhortation,  as  Ke.  suggested.  Without  emending  the 
consonant  text,  both  difficulties  are  removed  by  connecting  '\oi'7'\  anr"? 
SnjSi  ntynj*?!  with  the  preceding  verse,  nsDD  ps  referring  to  the  a:)n  '731 
'3  of  v.  ".  So  (5  seems  to  have  understood  ^^^  kclI  Trds  ao^bs  iv  iravrl 
epy(f),  >6  ii>  xpvo-^V,  ^^  o-pyvpi^,  ^v  x"-^'^'?  f**^  ^^  ^'''S^pv,  ovk  effriv 
dptd/jis.  (It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  <B  did  not  read  the  arti- 
cle; see  Ges.  §  126m..)  &  brings  out  this  meaning  clearly  by  repeat- 
ing >i4|.^:i^  "  workers  "   before  each  metal  and  by  translating  iDDa  px, 

\^  «T^   ^oaiilik  £^j   j])^,  tliey  (masc.)  were  not  to  be  numbered. 

17-19.  David's  charge  to  the  princes. — 18.  For  he  hath  de- 
livered the  inhabitants  of  the  land  into  my  hand].  Not  the  Israelites 
but  the  original  Canaanitish  peoples  are  intended,  cf.  ii<  Jos.  2^* 
18'  Nu.  3222-  ". — 19.  The  ark  of  the  covenant  of  Yahweh]  was  at 
this  time  on  Mount  Zion  in  a  tent  which  David  had  prepared  for 
it,  cf  15'-  28  f   I  K.  8'  =  2  Ch.  s\—And  the  holy  vessels  of  God]. 


26o  I    CHRONICLES 

The  Chronicler  drew  upon  what  was  done  in  the  reign  of  Solomon 
(i  K.  8*  =  2  Ch.  5*)  for  what  he  represents  as  commands  of 
David. 

XXIII-XXIX.  The  last  acts  of  David.— This  passage  is  best 
understood  as  a  unit  from  the  hand  of  the  Chronicler,  whose  title 
is  contained  in  23'  ^,  When  David  was  old  and  full  of  days,  then  (i) 
he  made  Solomon  his  son  king  over  Israel,  and  (2)  gatliered  together 
all  the  princes  of  Israel,  (3)  ivith  the  priests,  (4)  and  the  Levites. 
These  last  acts  of  David,  which  concern  his  son,  the  princes,  the 
priests,  and  the  Levites,  the  Chronicler  recounts  in  reverse  order, 
as  is  his  habit  elsewhere. 

According  to  2  Ch.  29',  Hezekiah  brings  in  "the  priests  and  the 
Levites,"  then  in  vv.  ^  ^-  he  addresses  the  Levites  and  assigns  them  their 
task  and  in  vv. ''  ^-  he  commands  the  priests  to  do  their  work.  In  2  Ch. 
29-^  cp.  "And  the  Levites  stood  with  the  instruments  of  David,  and  the 
priests  with  the  trumpets,"  with  "and  the  trumpets  together  with  the 
instruments  of  David,"  v.".  For  further  instances  cf.  22'"  22'='-  '«  25* 
2620. 

Beginning  with  the  Levites  (c.  23),  the  Chronicler  narrates 
how  David  divided  them  into  courses  in  preparation  for  the  new 
service  in  the  Temple.  The  increase  in  their  duties  which  would 
result  from  the  building  of  the  Temple,  and  the  lighter  nature  of 
them  (v. "),  led  David  to  reduce  the  age  at  which  they  should  begin 
service  to  twenty  years  {v.  i.).  Then  David,  with  the  assistance  of 
Zadok  and  Ahimelech,  divided  the  priests  into  courses  (24'"). 
(2420 -31  is  a  later  insertion,  see  in  loco.)  The  account  of  the 
organisation  of  the  singers  (c.  25)  and  that  of  the  gate-keepers 
(c.  26)  follow.  The  third  act  of  David's  old  age,  to  gather  to- 
gether the  princes  of  Israel  (23^=),  is  doubtless  introduced  to  give 
an  opportunity  to  describe  the  military  forces  and  the  civil  serv- 
ice as  well  organised  (c.  27),  so  that  Solomon  could  devote  all 
his  activity  to  carrying  out  the  plans  of  his  father  concerning 
the  Temple.  This  chapter  (27)  differs  from  the  preceding,  since 
the  organisation  or  reorganisation  of  the  religious  functionaries 
is  represented  as  taking  place  at  this  time,  while  the  military 
and  civil  officers  are  simply  exhibited  as  already  organised.  This 
was  to  be  expected,  since  the  former  were  being  prepared  for  new 


XXm.  1-23.]  COURSES   OF  THE   LEVITES  261 

duties  which  should  come  with  the  completion  of  the  Temple, 
while  the  latter  had  their  duties  throughout  the  reign  of  David. 
The  last  act  of  David,  "He  made  Solomon  king"  (23"'),  is  nar- 
rated in  cc.  28/. 

XXIII.  The  Levites. — With  this  chapter  the  Chronicler  begins 
to  record  the  last  acts  of  David.  After  the  superscription  (w.  '  ^), 
he  briefly  states  what  provisions  David  made  for  the  Levitical 
oversight  of  the  building  of  the  Temple  (w.  ^-^),  followed  by  a  list 
of  the  heads  of  Levitical  houses  who  were  divided  into  courses 
(w.  S--3),  the  introduction  of  a  new  legal  age  for  ser\'ice  (w.  2^-"), 
and  the  duties  of  the  Levites  (vv.  26-32), 

Ki.  assigns  2^^-^  and  Bn.  2^^*-^^  to  a  hand  later  than  the  Chronicler. 
The  list  of  Levites,  however,  should  properly  be  placed  first,fsince  the 
priests  were  a  subdivision  of  the  tribe  of  Levi,  23'^  naturally  preceding 
c.  24.  Benzinger  adduces  the  following  reasons  against  the  Chronicler's 
authorship  of  23"'' -'^i  (i)  the  description  of  the  Levitical  service  is 
general  and  out  of  place  here;  (2)  w.  ^^--^  contain  a  correction  of  v.  2; 
(3)  the  Chronicler  in  his  preference  for  the  singers  would  not  have 
placed  this  service  last.  But  the  general  description  (i)  is  rather  a 
mark  of  the  Chronicler;  no  actual  contradiction  (2)  exists  between  vv. 
"-27  and  V. ',  since  the  former  deals  with  the  legal  age  of  the  Levites  after 
the  Temple  should  be  completed  and  the  latter  with  the  more  ancient 
legal  age  (see  below  on  23^*,  also  23^-  ^);  and  (3)  the  sequence  of  duties 
accounts  sufficiently  for  the  order  (cf.  c.  25).  An  account  of  this  Levitical 
service  is  not  out  of  place  here,  since  it  follows  the  appointment  of  the 
younger  Levites  to  public  duties  and  leads  up  to  the  description  of  the 
priestly  organisation. 

1.2.  The  superscription  to  cc.  23-29. — 1.  When  David  was 
old  and  full  of  days]  a  statement  defining  the  time  of  the  acts 
which  follow. — Then  he  made  Solomon  his  son  king]  not  a  nomi- 
nation to  the  kingship,  the  actual  anointing  and  elevation  to  the 
throne  taking  place  later  (29^2)  (Ke.,  Oe.),  but  a  sub-title  which 
introduces  c.  28  (Bn.).  Verse  2  gives  the  remaining  sub-titles, 
which  the  Chronicler  has  taken  up  in  reverse  order  (v.  s.). 

1.  ipr]  not  the  adj.  but  3pers.  sg.  pf.  of  the  verb. — ain^  yai;']  so 
also  in  2  Ch.  24'^;  usually  as  an  adj.,  cf.  Gn.  3529  Jb.  42". 

3-5.  The  oversight  of  the  service  of  the  Temple. — 3.  N'ow, 
the  Levites  were  numbered  from  thirty  years  old  and  upward].    Since 


262  -  I    CHRONICLES 

w.  '  '•  are  a  title  {v.  s.),  this  statement  begins  a  new  section,  so  the 
copulative  is  better  rendered  now.  The  Levites  were  numbered  ac- 
cording to  the  old  custom  (Nu.  4'  "  '"■  "  "  ").  The  Law  also 
knows  of  a  numbering  from  twenty-five  years  old  and  upward  (Nu. 
823-26)  (^y.  V.  ^). — And  their  number  in  men  by  their  polls,  was 
thirty-eight  thousand].  This  number  is  found  only  here.  Accord- 
ing to  Nu.  3"  the  males  from  one  month  old  and  upward  num- 
bered 22,000  in  Moses'  time,  or  23,000  according  to  Nu.  26". 
Those  between  the  ages  of  thirty  and  fifty  were  2,750  +  2,630  + 
3,200  =  8,580  (Nu.  4'«-  *''■  ")  {cf.  v.^*). — 4.  5.  Of  these  twenty-four 
thousand  were  to  oversee  the  work  {i.e.,  of  building,  v.  i.)  of  the 
house  of  Yahweh].  The  Temple  was  built,  according  to  the 
Chronicler,  under  the  direct  oversight  of  the  Levites.  These 
24,000  were  to  have  general  oversight  of  the  work.  Associated 
with  them  in  some  way  in  this  oversight  were  6,000  officers  and 
judges,  4,000  gate-keepers,  and  4,000  singers.  Just  why  these 
should  have  a  part  in  building  the  house  is  obscure,  unless  the 
Chronicler  thought  of  them  as  having  the  oversight  of  the  build- 
ing of  their  respective  quarters.  The  fact  is  supported  by  2  Ch. 
34'2  '•,  where  the  singers,  scribes,  officers,  and  gate-keepers  had 
a  part  in  the  oversight  of  the  builders.  It  is  hardly  satisfac- 
tory to  regard  these  words  as  glosses  in  2  Ch.  34'^  '  (Bn.,  Ki.), 
since  one  of  these  passages  supports  the  other.  Thirty-eight 
thousand  overseers  would  be  unnecessary,  but  such  an  e.xaggera- 
tion  is  natural  from  the  Chronicler  (cf.  22'*  »■  29'  »•).  These  over- 
seers were  chosen  from  the  existing  body  of  official  Levites,  namely 
those  over  thirty  (v.  =),  and  not  from  those  whose  service  was  to 
begin  at  the  age  of  twenty  at  the  completion  of  the  Temple  (cf. 
yyu  fl  )_ — Which  I  mude].  The  use  of  the  first  person  indicates 
that  vv.  *  '■  contain  the  words  of  David.  The  Chronicler  refers 
to  the  musical  instruments  of  David  elsewhere,  2  Ch.  29^'  Ne. 
12",  cf.  Am.  6'. 

3.  noD'i].  This  Niph.  is  used  positively  only  here. — d.->7J'?j^]  pi. 
with  sf.,  from  r'^.i^y,  here  and  in  v.  *<  head,  poll,  in  which  sense  only  P 
and  late,  cf.  Ex.  16"  382*  Nu.  i*-  '«•  *•  "  3*'. — a'-*3J'^]  is  a  nearer  defini- 
tion of  on'^J^j'^,  excluding  women. — ST^'r]  Ke.  corrects  to  o^nry  to 
agree  with  v.  ■*,  but  see  n.  there. — 4.  nxj'"]  act  as  overseer,  is  used  in 


XXm.  1-23.]         COURSES   OF   THE   LEVITES  263 

2  Ch.  2'  ",  Ezr.  38  9  2  Ch.  34"-  "  of  overseeing  the  workmen  in  building 
or  repairing  the  Temple.  The  Levites  acted  as  overseers  during  the 
repairing  of  the  Temple  under  Josiah  (2  Ch.  34'^-  "),  and  also  at  the 
rebuilding  when  Zerubbabel  was  governor  (Ezr.  3*  ',  where  the  same 
phrase  nvT  n^3  pdnVd  ^'J  nxjS  is  used),  hence  it  is  likely  that  the 
function  of  these  Levites  had  to  do  with  the  oversight  of  the  building  of 
the  house.  The  Levites  did  not  oversee  the  work  of  ministry,  but  per- 
formed it  (w.  "  28  B.y — 5.  ini^'j;  ntrN]  (S  oh  itrolricrev  and  13  qua 
fecerat  are  an  effort  to  make  a  smoother  reading. 

6-23.  Heads  of  Levitical  houses. — Twenty-two  heads  of 
fathers'  houses  are  usually  found  here,  and  various  attempts  have 
been  made  to  increase  this  number  to  twenty-four,  since  there  were 
twenty-four  courses  of  priests  (24''->8),  of  singers  (25'-"),  and  of 
gate-keepers  (26^  i'"),  but  all  have  been  more  or  less  arbitrary. 
The  statement  of  Josephus  (A}2t.  vii.  14.  7)  that  David  divided 
the  Levites  into  twenty-four  classes  may  have  been  derived  from 
24".  Bertheau  restored  the  number  twenty-four  by  inserting 
Jaaziah  with  his  three  sons  Shoham,  Zaccur,  and  Ibri  (24")  into 
V. ",  omitting  Mahli  of  v. "  as  a  repetition.  Berlin,  more  recently, 
departs  from  Bertheau  only  in  making  this  Jaaziah  either  the  son 
of  Mahli  of  v.  "  or  of  Jerahmeel  the  son  of  Kish  {JQR.  XII.  pp. 
295  /.).  These  emendations  are  based  upon  the  supposition  that 
our  text  has  only  twenty-two  heads  of  fathers'  houses,  while  accord- 
ing to  the  true  interpretation  of  v.  "  (^.  v.)  twenty -three  should 
be  counted.  Very  likely  one  name  has  been  lost  from  the  text 
through  corruption,  but  just  where  and  how  remains  dubious. — 
6.  On  names  Gershon,  Kehath,  Merari,  cf.  5"  (6'). — 7.  La  dan 
and  Shimei]  La  dan  also  in  26^',  elsewhere  Libni  and  Shimei,  cf. 
62  (17)  Ex.  6'^  Nu.  3'8.  Zockler  escapes  the  difficulty  by  considering 
La' dan  a  descendant  of  Libni.  More  recently  this  view  has  been 
put  forward  with  confidence  by  Berlin  (/.  c.  p.  292  B).  The  varia- 
tion may  be  the  result  of  different  traditions.  La  dan  also  occurs 
as  the  name  of  an  Ephraimite  y^^  -j-. — 8-11.  Ladan  had  three  sons 
(v.  8)  and  Shimei  four  (v.  »"),  two  of  which  united  to  make  one 
fathers'  house,  since  they  had  few  sons  (v.  ").  A  second  Shimei 
with  three  sons  is  found  between  these  two  (v.  '»).  Although 
v.  'b  connects  this  Shimei  with  the  family  of  La' dan,  his  relation- 
ship is  not  indicated.     J.  H.  Michaelis,  following  Kimchi,  con- 


264  I    CHRONICLES 

sidered  this  Shimei  a  son  of  La  dan  {Hie  Schimhi,  inquit,  non  est 
Gersonis  filius  v.  '  sed  unus  ex  Lahdanitis  v.  «).  Berlin  (/.  c.) 
holds  that  he  is  a  brother  of  La' dun,  both  being  the  sons  of  Libni 
{v.  i.  text.  n.).  Still  another  solution  has  been  suggested  by  Ben- 
zinger,  who  considers  v.  '»  a  gloss  which  has  crept  into  the  wrong 
place  and  j^roperly  belonged  with  v.  '»,  adducing  as  proof  that 
V.  'i'  belongs  with  v. «.  But  v. '"  as  a  gloss  to  v.  '"  is  more  inex- 
plicable than  where  it  now  stands,  and  v.  ">  is  unnecessary  after  v. ». 
V.  "■  itself  is  best  explained  as  a  gloss  inserted  to  escape  the  diffi- 
culty caused  b}-  the  two-fold  appearance  of  Shimei.  After  striking 
out  V.  "',  the  first  Shimei  (v.  '••>)  is  to  be  identified  with  the  second 
son  of  Gershon  (v."),  and  Shimei  ("'yCtl')  of  v.'"  is  probably  a 
textual  error  for  Shelomolh  (mD^w').  In  24"  a  Jahath  is  chief 
of  the  sons  of  Shelomoth,  but  there  the  latter  is  represented  as  a 
son  of  Izhar.  Then  v. "  is  a  glossator's  attempt  to  restore  the  nine 
fathers'  houses  which  had  been  increased  to  ten  by  this  error 
(Bn.  regards  this  verse  as  a  correction).  The  family  of  Gershon 
formed  nine  fathers'  houses  in  the  original  text,  viz. : 

Gershon 


I  1 

V.  '  Ladan  Shimei 


V.  *         Jehiel  Zetham  Joel      v.'      Shelomoth  Haziel  Haran 

I 

I  \  \  I 

V.  '"  Jahath  Ziza  Jeush  Beriah 

— 8.  Jchi'el  llie  chief]  i.e.,  chief  of  those  over  the  treasuries  of  the 
house  of  God  26-'  '  29«. — Zetham]  and  Jo^el]  appear  as  sons  of 
Jehiel  in  26"  q.  v.  Jo'cl  is  possibly  the  same  as  Joel  in  15'-  ". — 9. 
Shelomolh]  v.  i. — Hazi'el  f  ]. — Haran]  appears  elsewhere  only  as 
the  name  of  Abram's  brother,  the  father  of  Lot  Gn.  1 1"»'  f ,  cf.  also 
the  place-name  pH  H''^  Nu.  32'^  =  Q-in  '2  Jos.  13". — 10.  Jahath] 
possibly  the  same  as  in  6'-  ^s  (20.  43)_ — Ziza*]  is  probably  the  correct 
reading,  ef.  v.  "  and  text.  n.  Ziza  is  also  the  name  of  a  Simeonite 
4",  and  a  son  of  Rchoboam  2  Ch.  11=0  -j-. — Jeush].  Cf.  v. ",  also 
the  name  of  a  son  of  Rehoboam  2  Ch.  11". — Benah].  Cf.  v.  ", 
a  common  name. — 12.  The  sons  of  Kehath  are  given  elsewhere  in 


XXm.  1-23.]  COURSES    OF   THE   LEVITES  265 

the  same  order,  cf.  5"  (6=)  6'  "«>  26"  Ex.  6^^  Nu.  3". — 13.  To 
sanctify  him  as  a  most  holy  one]  (v.  i.). — To  burn  incense\  Cf. 
Ex.  30'  ^■. — 14.  The  sons  of  INIoses  were  reckoned  among  the  tribe 
of  Levi]  and  did  not  share  the  advantage  of  the  sons  of  Aaron. 
For  an  ancient  tradition  of  them  cf.  Ju.  18^°. — 15.  The  sons  of 
Moses].  Cf.  Ex.  18'  *•  and  for  the  birth  of  Gershom  Ex.  2". — 
Eliezer].  Cf.  also  v.  '^,  a  common  Levitical  name. — 16.  Shiiba'el*] 
(v.  i.)  became  ruler  over  the  treasuries  {26'^*)  and  is  mentioned  also 
in  242'>-  2". — 17.  Rehabiah].  Cf.  24^'  26==  f. — Like  that  of  Gershon, 
the  family  of  Kehath  is  divided  into  nine  heads  of  fathers'  houses. 
—18.  Shelomith].  See  text.  n.  on  v.  '.—19.  Jeriah].  Cf.  24" 
26"  f. — Amariah].  Cf.  24",  also  5^2  (6'). — JahazVel].  Cf.  2^". 
Also  the  name  of  a  Benjaminite  12^  '«>=>,  of  a  priest  of  David  i6«, 
of  a  Levite  2  Ch.  20'^,  of  an  ancestor  of  one  of  the  families  of  the 
restoration  Ezr.  8^. — Jekame'am].  Cf.  24=3  -j-. — 20.  Micah].  Cf. 
24^*  ";  a  name  not  uncommon,  cf.  ^K — Isshiah]  Cf  2425-  25^  and 
as  the  name  of  another  Levite  24^1;  elsewhere  the  name  of  one 
of  David's  helpers  12',  a  man  of  Issachar  7^,  one  of  those  with 
foreign  wives  Ezr.  lo^'  -j-. — 21-23.  Possibly  six  heads  of  fathers' 
houses  were  derived  from  Merari  in  the  original  text,  but  all 
restorations  must  rest  on  conjecture  alone  (v.  s.). — 21.  22.  With 
the  possible  exception  of  24=6  '■  (q.  v.)  tradition  agrees  that 
Merari  had  two  sons  Mahli  and  Mushi,  cf.  6^*'''  Ex.  6"  Nu. 
333. — Ele'azar  and  Kish].  Cf.  24=8  '•.  Benzinger  regards  v.  " 
as  a  gloss  by  the  same  hand  as  v.  ".  This  is  not  probable, 
but  Ele'azar  may  be  counted  as  a  fathers'  house  without  con- 
sidering V.  "  a  gloss.  According  to  the  later  law,  where  there 
were  no  sons,  daughters  inherited,  and  with  the  express  pur- 
pose of  preventing  a  man's  name  from  being  lost  to  his  family 
(Nu.  27-"),  but  such  daughters  must  marry  only  into  the  family  of 
the  tribe  of  their  father  (Nu.  36^).  In  v.  -  it  is  stated  that  these 
conditions  were  fulfilled  in  the  case  of  Eleazar  and  doubtless  the 
verse  was  added  to  show  why  Eleazar  was  also  counted  among 
the  fathers'  houses  though  he  was  known  to  have  had  no  sons. — 
23.  Mahli]  the  grandson  of  Merari  is  mentioned  only  in  243" 
and  6^2  w)^  but  as  the  name  of  a  son  of  Merari  v.  2'  242s-  "  6'  '* 
(13.  29)  E21-    8»8  Ex.  6''  Nu.  3"  ■\. — 'Eder]  is  also  mentioned  in 


266  I    CHRONICLES 

24"  f;  cj.  also  place-name  'Eder  in  extreme  south  of  Judah 
Jos.  15"  f. — Jeremoth]  in  2430  written  Jerimoth  (v.  i.),  cf.  7', 
This  list  of  the  sons  of  Mushi  is  only  found  here  and  24". 

6.  2i'?';'n.''.i]  Baer,  Gin.;  some  mss.  apSn'.i.  Probably  should  be  Pi. 
or'Sn'.,  BDB.,  Bn.,  cf.  24'. — 7.  Berlin  (v.  s.)  supposes  the  original  to 
have  read:  lycaM  pyS  [•'jaS  ij3  ■'j.'SU'i  ija'^]  •'js'jS. — 9.  mc'^S']  Qr. 
n^pSu',  (6^  *AXw^ei/;t,  a  corruption  of  *  Sa\aj/iei^=n'n — ,  c/.  v. '^  24"- 
22  26"'  ".  Qr.  is  followed  by  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ki.,  Bn.,  but  there  is  no 
necessity  for  reducing  all  these  names  to  the  same  form. — Sxiin]  v.  i. 
V.  '». — 10.  Kyi]  in  v.  "  niM,  (S  Ztfa,  B  Ziza  and  one  MS.  cited  by 
Kennic.  ntv,  which  is  probably  original,  so  BDB. — 11.  rntt  •tJi??'?] 
for  one  class  of  officers,  see  BDB.  nipo  2  c,  or  possibly  for  one  appoint- 
ment, which  suits  24'-  '^ — 13.  w-znp  fip  v^^nii.T^]  U  j<<  ministraret  in 
sancto  sanctorum,  so  &,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  but  the  holy  of  holies  elsewhere  w'lp 
'pn.  Without  the  art.  the  phrase  is  used  of  holy  things  connected  with 
worship,  cf.  Ex.  30"'  Lv.  2',  accordingly  EVs.  read  that  he  should  sanctify 
the  most  holy  things.  Then  the  suffix  must  be  a  subjective  genitive. 
The  most  natural  rendering  "to  sanctify  him,  a  most  holy  one"  was 
accepted  by  Be.,  Ke.  Ki.  mentions  it  as  a  possibility,  but  leaves  the 
question  doubtful,  since  the  expression  is  not  used  of  persons  else- 
where.— io:;o]  cf.  162  Dt.  lo^  21^  2  S.  6'8  Ps.  1298  also  Nu.  6"  «■. 
— 14.  Vy  iNip']  cf.  Ezr.  2^'  =  Ne.  7". — 16.  ''J3]  pi.  when  only  one  son 
follows,  cf.  2". — Snou']  26"  Sn3U",  24="  ^N3iu-,  (g  here  Zov^arfK,  which 
should  be  read  with  Oe.,  Bn.,  Ki.,  cf.  Sab.  proper  noun  '^xiv^^. — 18. 
n^r^r]  2422  nicSi:',  v.  s.  v.  «  text.  n. — 19.  Ss-nn^]  (&^  'OfiTjX,  * 
lafiTjX,  B  Jahaziel.  Ki.  supposes  ^  to  be  the  result  of  a  dittogra- 
phy  from  the  preceding  •<iv  and  then  resolves  this  Sx'tn  into  '?nmj,"  on 
the  basis  of  (S".  This  change  introduces  a  second  Snvj'  into  this 
list  and  also  in  2420  o-,  which  though  not  impossible  is  not  likely. 
Such  forms  as  '^nmh  (v.  ^)  and  VNnn'_  exist  side  by  side,  cf.  '^'N'V'}', 
(4»^)  and  ^n;''B']?.i  (ri"  27").  The  evidence  of  (&  is  vitiated  by  the  fact 
that  in  i6»  and  2  Ch.  20'*  Sxvn>  is  rendered  'Of(e)t^\.  Ki.  ques- 
tions the  latter  but  passes  over  the  former  without  comment. — 23. 
mo*;!.^]  24**  ni2n%  (Si^  in  both  places  ' Apeifidd,  *  lapifiuB  and  lepifiwd, 
B  Jerimoth. 

24-27.  Legal  age  for  Temple  service. — 24.  From  twenty  years 
old  and  upward].  Various  attempts  have  been  made  to  reconcile 
this  statement  with  that  in  v.  ',  according  to  which  the  Levites 
were  numbered  from  thirty  years  old  and  upward.  The  older 
commentators  explained  the  apparent  discrepancy  on  the  ground 


XXm.  24-32.]     AGE   AND   DUTIES   OF   THE   LEVITES  267 

that  David  first  numbered  the  Levites  from  thirty  years  old  accord- 
ing to  the  Law  (Nu.  4')  and  then  later  from  twenty  years  old 
since  there  was  no  further  need  of  transporting  the  sanctuary 
(so  J.  H.  Mich.,  also  Kimhi).  That  the  Chronicler  had  two 
variant  traditions  contained  in  dififerent  sources  has  also  been 
suggested  (Be.).  After  describing  all  attempts  to  get  rid  of  the 
discrepancy  as  makeshifts,  Ke.  arbitrarily  emends  v.  ',  reading 
twenty  for  thirty.  Recent  commentators  ascribe  w.  '^^  ^-  to  a 
later  hand.  In  later  times,  apparently,  the  Levites  were  eligible 
to  service  from  twenty  years  old  and  upward.  The  scarcity  of 
numbers  was  the  probable  cause  for  the  change  {cf.  Ezr.  2*"  8"  «  ). 
The  Chronicler,  however,  makes  this  practice  the  rule  for  the 
whole  post-exilic  period  (Ezr.  y)  and  also  carries  it  back  as  far 
as  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  (2  Ch.  3i'0-  He  would  hardly  leave  the 
matter  there.  The  proper  time  for  the  institution  of  the  new 
custom  was  at  the  building  of  the  Temple.  As  the  Chronicler 
ascribed  the  organisation  of  the  Temple  service  to  David  (cf.  2  Ch. 
8'*  ^■),  so  he  made  him  responsible  also  for  this  change.  In  v. ' 
he  necessarily  gave  the  enumeration  from  thirty  years  old  and 
upward,  since  this  enumeration  was  made  that  David  could 
provide  for  overseeing  the  building  of  the  Temple  and  only 
experienced  Levites  would  be  chosen  for  this  task  (see  w.  '-*). 
When  David  divided  the  Levites  into  courses  (v.  «)  to  do  the  work 
for  the  service  of  the  house  of  Yahweh  (v.  2^),  after  it  should  be 
completed,  the  younger  men  from  twenty  years  old  and  upward 
were  included  among  those  eligible  for  service. — 27.  For  by  the 
last  words  of  David,  the  manber  of  sons  of  Levi  was  from  twenty 
years  old  and  upward].  No  new  census  is  supposed,  as  EVs. 
imply.  David  decreed  that  the  younger  men  should  also  serve 
but  did  not  provide  for  a  recount. 

24.  oninipD]  cf.  Nu.  i"  «•  Ex.  3o'<. — mcc  iflosa]  cf.  Nu.  i'" 
3«. — doSjSjV]  v.  s.  v.  '  text.  n. — nt-y]  other  mss.  ^t-y,  cf.  Ne.  11" 
and  Ezr.  3'  nt-'y  with  Ne.  13'"  'tt'j;  both  pi.  Only  another  way  of  writing 
the  same  form. — 27.  oijnnxn  -i^n  '>1a^3]  Be.  following  Kimhi  ren- 
dered "In  the  later  histories  of  David"  and  so  also  Oe.,  Ba.;  but 
Be.  was  influenced  by  the  theory  that  the  Chronicler  used  two  sources. 
Better  render  by  the  last  words  (or  commands)  of  David,  as  B  juxta  prcR- 


268  I    CHRONICLES 

cepta,  so  J.  H.  Mich.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Bn.,  Ki.,  cf.  2  S.  23'. — ncn]  Ke.  took 
as  neuter  sg.  (Ew.  §  318  b),  since  inn  is  nowhere  found  with  the  signifi- 
cation sunt,  and  rendered  "'This,'  i.e.,  this  was  done,  viz.,  the  number- 
ing of  the  Levites,"  but  cf.  on  n'^N  Nu.  3",  and  Ges.  §  i^ig.  h.  Here 
T^ii^  agrees  with  and  strengthens  ^^S  ^J3  as  the  most  important  part  of 
the  compound  subject  mS  'J3  ">dds,  Ges.  §  146J. 

28-32.  Duties  of  the  Levites.— 29.  For  the  showbread]  lit. 
bread  of  rows,  cf.  9'-, — and  for  the  fine  flour  for  the  meal- offering] 
cf.  Lv.  2'-  *■  ', — whether  for  the  unleavened  wafer]  cf.  Lv.  2\ — 
or  of  that  which  is  baked  in  a  pan]  cf.  Lv.  2*  6'^  <2'>, — or  that 
which  is  mixed]  cf.  Lv.  6'*  "•>, — and  for  the  measures  of  capacity 
and  the  measures  of  length]  cf.  Ex.  29^"  30'^  The  Levites  may 
have  been  the  keepers  of  standard  measures,  cf.  Lv.  19". — 30. 
On  the  morning  and  evening  burnt-offerings  cf.  Ex.  29'''  "  Nu. 
28'*. — 31.  And  (to  stand,  etc.)  at  every  offering  of  a  burnt-offer- 
ing]. EVs.  and  to  offer  all,  etc.,  is  a  mistranslation  {v.  i.). 
Besides  the  Sabbaths  {cf.  Nu.  28'  '■)  and  new  moons  {cf.  Nu. 
28"-'^),  there  were  three  annual  historical  feasts  (Ex.  23'*"), 
Passover  and  jNIazzoth  (Nu.  28'«-"),  Pentecost  (Nu.  28-«-"),  and 
Tabernacles  (Nu.  29'2-58). — 32.  According  to  the  Law,  the  Levites 
should  keep  the  charge  of  the  tent  of  meeting  (Nu.  18'  ■")  and  the 
charge  of  the  sons  of  Aaron  their  brethren  (Nu.  3"  18=  ')  t)ut  they 
were  expressly  forbidden  to  approach  the  vessels  of  the  holy  place 
(Nu.  18',  cf.  however  i  Ch.  9=')  and  the  priests  were  given  the 
charge  of  the  holy  place  (Nu.  18^).  Buchler  (/.  r.)  has  used  this 
as  evidence  of  a  priestly  source  which  has  become  confused  by 
the  Chronicler's  introduction  of  the  Levites,  but  a  variant  tradi- 
tion ascribes  this  duty  to  Levites  (Nu.  3'*  '=).  The  Chronicler 
could  have  secured  all  his  facts  from  Nu.  3  without  consulting 
Nu.  18. 

28.  '^dS  mnj]  cstr.  before'?,  cf.  Ges.  §  130a. — (S  ( vidcntly  read 
Syi  {iirl)  before  nr;3  and  B  So  Syi  {el  in  universis).  <S  also  omits  thr: 
copulative  at  the  beginning  of  v.  ".  As  the  text  stands  the  repetition  of 
(nin>)  D'h'^n-i  t'O  m(i)3y  adds  nothing.  Hence  '">  should  be  emended 
to  agree  with  (8  and  connected  with  the  following  verse,  'n  onS*?  (omit 
1  with  (8)  defining  n-^'ya  more  closely,  cf.  Ges.  §  13 1<.  Accordingly 
read  'n  cn^^  o'l^.sn  P'a  n^aj?  nrjra  Syi  and  in  the  •tvork  of  the  sen'ice  of 
the  house  of  God  for  (in  respect  to)  the  showbread. — 31.  v^^y  mS"'  "'^Si] 


XXIV.  1-19.]  COURSES   OF   THE   PRIESTS  269 

EVs.  render  incorrectly  and  to  offer  all  burnt-offerings.  This  verse  is 
a  part  of  v.  '"  and  can  only  be  translated  and  at  every  offering  of  burnt- 
offeriugs  (Kau.).  The  priest  had  the  exclusive  duty  of  offering  the  burnt- 
offering  but  the  Levite  had  to  stand  .  .  .  to  thank  and  to  praise  (v.  2°) 
while  the  offering  was  being  made.  Some  commentators  have  held  that 
the  verse  refers  to  the  duty  of  the  Levites  to  procure  and  prepare  the 
animals  for  sacrifice  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.),  an  attempt  to  account  for 
the  apparent  anomaly  of  Levites  offering  the  burnt-offering.  By  the 
same  misunderstanding  of  the  text,  Biichler  (/.  c.  p.  131  f.  n.)  has  been 
led  to  the  conclusion  that  v.  "  belonged  to  a  source  which  concerned 
itself  only  with  the  priests. — 32 .  (^  omits  z'-\pn  mc!:'0  pni,  which  may  be 
an  intentional  correction  from  Nu.  18%  where  this  duty  is  given  to  the 
sons  of  Aaron,  or  more  probably  the  omission  is  due  to  homoeoteleuton. 

XXIV.  1-19.  ThiB  courses  of  the  priests. — The  account  of 
the  duties  of  the  Levites  in  serving  the  priests  (23^^-32)  is  followed 
immediately  by  the  description  of  David's  organisation  of  the 
priests  (24>-'8).  These  were  divided  into  twenty-four  courses 
which  cast  lots  for  places.  The  order,  Levites  (c.  23),  priests 
(c,  24),  was  likely  determined  by  the  fact  that  the  priests  were  a 
subdivision  of  the  tribe  of  Levi;  231^  could  not  follow  24i-'9. 

Schiirer  (Gesch.^  II.  p.  237)  has  questioned  the  genuineness  of  24'-' 8, 
suspicioning  that  this  list  was  not  framed  until  the  Hasmonean  period, 
since  the  class  of  Jehoiarib,  from  which  the  Hasraoneans  sprang  (i  Mac. 
2'),  is  placed  first  contrary  to  Ne.  V2'-''-  '^-si^  but  this  evidence  is  not  con- 
clusive and  can  only  be  used  to  question  the  relative  position  of  the 
class  of  Jehoiarib.     That  may  have  been  altered  through  later  influence. 

1-19.  The  twenty -four  courses  of  priests. — 1.  The  sons  of 
Aaron  are  given  in  the  same  order  in  5='  (6^)  Ex.  6". — 2.  An 
abridgment  of  Nu.  y.  Nadab  and  Abihu  offered  strange  fare 
before  Yahweh  and  were  devoured  by  fire  (Lv.  10'-'  Nu.  3^). 
— 3.  Zadok  and  Ahimelech,  the  leading  representatives  of  the 
two  families  of  Aaron,  were  associated  with  David  in  dividing  the 
priests  into  their  courses.  Earlier  writers  would  probably  have 
assigned  this  task  to  David  alone,  but  not  so  the  Chronicler  (cf. 
2  S.  8''  with  I  Ch.  18'';  also  25').  Ahimelech  is  associated  with 
Zadok  in  v.  3'  and  in  18'^  (where  Ahimelech  should  be  read 
Ahimelech  with  Vrss.).  According  to  v.  ^  and  i8'«  (=  2  S.  8") 
Ahimelech  was  the  son  of  Abiathar,  but  in  i  S.  22=°  an  Ahimelech 


270  I   CHRONICLES 

is  the  father  of  Ahiathar.  That  grandfather  and  grandson  should 
bear  the  same  name  is  in  accord  with  common  Semitic  practice  {cf. 
5"  '  (6'  '•)  and  Phoenician  Eshmunezar  Inscription  lines  13 /■), 
but  the  only  known  son  of  Abiathar  was  named  Jonathan  (2  S. 
i5'«  I  K.  !<')  and  elsewhere  Zadok  and  Abiathar  (instead  of 
Ahimelech)  are  associated  as  the  priests,  both  in  the  time  of  David 
(2  S.  15"  17''  I  Ch.  15")  and  in  the  time  of  Solomon  (i  K.  4%  cf. 
also  I  K.  i^  with  i''),  hence  the  probability  that  the  two  names 
were  transposed  through  corruption  in  2  S.  8"  before  the  Chron- 
icler wrote  (see  EBi.  art.  Abiathar). — 4.  Chief  men].  Possibly 
the  heads  of  individual  households  which  constituted  the  sub- 
divisions of  a  fathers'  house  {cf.  Jos.  ye-'s)  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.), 
though  more  probably  the  heads  of  fathers'  houses  are  intended 
(Be.).  The  last  clause  of  v.  **■  should  be  taken  with  what  follows 
— and  they,  i.e.,  David,  Zadok,  and  Ahimelech,  assigned  them,  of 
the  sons  of  Eleazar  sixteen  heads  of  fathers^  houses  and  of  the  sons 
of  Ithamar  eight  fathers^  houses.  Some  Levites  who  were  not  of 
the  family  of  Zadok  ministered  in  the  second  Temple  although 
they  were  not  eligible  to  the  high  priesthood.  At  least,  a 
certain  Daniel  of  the  sons  of  Ithamar  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezr. 
8').  The  Chronicler  assumed  this  later  superiority  of  the 
Zadokitcs  also  for  the  time  of  David  and  assigned  sixteen  classes 
to  the  sons  of  Eleazar — i.e.,  to  the  Zadokites — and  eight  to 
the  sons  of  Ithamar.  These  numbers  si.xteen  and  eight  are 
clearly  artificial,  since  they  are  related  to  each  other  as  the 
rights  of  a  first-bom  to  a  single  younger  brother  {cf.  Dt.  21''). 
Upon  the  deaths  of  Nadab  and  Abihu  without  sons,  the  right  of 
the  first-born  fell  to  Eleazar.  The  high  priesthood  also  fell  to  the 
Zadokites  as  the  right  of  the  first-bom. — 5.  So  they  divided  them 
by  lot  one  like  the  other  (lit.  these  with  those)].  Apart  from  having 
a  double  share  of  classes  and  the  high  priesthood,  the  descendants 
of  Eleazar-Zadok  had  no  advantage  over  their  fellow-priests,  for 
in  both  families  were  found  princes  of  the  sanctuary  and  princes  of 
God.  These  two  terms  are  probably  synjnymous,  being  differ- 
ent designations  also  for  the  "chiefs  of  the  priests"  of  2  Ch.  36'* 
(Ba.,  Bn.). — 6.  Shema'iah  the  son  of  Nathaniel,  the  scribe]  is 
only  known  from  this  passage. — One  fathers'  house  being  taken 


XXIV.  1-19.]  COURSES   OF   THE   PRIESTS  27 1 

for  Eleazar  and  one*  taken  for  lihamar]  (v.  i.). — 7-18.  The  same 
courses  were  maintained  in  the  time  of  Josephus  {Ant.  vii.  14.  7, 
Vita  i).  Individual  courses  are  mentioned  elsewhere,  Jehoiarib 
(Joarib),  i  Mac.  2'  Bah.  Taanith  29  a;  Joiarib  and  Jeda'iah, 
Baba  kanuna  ix.  12;  Abijah,  Lu.  i^;  Bilgah,  Sukka  v. 8  (see  Schiir. 
Gesch.^  II.  pp.  22)2  ff.).  Jehoiarib,  Jeda'iah,  Harim,  Malchijah, 
Mijamin,  Abijah,  Shecaniah,  Bilgah,  Maaziah  occur  in  either 
one  or  both  Hsts  of  priests  in  Ne.  10'  *■  '^  a.)  and  12'  «•.  Seorim, 
Huppah,  Jeshebe'ab,  Happizzez,  and  Gamtd  do  not  occiir  elsewhere. 
On  Jehoiarib,  Jeda'iah,  Jachin,  cf.  q'".  The  descendants  of 
Jeda'iah,  of  Harim,  and  of  Immer  returned  from  the  exile  under 
Zerubbabel  (Ezr.  2^^  '■  "  =  Ne.  7"  '•  *'),  but  Pashur  (Ezr.  238  = 
Ne.  7")  is  wanting  here.  The  children  of  Hakkoz  were  debarred 
from  the  priesthood  after  the  return  since  they  could  not  find 
their  record  in  the  genealogies  (Ezr.  2"  =  Ne.  7").  Jeshu'a  may 
be  the  head  of  the  "house  of  Jeshua"  of  Ezr.  2^^  =  Ne.  7''.  No 
connection  between  Eliashib  and  the  post-exilic  high  priest  of 
that  name  (Ne.  3')  is  probable,  since  the  name  was  a  common 
one.  Jakim  and  Pethahiah  occur  only  here  as  the  names  of 
priests.  Jehezkel  is  also  the  name  of  the  well-known  priest  and 
prophet,  son  of  Buzi,  Ez.  i'  24^1  f. 

1.  (5^  omits  the  second  ]-\r\H  >j3,  so  also  Origan's  text  (Field),  but  M 
is  probably  original. — nihon]  (^  'A^ioi>8  here  and  in  v.  ^  5"  (6^)  Ex. 
6^'  Lv.  10'  Nu.  3''. — 3.  05  adds  /car'  of/coi/s  TraTpiQv  avTuv. — 5.  ''JJOi] 
read  with  other  MSS.  ^jj::i,  so  H,  Jil,  g",  Ki. — 6.  inx  inxi  .  .  .  ?nx  tnN]. 
Some  late  mss.  read  thn  inNi  instead  of  ms  tpni;    05  eh  eh  .    .   .   eh  eh; 

&    iJi-x]    |-»»o l-^  1  ''^i  ".      Most  commentators  correct 

the  second  inN  to  nnx  (Grotius,  Ges.,  Zoe.,  Kau.,  Ba.,  Bn.).  Be.  retained 
jM,  finding  a  relation  in  the  proportion  eight  to  sixteen  and  thn  to 
inx  insi,  i.e.,  two  lots  were  drawn  for  Eleazar  to  each  one  for  Ith- 
amar.  Ke.  pointed  out  that  the  text  would  then  imply  that  the  two 
lots  were  drawn  for  Ithamar,  not  for  Eleazar  (cf.  also  Oe.).  Ki.  has 
sought  to  overcome  this  objection  by  transposing  Eleazar  and  Ithamar, 
but  Eleazar  is  elsewhere  mentioned  first  (vv.  *■  '■  •••  *•  ^).  A  comparison 
of  252 -<  with  25'-''  shows  that  there  the  houses  were  taken  alternately 
until  the  two  smaller  families  were  exhausted;  then  the  remaining 
names  of  the  large  family  of  Heman  were  divided  into  two  groups. 
These  were  taken  alternately  (cf.  25'-")  until  all  had  been  assigned. 
According  to  this  analogy,  the  older  and   simpler  emendation — the 


272  I    CHRONICLES 

second  ins  to  ■'ns — gives  the  true  original.  The  lot  alternated  between 
the  descendants  of  Eleazar  and  the  descendants  of  Ithamar  until  the 
number  of  the  latter  was  exhausted,  when  the  remaining  eight  houses 
of  Eleazar  were  assigned  places  by  lot.  Then  Nos.  2,  4,  6,  8,  10,  12, 
14,  16,  in  vv.  '■"*  were  members  of  the  family  of  Ithamar,  the  rest 
belonging  to  the  family  of  Eleazar. — 13.  3N2-.:''']  S"  omits  but  *^ 
I<r/3ao\,  B'^  Isbaal.  Ki.  conjectures  that  the  original  form  was  '^iO'f  % 
which  was  omitted  in  the  copy  of  Greek  and  intentionally  altered 
in  ffl  because  of  the  offence  caused  by  the  form  ^^2.  Gray  {HPN. 
p.  24)  follows  Ki. — 19.  ompo]  Ki.  points  amps  because  of  the  preced- 
ing hSn. 

20-31.  A  supplementary  list  of  Levites. — This  second 
list  of  the  sons  of  Levi  has  many  names  in  common  with  23'-" 
but  also  adds  several  new  ones.  The  family  of  Gcrshon  is 
omitted  and  a  new  subdivision  is  added  to  the  family  of  Merari. 
Six  new  heads  or  chiefs,  Jehdeiah,  Isshiali,  Jahalli,  Shamir, 
Zechariah,  and  Jerahme'el,  supplant  six  of  the  older  heads  of  fathers' 
houses  and  are  represented  as  the  chiefs  of  their  descendants,  but 
are  not  necessarily  their  sons.  Bertheau  held  that  these  verses 
were  written  in  order  to  add  the  chiefs  of  the  classes  enumerated  in 
237-23  ]3ut  in  some  cases  the  writer  did  not  have  the  information 
which  he  needed  and  so  simply  repeated  what  he  had  already 
given  in  23'  ff-;  and  the  family  of  Gershon  was  omitted,  since  the 
writer  had  nothing  to  add,  hence  to  include  this  family  would 
make  an  unnecessary  repetition.  The  fact  that  only  six  such 
chiefs  are  given  out  of  a  possible  twenty-three  or  twcnt}--four  is 
against  this  view.  The  account  of  the  Levites,  given  in  c.  23,  is 
connected  so  closely  with  the  priests  (24'-")  that  the  natural  place 
for  a  supplementary  list  of  Levites  would  be  after  the  latter  rather 
than  between  the  two.  The  Chronicler  would  be  as  likely  to 
place  such  an  additional  catalogue  here  as  a  later  glossator.  The 
fact  that  some  of  the  names  here  are  repeated  from  23 '^ "  does  not 
in  itself  militate  against  the  proposition  that  the  Chronicler  was 
the  author  of  both  passages.  Nevertheless,  there  are  good  reasons 
for  suspecting  the  Chronicler's  authorship  of  this  second  list  of 
Levites,  and  for  ascribing  it  to  a  later  hand  (so  Ki.  SBOT.,  Bn.). 
Shuba'el  (Shebu'el)  is  called  the  chief  of  the  sons  of  Gershom  in 
23"  but  here  his  place  is  taken  !)y  JcliJci ili.     In  23",  Rehabiah 


XXIV.  20-31.]     SUPPLEMENTARY   LIST   OF   LEVITES  273 

is  called  the  chief  of  the  sons  of  Eliezer  but  here  (v.  ^i)  he  is  sup- 
planted by  Isshaiah.  The  same  is  true  of  Shelomith  (Shelomoth) 
(cf.  V. "  with  23'8);  Micah  and  Isshiah  {cf.  vv.  "•  25  with  232");  and 
Kish  {cf.  V. "  with  23=2).  All  of  these  names  could  have  been  in- 
cluded in  23 '5  «■,  since  they  do  not  add  to  or  subtract  from  the 
number  of  fathers'  houses.  As  they  stand  we  have  two  chiefs  for 
the  same  house  in  six  cases.  Either  new  families  had  gained  the 
chief  positions  formerly  held  by  the  chiefs  of  c.  23  or  the  Chronicler 
gave  preference  to  his  friends  which  a  later  writer  contradicted. 
"The  rest"  at  the  head  of  this  list  suggests  a  supplementary 
catalogue  not  only  to  c.  23  but  also  to  cc.  25.  26,  since  the  sing- 
ers, gate-keepers,  and  other  officers  were  also  Levites.  The  quota- 
tion of  a  part  only  of  232-,  "and  he  had  no  sons,"  in  v.  ^^,  un- 
wittingly gives  the  opposite  meaning  to  this  passage.  According 
to  23"  Eleazar  must  be  counted  as  a  father's  house  {cf.  23='  '■), 
but  here  he  is  excluded.  "These  were  the  sons  of  the  Levites 
after  their  fathers'  houses"  (v.  ^ob)  jg  ^  strange  subscription  to 
what  purports  to  be  only  a  partial  list  of  the  Levites  {cf.  "the  rest" 
v.  '"),  but  is  easily  understood  as  a  quotation  of  the  first  part  of 
2324  {v.  i.  V.  30).  "These  likewise"  (□"  Wi)  (v.")  occurs  only 
here,  though  the  phrase  would  be  in  place  in  25*  or  26'^  Properly, 
this  lot  should  be  cast  for  all  the  Levites,  not  for  the  part  of  them 
in  this  list  to  whom  "these"  must  refer.  The  lots  might  have  been 
cast  in  the  presence  of  Zadok  and  Ahimelech  (v. '')  very  fittingly, 
but  we  should  expect  "chiefs  of  the  Levites"  in  the  light  of  i5'>-  '^ 
or  only  David  after  23^  However,  v.  "^/^  is  simply  repeated  from 
V. «. — 20.  And  of  the  rest  of  the  sons  of  Levi]  not  those  who  re- 
mained after  the  priests  had  been  subtracted  (Be.)  nor  those  who 
assisted  the  priests  in  the  service  of  the  house  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.),  but 
a  glossator's  title  to  a  Hst  containing  additional  names.  That  this 
list  contains  many  names  set  forth  in  2^^-'^^  cannot  be  urged  against 
this  conclusion  (as  Be.),  since  those  names  are  given  in  order  to 
place  the  new  ones  in  relationship  to  them. — Shuba^el].  Cf.  23 '^ 
■ — Jehdeiah]  is  also  the  name  of  an  officer  of  David  2730  -j-. — 21. 
Rehabiah].  Cf.  23' ^ — Isshiah]  occurs  again  in  v.  «,  cf.  23". — 
22.  Shelomoth].  Cf  Shelomith  23^  \— J  a  hath].  Cf^K— 23.  Cf 
23''.— 24.  Micah].     Cf  23-". — Shamir]  here  only  as  a  personal 


274  I    CHRONICLES 

name,  but  as  a  place-name  Ju.  lo'- '  Jos.  i^**  f. — Isshiah].  Cf. 
23=°. — Zechariah]  a  very  common  name,  especially  in  the  wTit- 
ings  of  the  Chronicler. — 26.  27.  The  sons  of  Merari:  Mahli  and 
Mushi  and*  the  sons  of'Uzziah.  The  sons  of  Merari:  of  'Uzziah* 
Bani*  ( ?)  and  Shoham  and  Zacciir  and  'Ibri\  The  writer  inserted 
among  the  sons  of  Merari  as  he  found  them  in  23^'  "■  the  family 
of  'Uzziah,  who  had  three  or  four  sons.  This  'Uzziah  was  not  a 
son  of  Merari  but  the  head  of  a  family  claiming  descent  from  him, 
otherwise  he  would  have  been  added  directly  to  Mahli  and  Mushi 
without  the  intervening  the  sons  of.  The  addition  of  his  son  after 
'Uzziah  in  v.  "  (H  Benno,  EVs.  Beno)  contradicts  this  fact  directly 
by  making  'Uzziah  a  son  of  Merari,  wherefore  it  is  necessary  to 
consider  the  sojts  of  before,  or  his  son  after,  'Uzziah  a  gloss.  Kittel 
does  the  former  (i.e.,  he  resolves  ""^^  into  D")  but  it  is  neither 
likely  that  Merari  had  another  son  besides  Mahli  and  Mushi  (cf. 
6*  (">  232'  Ex.  6"  Nu.  32°  ")  nor  that  the  original  writer  would 
have  had  the  boldness  to  add  another  son  to  the  two  so  well  kno\\'n. 
The  second  alternative,  i.e.,  to  regard  his  son  after  'Uzziah  as  a 
gloss,  is  more  likely  and  has  the  support  of  0|.  Beno  (EVs.)  in 
V. "  must  either  be  struck  out  with  the  following  copulative  or  it 
is  a  corruption  for  Bani,  a  common  late  name,  which  text  is  sup- 
ported by  (g»  (viol  avTov  =  V22  =  "I  ''22)  (v.  i.). — The  origin  of 
this  family  of  Uzziah  cannot  be  determined.  Shoham  occurs 
nowhere  else  as  a  proper  name  and  'Ibri  only  as  the  gentilic  of 
Hebrew.  Zaccnr  occurs  only  once  outside  of  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.,  Nu. 
13*  (P). — 28.  And  he  had  no  sons^  is  repeated  from  23"  evidently 
as  an  abridgment  of  that  verse  (v.  s.). — Kish].  Cf.  23='. — 
Jerahme'el]  also  the  name  of  the  well-known  family  in  southern 
Judah,  cf.  2',  and  of  the  son  of  King  Jehoiakim  Je.  36". — 30. 
After  copying  23"  ( =  v.  ">•)  the  writer  continued  with  the  first 
clause  of  23"  (=  v. »»''). — 31.  No  difficulty  need  be  found  in  the 
fact  that  twenty-four  heads  of  families  are  not  given  in  this  list. 
The  glossator  based  this  statement  upon  what  was  done  in  the 
case  of  the  priests  (vv.« " )  and  did  not  trouble  himself  to  make  his 
catalogue  correspond  to  the  right  number. 

20.  ^aiyi'l  cf.    23"   text.    n. — 21.  Bn.    omits   in'^am  'j3^    with    <S 
but  compare  the  style  in  vv. "  ". — 23.  0  and  Vrss.  are  defective.     Add 


XXV.  1-31.]  COURSES   OF  THE  SINGERS  275 

after  'J^ij  csin  jnan,  Ki.,  Bn.  Earlier  commentators  added  only 
jn^n  Luther,  Be. — 24.  niDtr]  so  Kt.,  but  Qr.  T'SK',  <&  Sa/ii}/),  K  Samir, 
and  so  ®. — 26.  27.  The  present  Hebrew  text  of  these  verses  cannot 
possibly  be  the  original,  since  v.  ^sb  jg  self-contradictory  {v.  s.)  and 
the  copulative  1,  lacking  before  "'J3,  must  be  inserted  (Bn.)  and  1J3 
crept  in  possibly  from  v.  ".  innyi,  found  only  here,  is  probably  an 
error  for  ihm;;,  so  Ki.,  cf.  also  B.DB.,  Gray,  HPN.  p.  291.  ija  of 
V.  2'  may  have  read  •'JD  originally  {v.  s.).  Accordingly  the  original  text 
read  'j?i  'n  oniri  1J9  innjjS  mn  U3  iinvj;  •'jii  •'irni  ''Vno  mo  "ija.  (On 
attempts  to  find  here  the  original  of  232«  '■,  c/.  23«-".) 

XXV.  The  courses  of  the  singers. — The  singers  formed  a 
distinct  and  important  class  in  the  Temple  worship  when  the  Chron- 
icler wrote.  Their  special  duties  and  privileges  were  the  result  of 
historical  development  just  as  in  the  case  of  the  Levites  proper  and 
the  Aaronites,  but  the  Chronicler  believed  that  the  system  of  his 
own  time  originated  with  David.  Probably  three  distinct  classes, 
the  sons  of  Asaph,  Heman,  and  Jeduthun  ( =  Ethan)  respectively, 
were  already  prominent  in  the  time  of  the  Chronicler,  Accord- 
ing to  this  chapter  they  were  divided  into  twenty-four  courses 
corresponding  to  those  of  the  priests  (24'  «■)  and  probably  also 
of  the  Levites  originally  (23*  ^ ).  Doubtless  the  Chronicler 
thought  that  corresponding  courses  of  each  of  these  orders  served 
at  the  same  time,  the  Levites  to  prepare  the  sacrifices,  the  priests 
to  make  the  offering,  while  the  singers  stood  by  and  sang  praises 
to  Yahweh  (23'°  ' ).  The  Chronicler's  order,  Levites  (c.  23), 
priests  (c.  24),  and  singers  (c.  25),  was  not  unlikely  influenced  by 
this  sequence  of  duties.  We  cannot  be  certain  from  this  chapter 
that  there  were  twenty-four  courses  of  singers  even  in  the  Chron- 
icler's time,  since  the  number  may  simply  represent  an  ideal  of 
the  writer.  The  peculiarity  of  the  last  nine  names  {v.  i.)  rather 
supports  the  latter  possibility. 

This  chapter  is  certainly  a  unity  and  from  the  Chronicler.  Recently 
proposed  analyses  have  created  more  difficulties  than  they  have  ex- 
plained. Asaph  is  the  only  one  of  the  three  families  of  singers  mentioned 
in  vv. '  S-,  but  it  does  not  follow,  as  Kittel  thinks,  that  this  chapter  in 
its  original  form  only  dealt  with  Asaphites.  The  presence  of  idnS  in 
V.  '  really  proves  that  all  three  families  were  enumerated  in  the  following 
verses,  since  the  name — unless  it  is  a  gloss  resulting  from  a  dittography 


276  I  chroniclef; 

(so  Bn.  and  Ki.  on  another  page) — must  have  been  inserted  to  call  atten- 
tion to  the  advantage  the  Asaphites  received  in  having  the  first  lot  fall 
to  them  {cf.  what  Josephus  says  of  the  first  of  the  twenty-four  courses 
of  priests,  Vita,  I. :  ttoXXt;  5^  k&v  Toi/ry  dia<popd).  The  artificial 
character  of  the  last  nine  names  of  v.  <  (v.  i.)  indicates  nothing 
concerning  their  source.  They  are  as  diflBcult  to  understand  from  a 
glossator  as  from  the  Chronicler,  and  the  number  twenty-four  points  to 
the  latter.  It  cannot  be  shown  that  the  Chronicler  was  not  interested 
in  this  number  without  doing  violence  to  the  text. 

1-8.  The  singers  according  to  their  families. — 1.  David  and 
the  chiefs  of  the  serving  host*]  i.e.,  the  chiefs  of  the  Levites  (cf.  15'") 
who  were  in  active  service — those  between  the  ages  of  thirty  and 
fifty  years  (v.  i.). — Asaph,  Heman,  and  Jeditthiin  (=  Ethan)  were 
descended  from  Gershom  (read  Gershon),  Kehath,  and  Alerari 
respectively  according  to  6'8-''  (33-47)^  thus  representing  the  three 
chief  families  of  the  Levites  {cf.  15"-  ■'  16"  «•  2  Ch.  5"  29"  '• 
35'*). — Who  shoidd  prophesy].  The  Chronicler  gives  to  the 
service  of  song  the  same  dignity  as  to  the  service  of  exhortation, 
i.e.,  he  ranlcs  the  singers  with  the  prophets  of  Israel,  thus  placing 
them  above  the  ordinary  serving  Levites.  Elsewhere  he  calls 
them  seers,  a  term  to  him  s\Tionymous  with  prophets  {cf.  v.  >  and 
references  there  cited)  and  in  2  Ch.  20'^  "•  he  makes  a  singer  actu- 
ally figure  in  a  prophetic  capacity.  A  close  connection,  however, 
always  existed  between  the  musical  function  and  the  prophetic 
office  {cf.  I  S.  lo*  '•  '»  ^■). — With  lyres,  with  lutes  and  with  cymbals] 
(see  Bn.  yirch.  pp.  272J/".,  also  art.  Music  in  DB.  and  EBi.,  cf.  i5'0- 
— And  the  number  of  them].  The  number  is  not  the  one  recorded 
in  V. '  but  refers  to  the  numbers  in  the  succeeding  verses,  i.e.,  four 
sons  of  Asaph  (although  the  number  is  not  expressly  stated  in  v.  -), 
six  sons  of  Jeduthun  (v.  '),  and  fourteen  sons  of  Heman  (v.  »). 
The  total  number  of  these  together  with  their  brethren  is  given  in 
V. '.  (An  exact  parallel  is  found  in  Ezr.  2^*'  =  Ne.  7"^  where  also 
some  families  are  mentioned  in  the  succeeding  verses  although 
their  number  is  omitted,  the  total  sum  being  given  at  the  end, 
Ezr.  2"  =  Ne.  7".)  Hence  w. '-'  cannot  be  considered  an  inser- 
tion on  the  ground  that  v.  "» demands  that  a  number  should  follow 
which  is  not  found  until  v. '  (Bn.,  Ki.). — 2.  This  list"  of  the  sons 
of  Asaph  is  otherwise  unknown,  Zaccitr,  also  v.'",  being  the  only 


XXV.  1-31.]  COURSES   OF   THE   SINGERS  277 

one  mentioned  elsewhere  as  a  son  of  Asaph  (Ne.  12''  cf.  also  Zichri 

1  Ch.  9"  =  Ne.  II"  where  '•IDT  should  be  read  for  n3T).  On 
the  name  cf.  4=^  and  24". — Joseph]  also  v. «,  besides  the  frequently 
mentioned  son  of  Jacob,  is  the  name  of  a  man  of  Issachar  Nu. 
13^,  of  one  who  took  strange  wives  Ezr.  lo^*,  of  a  priest  Ne.  i2'<. 
— Nethaniah]  also  v. '=,  is  found  only  once  elsewhere  as  a  Levite 
name  2  Ch.  17^  J. — Asar'elah].  Cf.  Jesar'elah  v. '^  f. — The  sons 
of  Asaph  were  under  the  guidance  of  their  father  and  he  in  turn 
prophesied  at  the  direction  of  the  King. — 3.  Only  five  sons  of 
Jeduthun  are  given  although  he  is  said  to  have  had  six.  Shime'i 
("'^Ott')  of  v. "  must  be  the  missing  name,  since  it  is  not  found 
in  vv.  =-*  as  are  all  the  others  enumerated  in  w.  '  ^',  hence  it 
should  be  inserted  after  Jeshaiah  (thus  (|). — Of  these  six  sons 
of  Jeduthun  only  Mattithiah  is  mentioned  in  another  place,  cf. 
1^18.  21  155^  but  there  he  is  not  called  a  son  of  Jeduthun.  On  the 
name  cf.  9''. — Gedaliah]  also  v. ',  not  elsewhere  the  name  of  a  Levite, 
but  the  name  of  a  priest  Ezr.  lo'^,  and  otherwise  not  infrequent. — 
Izrv^]  so  read  with  v. "  instead  of  Zeri  f  {v.  i.). — Jeshaiah]  also 
v.  '5,  besides  the  well-known  prophet  Isaiah,  is  a  Levitical  name 
26"  Ezr.  8",  a  grandson  of  Zerubbabel  3=",  a  chief  of  the  sons  of 
Elam  Ezr.  8',  a  Benjaminite  Ne.  11  ^ — Shimei*]  also  v.  '^, 
eleven  times  elsewhere  in  the  writings  of  the  Chronicler  as  a  Le- 
vitical name,  and  otherwise  frequent. — Ilashabiah]  also  v.  ",  is 
a  name  found  only  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.  (15  times  in  all),  mostly  of 
Levites. — 4.  A  Mattaniah  appears  as  an  Asaphite  in  9'*  =  Ne. 
IV'  Ne.  1 122 12  8-  35  2  Ch.  20'<  2913.     With  the  possible  exception  of 

2  Ch.  2o'<  a  son  of  Asaph  is  not  intended,  since  the  name  is  used 
of  a  later  individual.  The  name  appears  fifteen  times  in  Ch.- 
Ezr.-Ne.,  and  elsewhere  only  2  K.  24". — Bukkiah]  also  v.  •' f . 
— 'Uzzi'el]  in  v. '»  'Azar'el.  The  former  is  a  frequent  Levitical 
name  and  the  latter  appears  as  the  name  of  priests  in  Ne.  11"  i2'6 
(v.  i.). — Shuba'el*].  So  read  with  (g  and  v.  ^o  instead  of  Shebu^el 
(Ki.).  Also  the  name  of  a  son  of  Gershom  23 '«  24"-  "  26=*  f. 
— Jerimoth]  v."  Jeremoth,  is  found  fourteen  times  in  Ch.-Ezr.- 
Ne.,  but  not  elsewhere. — Ilananiah]  also  v.  "^  is  a  frequent  name, 
but  not  elsewhere  Levitical. — Ilanani]  also  v.  ^^,  was  the  name 
of  a  chief  musician  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah  Ne.   12'%  and  is 


278  I    CHRONICLES 

not  infrequent. — EWalhah]  also  v."  f. — Giddalti]  also  v. »•  f. — • 
Romamti-  ezer]  also  v."  f. — Joshbekashah]  also  v.^*  f. — Malloihi] 
also  V. "  f . — Hothir]  also  v. '«  f. — Mahazi'oth]  also  v.  "  f . — It  has 
long  been  recognised  that  the  last  eight  or  nine  words,  although 
intended  here  for  proper  names,  are  almost  impossible  as  the 
names  of  real  individuals.  With  only  slight  changes  in  the  vocal- 
isation and  in  the  separation  of  the  consonants,  they  form  a  prayer, 
which  may  be  translated  as  follows: 

Be  gracious  unto  me,  Oh  Yah,  be  gracious  unto  me, 
Thou  art  my  God  whom  I  nmgnify  and  exalt. 

Oh  my  help  (or  Thou  art  my  help)  when  in  trouble,  I  say. 
He  giveth  (or  Give)  an  abundance  0/  visions. 

(V.  i.)  Why  what  was  possibly  an  ancient  prayer  should  thus 
be  resolved  into  proper  names  cannot  be  determined.  The  diffi- 
culty is  not  removed  by  assigning  it  to  a  later  hand.  See  Ew. 
Lehrb.  d.  hebr.  Spr.  p.  680;  We.  Prol.  p.  219;  WRS.  OTJC* 
p.  143;  Koberle,  Tempelsdnger,  pp.  116/ — 5.  Heman,  the  king's 
seer].  Gad  is  called  "David's  seer"  (21'),  Asaph  simply  "the 
seer"  (2  Ch.  29")  and  Jeduthun  "the  king's  seer"  (2  Ch.  35"),  or 
if  C5  there  is  correct  Asaph,  Heman,  and  Jeduthun  were  the  King's 
seers  (oi  7rpo(f)rjTat  rov  ySao-iXeo)?);  see  further  on  v.  '. — In  the 
words  of  God]  may  mean  either  in  divine  affairs  (cf.  26"),  or  by 
the  commands  of  Yahweh  (cf  2  Ch.  29'5). — To  lift  up  his  *  horn 
God  gave,  etc.].  To  lift  up  the  horn  would  stand  alone  here  in 
the  sense  of  blow  the  horn  (Be.,  Ba.,  BDB.).  Better  ignore  the 
Massoretic  pointing  {Athnach  under  ^i^"]^)  and  connect  with  the 
following  {v.  i.).  Elsewhere  the  phrase  means  to  heighten  the 
power  of  any  one  {cf  i  S.  2"  Ps.  89"  92"  148'*  La.  2").  God 
exalted  the  power  of  Heman  by  giving  him  many  children  (Ke., 
Zoe.,  Oe.,  Bn.,  Ki.). — 6.  All  these]  may  refer  to  all  the  sons  of 
Asaph,  Jeduthun,  and  Heman  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.),  but  better  only  to 
the  fourteen  sons  of  Heman  (Be.).  Not  only  the  singular  their 
father  but  also  the  similar  statements  after  the  sons  of  Asaph 
(v.  »)  and  of  Jeduthun  (v.  ')  support  this  conclusion. — In  his 
characteristic  fashion  the  Chronicler  reverses  the  order  of  the 


XXV.  1-31.]  COURSES   OF   THE   SINGERS  279 

instruments  in  repeating  them  from  v.  '. — 7.  The  total  number 
finds  its  natural  place  here  after  the  enumeration  of  the  heads  of 
houses  (f/.  V.  ').  With  each  of  the  above  twenty-four  were  asso- 
ciated eleven  of  their  brethren,  i.e.,  members  of  the  singers'  guild, 
so  that  the  total  number  was  two  hundred  and  eighty-eight 
(24  X  12).  These  were  the  accomphshed  musicians,  skilful  ones 
(D'']''2i2),  who  were  distinguished  from  the  mass  of  the  singers, 
the  scholars  (D"'T'D^n),  as  is  shown  by  v.  K  Presumably  the  lat- 
ter are  included  among  the  4,000  singers  who  were  assigned  some 
work  in  overseeing  the  building  of  the  Temple  (r/.  23*  ' ). 

1.  N3xn  ntyi].  The  usual  rendering  the  captains  of  the  hosts  (EVs., 
Ki.,  et  al.)  may  be  understood  as  referring  either  to  the  commanders  of  the 
army  or  as  synonymous  with  princes  of  Israel  considered  as  the  host  of 
Yahweh  {cf.  Ex.  12"-  "').  Keil  preferred  the  latter  and  identified  these 
princes  with  those  mentioned  in  23^  24^  (so  also  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Bn.).  But 
there  is  no  reason  why  David  should  be  assisted  either  by  the  com- 
manders of  the  army  or  by  the  princes  of  Israel.  When  David  divided 
the  priests  he  was  assisted  by  the  two  leading  priests,  Zadok  and  Ahime- 
lech  (24'),  so  by  analogy  he  should  be  assisted  by  the  princes  of  the 
Levites  here.  Previously  David  commanded  the  princes  of  the  Levites 
(o'iSn  n-vT)  to  appoint  singers  from  their  brethren  (15").  Although 
N3X  nr  is  not  used  of  the  Levites  elsewhere,  as  Keil  pointed  out, 
the  phrase  may  refer  to  them  in  this  case,  since  N3X  is  used  of  the 
Levites  in  Nu.  4'-  ".  30.  35.  39.  43  g^*-  «.  In  all  of  these  passages  K3S 
is  used  in  connection  with  the  age  at  which  the  Levites  were  qual- 
ified for  service  in  the  tent  of  meeting.  In  Nu.  4"-  "•  "  the  phrase 
reads  lyiD  Sn>s3  T\^■2yh  njxS  usually  rendered  "service  for  the  work 
in  the  tent  of  meeting,"  and  in  Nu.  8"  rn3>'n  n3X3  "  from  the  service 
of  the  work."  In  the  latter  case,  the  sense  is  certainly  "  active  serv- 
ice." Now  it  is  to  be  noted  that  in  our  passage  this  same  majjS 
follows  N3xn.  If  mayS  were  intended  to  describe  the  service  rendered 
by  the  singers,  it  should  have  appeared  in  connection  with  its  qualifying 
clause  'J3  D\sojn.  Immediately  following  N3xn  inu',  mayS  is  most 
naturally  taken  as  a  genitive  modifying  N3xn  in  the  same  sense  as  in 
Nu.  8",  and  is  better  rendered  the  chiefs  of  the  serving  host. — IDf*  'J^S 
pniT'l  jcm]  on  co-ordinate  genitives  depending  upon  the  same  no- 
men  regens,  cf.  Ges.  §  128a. — D''N''2on]  Qr.  D''X3jn.  (^  d.iro(pd€yyoix4i'ovs. 
N3jri  in  vv. '  '•  favours  Qr.,  and  so  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  et  al. — ^v:ti  diddd 
'd]  'B'jn  in  apposition  with  oicDc,  cf.  Ges.  §  ijiw. — 2.  hSnib-n]  so 
Baer,  Gin.,  Ki.;  also  written  hSnib's,  cf.  v.  "  hSnt;?';. — 3.  nx]  v.  " 
n.xi;    d  here  Soupet  =  ms  =  nxi  =  nsi,  hence    read    ''IX',    so    Ki. 


28o  I    CHRONICLES 

Kom.,  BH. — 4.  Snvj?]  v.  '«  ^«yi,,  <8  here  'AfapaijX.  Either  spelling 
may  be  original,  but  since  Skvj;  as  a  common  Levitical  name  might 
easily  take  the  place  of  the  less  usual  Sn-\i>',  the  latter  may  be 
preferred  with  <S,  ahhough  the  writer  may  have  used  both  forms,  see 
on  2  Ch.  26'. — ''Nur]  V.  20  Sn3iu-^  (&  Soi;/Sa77X,  cf.  23'«. — pirro']  (S 
'lepefjiud,  v.'^my,  (^  'Ep€iixu)9. — nPN>^N]  v.  2'  ^■■:;''n. — Kau.  {ZAW. 
1886,  p.  260)  departed  from  Ew.  and  others  in  the  renditions  of  the 
last  nine  names  {v.  s.)  by  reading  second  person  instead  of  first,  re- 
pointing  the  text  as  follows :  3C'>  n??.  rjcc'ii  rh,^_i  hpn  iSn  'jjn  n;  'jjn 
'1J1  piSd  n;:','^.  Furthermore,  he  held  that  if  the  Massoretic  point- 
ing be  accepted  for  ^nSiJ,  etc.,  it  was  necessary  to  suppose  that  the  por- 
tion of  the  verse  from  tSij  on  was  taken  from  a  context  different 
from  that  of  the  first  five  words.  Oe.  rightly  pointed  out  that  this 
change  from  first  to  second  person  in  three  verbs  is  very  doubtful.  He 
rendered  the  last  two  lines,  Ich  preise  und  eriiehe  Hilfe,  im  Ungliick 
silzend  rede  ich  uberaus  viele  Gesichte  or  im  Ungliick  sitzend  verwelke  ich 
er  gab  reichlich  Gesichte.  The  text  of  Kau.,  followed  recently  by  Bn. 
and  Ki.,  and  the  rendering  of  Oe.  are  alike  difficult,  since  "irj,"  gives  poor 
sense  as  the  object  of  the  two  preceding  verbs.  From  Ps.  34*  we  should 
expect  "God  "  as  the  object.  Such  is  the  case,  if  the  relative  is  under- 
stood before  ^nSij.  (The  omission  of  the  relative  is  not  unknown  in 
poetry  and  is  common  in  the  Chronicler's  writings,  see  1.  120.)  Hence 
it  is  neither  necessary  to  change  the  pointings  of  the  verbs  nor  to  suppose 
different  contexts.  Accordingly  the  first  part  of  the  verse  is  better 
rendered  Be  gracious  unto  me,  Oh  Jah,  be  gracious  unto  me.  Thou 
art  my  God,  whom  I  magnify  and  exalt.  In  what  follows,  instead  of 
7\v^  3-j'>  nrp  read  nu'i-iau*  iir;;.  The  verb  of  the  last  line  may  also  be 
rendered  as  an  imperative,  like  ^Jjn  at  the  beginning  of  the  verse.  In 
that  case  read  '\'r}yT\  instead  of  t.pih.     The  full  text  is  as  follows: 

With  ntf|i  +  3  -h  t;-  comp.  D'cnj  -F  n  +  a  -f-  b*  in  27".  Tn'^r]  may  be 
also  connected  with  the  fourth  line  'ni  mSn  thus  balancing  the  second, 
and  taken  as  a  Pi.  inf.  abs.  from  nSs  (=  nSc),  Ges.  §  75«,  and  the 
couplet  rendered  Thou  art  my  help  when  in  trouble,  Fulfilling 
abundantly  visions. — 5.  Instead  of  '1  Pi"][  read  unp  with  Ki. — 6.  no'] 
for  no3. — 8.  nDyS]  is  apparently  the  cstr.  before  a  sentence  (Be.,  Ke., 
et  al.,  cf.  BDB.  noj;  d). — I'aSn  f]  an  Aramaic  word. 

9-31.  The  singers  according  to  their  courses. — The  order  of 
succession  was  determined  as  follows :  the  sons  of  Asaph  received 


XXV.  1-31.]  COURSES    OF   THE   SINGERS  281 

courses  numbered  i,  3,  5,  7;  the  sons  of  Jeduthun  2,  4,  8,  10,  12, 
14;  the  sons  of  Heman  6,  9,  11,  13,  15-24.  From  this  Bertheau 
judged  that  two  Hsts  of  seven  were  first  arranged,  the  one  includ- 
ing the  sons  of  Asaph  (v.  *)  and  the  second,  third,  and  fourth 
of  the  sons  of  Heman  (v.  "),  and  the  other  the  six  sons  of  Jedu- 
thun (v.  3)  and  the  first  of  the  sons  of  Heman  (v.  <);  then  from 
each  Hst  lots  were  drawn  alternately.  The  last  ten  sons  of  He- 
man  finally  drew  for  the  remaining  positions  15-24.  Since  three 
separate  urns  could  not  have  been  used,  Keil  proposed  that 
all  must  have  been  placed  in  one  urn.  But  this  does  not  ex- 
plain why  the  sons  of  Asaph  received  courses  with  odd  numbers 
and  of  Jeduthun  with  even.  If  two  such  lists  were  formed  (Be.), 
they  could  have  been  composed  of  twelve  names  each  as  well 
as  seven,  since  it  is  no  more  difficult  to  see  why  all  the  last 
places  should  have  fallen  to  the  Hemanites,  than  to  believe  that 
the  lot  would  fall  to  the  four  sons  of  Asaph  before  taking  one  of 
the  three  sons  of  Heman  included  in  the  first  series.  No  doubt 
we  have  here  not  a  record  of  an  actual  lot  but  a  simple  rearrange- 
ment of  the  names  in  vv.  ^-*  by  the  Chronicler  himself.  His 
scheme  is  apparent.  He  began  with  a  son  of  Asaph  and  then 
alternated  with  the  sons  of  Jeduthun,  taking  the  sons  of  both 
families  in  the  order  given  in  vv.  ^  '■,  with  the  single  exception  that 
Zaccur  and  Joseph  (v.  ^)  were  transposed.  For  the  sixth  place,  he 
skipped  the  family  of  Jeduthun  and  took  the  first  son  of  Heman 
instead.  After  exhausting  the  list  of  Asaph's  sons,  he  took  up 
those  of  Heman  in  their  stead,  in  the  same  order  as  v.  %  alternating 
these  with  the  remaining  sons  of  Jeduthun.  With  the  fourteenth 
course  he  had  also  exhausted  the  list  of  Jeduthun's  sons,  to  which  he 
naturally  added  the  next  succeeding  name  from  his  hst  of  Heman 's 
sons.  The  last  nine  names  of  Heman 's  sons  remained  and  these 
he  divided  into  two  groups,  putting  the  first  five  in  one  list,  and 
the  last  four  in  another.  Within  these  lists  the  names  are  again 
taken  in  the  same  order  as  in  v.  <.  The  whole  arrangement  is 
manifestly  artificial.  No  break  in  the  scheme  justifies  the  con- 
clusion that  a  part  of  this  list  was  added  later,  as  Kittel  sup- 
poses. The  division  into  twenty-four  courses  of  twelve  each 
would  certainly  be  natural  from  the  Chronicler. 


282  I    CHRONICLES 

9.  (8  adds  vluv  airov  Kal  ddeXipCjv  avrov  before  iDf*'^-  The  number 
288  (v. ')  and  the  analogy  of  the  following  verses  demand  that  vnNi  VJ3 
■\&p  D'jsr  should  be  added  after  ']Dvh  (Oe.,  Bn.,  Ki.)-  There  seems  to 
be  some  confusion  also  in  the  last  part  of  the  verse. — IDnS].  According 
to  Bn.,  this  is  a  dittography  from  iDvS.  Ki.  strikes  it  out  as  a  gloss. 
(S  certainly  read  it. — On  nx>  (v."),  nSsnc''  (v.'*),  Snitp  (v. '»),  SK3116' 
(v."),  niD-i^  (v.«),  hd'Sn  (v."),  cf-  w. 2-<  textual  notes. 

XXVI.  The  gate-keepers  and  other  Levitical  ofl&cers. — 

Chapter  26  concludes  the  account  of  David's  organisation  of  the 
Levites.  The  genealogical  connections  of  the  gate-keepers  are  de- 
scribed in  vv. '-",  and  their  appointments  in  vv.  '2-' 9.  In  the  former 
division  are  twenty-four  heads  of  houses  distributed  among  three 
families.  The  appointments  (w.  ■'■")  were  distributed  to  the  fami- 
lies according  to  the  points  of  the  compass,  so  it  became  necessary 
to  divide  one  of  these  families  in  order  to  make  four  divisions — 
Zechariah,  the  first-born  of  Meshelemiah  (Shelemiah),  receiving  a 
special  commission  (v.  '<),  The  administrators  of  the  treasuries 
(vv.  "-28)  follow  the  gate-keepers  naturally.  Similarly  the  keepers 
of  the  treasuries  follow  the  account  of  the  gate-keepers  in  9"  " , 
where  the  former  are  also  classed  as  gate-keepers  (9-').  The 
chapter  closes  with  an  account  of  the  Levitical  officers  for  the 
outward  business  of  Israel  (vv.  s'-"), 

1-11.  The  genealogies  of  the  gate-keepers. — 1.  Of  the 
Korahiles].  Korah  was  the  name  of  an  Edomite  (Gn.  36'-  '<•  ■*), 
of  a  son,  i.e.,  a  descendant,  of  Hebron  (2*'),  and  of  the  head  of  a 
Levite  family  (Ex.  6^'  ^*  Nu.  16'  «•).  The  genealogy  of  Heman, 
the  singer,  is  traced  through  Korah  to  Kehath  (6'«  "■  <"  '■'>)•,  the 
"sons  of  Korah"  are  mentioned  in  the  titles  of  a  number  of  psalms 
(42,  44,  45,  46,  47,  48,  49,  84,  85,  87,  88);  and  "the  sons  of  the 
Korahites"  appear  as  singers  in  2  Ch.  20".  Here  Meshelemiah,  a 
member  of  the  fourth  generation  after  Korah  (r/.  9"),  is  the  head  of 
a  family  of  gate-keepers.  Benzinger  (Kom.  p.  74)  argues  from  these 
data  that  the  tribe  of  Korah  rose  from  a  non-Levitical,  even  non- 
Israelitish  origin,  to  become  gate-keepers  and  later  singers,  but 
identity  of  name  is  hardly  sufficient  support  for  this  connection  of 
families  which  may  have  acquired  the  same  name  quite  inde- 
pendently.    The  Chronicler  certainly  knew  the  Korahites  as  sing- 


XXVI.  1-19.]      COURSES   OF   THE   GATE-KEEPERS  283 

ers  (2  Ch.  20'^)  as  well  as  gate-keepers.  According  to  6'^  "■  <"  "  ' 
the  singers  of  the  family  of  Heman  claimed  Levitical  descent 
through  Korah  and  Kehath,  but  other  branches  of  this  line  of  de- 
scent must  have  been  employed  in  other  service,  and  so  a  family  of 
gate-keepers  may  have  traced  their  descent  from  Levi  through 
Kore,  Abiasaph,  Korah.  The  general  effort  of  the  late  classes  of 
Temple  servants  to  show  Levitical  descent  (cf.  Ezr.  2")  doubtless 
resulted  ofttimes  in  conflicting  claims,  and  at  any  rate  the  oldest 
patriarchs  of  the  tribe  would  likely  be  appropriated  by  widely  differ- 
ent families.  Hence  these  genealogical  connections  are  of  little  or  no 
value  for  determining  the  true  standing  and  relationship  of  the  late 
families. — Meshelemiah].  Cf.  9='. — Kore].  Cf.  9''. — Ebiasaph^] 
{v.  i.). — 2.  3.  Zechariah]  of  the  sons  of  Meshelemiah,  is  men- 
tioned again  in  v.  ",  and  occurs  also  in  g^\cf.  also  24^^ — Jedta'el]  is 
also  the  name  of  a  Zebulunite  7«-  ■"•  "  {q.  v.),  and  of  one  of  David's 
heroes  ii«,  cf.  12"  <■'"'>  f. — Zebadiah]  a  frequent  name  but  only  in 
the  writings  of  the  Chronicler. — Jathni'el  f  ]. — 'Elatn]  besides  the 
name  of  the  country  east  of  Assy.,  a  frequent  post-exilic  name, 
but  only  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.,  cf.  8^K — Jehohanan]  a  frequent  name, 
especially  with  the  Chronicler. — EHeho'enai]  also  the  name  of  a  re- 
turning exile  Ezr.  8*  f . — 4.  5.  The  Chronicler  identified  'Ohed-edom 
with  the  Gittite  by  the  same  name  (13''  '=2  S.  6'"  «•),  as  is  indi- 
cated by  the  clause  for  God  blessed  him  (Bn.).  Obed-edom  is 
known  elsewhere  as  a  gate-keeper  (15"-  ^*  16"),  and  by  a  later 
glossator  is  classed  as  a  singer  (152'  16*  q.  v.).  In  the  present 
context  Obed-edom  may  be  taken  as  belonging,  through  Korah,  to 
the  family  of  Kehath,  since  the  Merarites  are  not  taken  up  until 
V.  '",  and  V.  ''  limits  the  gate-keepers  to  these  two  families  (Be., 
Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.).  Since  he  is  also  called  a  son  of  Jeduthun  (i6'8) 
Kittel  places  him  in  the  family  of  Merari,  but  that  phrase  is  prob- 
ably a  gloss  (y.  in  loco). — None  of  these  eight  sons  of  Obed-edom 
are  otherwise  knowTi  to  us.  The  names  Shemaiah,  Jehozabad, 
Jo'ah,  and  Nethan^el  occur  very  frequently  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.  as 
the  names  of  priests  and  Levites  and  are  more  or  less  common  else- 
where. 'A??i}ni'el  is  also  an  east-Jordanic  name  2  S.  9^-  '  17",  a 
Danite  Nu.  13''  (P),  and  the  name  of  David's  father-in-law  i  Ch. 
3'  f .     Sacar  only  occurs  elsewhere  as  the  father  of  one  of  David's 


284  I   CHRONICLES 

heroes  ii",  while  Issachar  is  only  found  as  the  name  of  the  son  of 
Jacob  and  the  tribe  bearing  his  name.  The  name  Pe'idletJiai  is 
otherwise  unknown. — 7.  The  sons  of  Shemdiah:  'Otlini  f,  and 
Repha'el  f,  and  'Obed,  and*  Elzabad,  and*  his  brethren  mighty 
men  of  valor  (lit.  sons  of  strength)  Elihu,  and  Setnachiah  f  ].  These 
six  men  are  otherwise  unkno\vn.  The  name  'Obed  is  found  only 
in  Ru.  4"-  "•  "  and  in  Ch.,  and  Elzabad  is  the  name  of  a  Gadite  in 
12'=  f.  £/i/?»  is  not  an  uncommon  name.  With.  Semachiah  msiy 
be  compared  the  Levitical  name  Ismachiah  2  Ch.  31"  f. — Verse 
9  belongs  logically  after  v. ',  but  it  is  doubtless  in  its  original  place. 
The  Chronicler  evidently  overlooked  this  statement  and  so  added 
it  later. — 10.  Hosali]  appears  also  in  xx.  "•  "  and  in  16",  where  he 
is  also  associated  with  'Obed-edom  as  a  gate-keeper  f. — Shimri]  is 
the  name  of  another  Levite  2  Ch.  29'',  also  of  a  Simeonite  4",  and 
of  the  father  of  a  hero  of  David  ii«  f. — For  there  was  not  a  first- 
born]. &  adds  the  statement  that  the  first-bom  had  died,  which  is 
doubtless  an  inference  from  the  present  reading.  Possibly  the 
article  has  fallen  out  before  first-born  (llSiC")  nTi),  which 
would  permit  the  rendering  for  he  was  not  the  first-born. — 11. 
Hilkiah]  is  a  very  common  name. — Tebaliah  f]. — Zechariali], 
On  name  cf.  v.  \ — Not  one  of  these  appears  as  a  son  of  Hosah 
elsewhere. — The  total  number  of  gate-keepers  was  ninety-three 
(62  +  18  4-  13),  cf.  9"  i6'8.  Since  the  Chronicler  knows  of  four 
thousand  gate-keepers  in  David's  time  (23'),  he  probably  intended 
these  ninety-three  as  the  chief  men. 

1.  ^idn]  in  9"  np,^9^",  <S^  here  A/3td  Sa^dp.  idn  was  a  Gershonite 
(6"  ' )  but  t^DON  was  descended  from  Kehath  through  Korah  {cf.  9" 
67  f.  (22 1.)  Ex.  6"-  "■  21),  hence  read  cither  ip;pN  or  1??''??!  (Be.,  Ke., 
Zoe.,  Oe.,  Gin.,  Ba.,  Bn.),  the  latter  being  preferable. — in>c':'rc]  so 
vv.  5  »;  V.  "  in'oSif;  9''  n>DStt'c;  9"-  "  ai*^!:'. — 6.  O'^^CDcn]  elsewhere 
only  in  Dn.  ii'-  ',  where  the  sg.  is  used.  Here  abstr.  for  concr.  do- 
minions =  rulers;    possibly  we  should  read  O'Su'cn. — 7.  iau">]  31  adds 

DnN.     &  reads  '^Ijo-sal*©. — vhn   -i3t^n].     After  other  mss.  cited  by 

Kennicott,  also  <5,  prefix  1  to  both  words  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oc.,  Ki.,  Bn.). 

12-19.  The  appointments  of  the  gate-keepers. — The  Chron- 
icler described  the  Temple  as  if  it  were  already  in  existence.     The 


XXVI.  1-19.]      COURSES   OF  THE   GATE-KEEPERS  285 

royal  palace  was  attached  to  the  south  of  the  Temple  area,  hence 
no  watchers  were  necessary  there.  The  Chronicler  clearly  had  the 
post-exilic  Temple  of  Zerubbabel  in  mind,  thus  he  was  describing 
conditions  of  his  own  time  or  idealising  them. — 12.  Even  of  the 
chief  men]  i.e.,  the  ninety-three  chiefs  who  are  enumerated  above. 
— 13.  The  small  like  the  great]  not  as  well  the  small  as  the  great 
(EVs.),  since  the  literal  meaning  of  the  phrase  is  the  like  of  the 
small  is  the  like  of  the  great.  The  house  of  Hosah  with  only 
thirteen  chief  men  (v.  ")  fared  the  same  as  the  house  of  Obed- 
edom  with  sixty-two  (v.  «). — 14.  Shelemiah]  the  same  as  Meshel- 
emiah  v.  '. — Zechariah]  is  mentioned  above  in  v.  ^ — Counselor 
with  prudence]  is  probably  no  more  than  an  effort  to  explain 
why  the  subordinate  Zechariah  should  have  been  ranked  equally 
with  the  three  chief  houses  of  gate-keepers  (w. '-"). — 15.  The 
guarding  of  the  southern  gate  and  the  store-house  {cf.  Ne.  12") 
fell  to  Obed-edom  and  his  sons  cf.  w.  **.  The  Chronicler  prob- 
ably thought  of  this  store-house  as  identical  with  the  treasury 
building,  hence  his  addition  "with  Obed-edom"  in  2  Ch.  25=*, 
cp.  with  2  K.  14'^ — 16.  The  western  side  fell  to  the  lot  of  Hosah, 
cf.  w.  '"  '•.  Strike  out  to  Shiippim  (v.  i.). — At  the  gate  of  the 
chamber^'  (v.  /.). — At  the  ascending  highway],  a  street  which  led 
up  to  the  western  side  of  the  Temple  from  the  Tyropeon  Valley, 
the  principal  approach  from  the  lower  city  and  from  the  Western 
Hill. — 17.  18.  The  number  of  gate-keepers  serving  at  one  time 
was  as  follows :  six  on  the  east,  four  on  the  north,  eight  on  the 
south — i.e.,  four  for  the  gate  and  apparently  two  at  each  of  two 
doors  of  the  store-house — and  six  on  the  west — i.e.,  four  at  the 
highway  and  two  at  Parbar — a  total  of  twenty-four.  No  relation 
between  this  number  twenty-four  and  the  twenty-four  courses  of 
priests  (24'  «  )  and  of  singers  (25'  «■)  is  apparent,  nor  does  there 
seem  to  be  any  connection  with  the  twenty-four  heads  of  families 
named  in  w.  *-".  The  Chronicler's  preference  for  the  number 
twelve,  also  twenty-four  as  a  multiple  of  twelve,  is  a  sufficient 
explanation. — Parbar]  a  Persian  word  meaning  possessing  light, 
was  apparently  a  colonnade  or  some  kind  of  structure  on  the 
western  side  of  the  Temple  area  identical  with  the  Parvarim  (Rv. 
the  precincts)  in  2  K.  23"  (see  Dr.  art.  Parbar,  DB.). 


286  I    CHRONICLES 

13.  •^•;■z'^  -i;x'S]/(jr  every  fate,  an  idiom  common  in  Ch.  and  late  Heb. 
(1.  124). — 14.  in'cSf]  cf.  V.  '  text.  n. — 'i.-m3ti]  should  read  in<">DtS- 
with  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Gin.,  et  al.,  but  the  versions  probably  read  our 
text.  <8  Kal  Zaxapla,  viol  Swdf'  T<p  ^UXx^q-  certainly  had  our  text. 
B  Zacharice  is  likely  a  correction  also,  ul  y^'a  VJ?i<  suggests  that 
(it  MfXx'?  originated  in  an  Aramaic  gloss  to  }*>1'. — 16.  a^DC''" 
should  be  struck  out.  Hosah  alone  is  in  place  {cf.  v.  '")  and  a'DC'S 
clearly  arose  by  dittography  from  the  preceding  cddn,  Be.,  Ke., 
Zoe.,  et  al. — nsSr]  only  here  as  a  proper  noun,  and  once  as  a  common 
noun  Is.  6^^=feUing  (of  trees).  The  usual  meaning  casting  forth  Ki. 
questions,  since  this  was  the  main  gate  toward  the  city.  B  renders 
quce  ducit,  i.e.,  -t'  {cf.  Ju.  5'  Ct.  i')  +  rzi'^  "the  gate  which  goeth  into 
the  ascending  highway."  (S^al  have  iraarocpopiov,  so  also  Origen's 
text.  TO  ■jra(rTo<popiov  is  used  to  translate  r^zz''"'  in  9"  23''  28''  2  Ch. 
31"  Je.  35*  Ez.  40"  "  **,  hence  (S  must  have  read  nocS  or  r2'i'^.  Ac- 
cording to  2  K.  23"  there  was  a  chamber  on  this  side  of  the  Temple  in 
the  D''-»nfl  =  1310  {cf.  v.  '*).  By  itself  (S  has  no  more  weight  than  if, 
since  either  may  represent  a  transposition  of  two  letters  of  the  original, 
but  the  absence  of  the  name  elsewhere,  the  difl&cult  meaning  if  taken  as  a 
proper  name,  and  the  fact  that  a  chamber  (nos'S)  is  spoken  of  as  in  the 
D'ins  (2  K.  23")  favour  the  reading  of  05,  nja'S  or  rz'^i'h.  On  cstr. 
followed  by  3  see  Ges.  §  130a. — 19.  "•mpn]  (jgB  read  Kaa^  =  nnp,  but 
l§  is  probably  original,  cf.  v.  '. 

20-28.  Administrators  of  the  treasuries  of  the  sanctuary. 

— Two  classes  of  treasuries  are  differentiated,  those  of  the  house  of 
God,  and  those  of  the  dedicated  things  (v.  ").  The  former  were 
under  the  hands  of  Gershonites  (w.  »'  «)  and  the  latter  under 
Kehatiiites(\'\%"-"). — 20.  And  the  Lez'ites,  their  brethren, etc.]  (v.i.) 
is  a  superscription  to  the  following  section. — Over  the  treasuries 
of  the  house  of  God]  i.e.,  for  the  fine  flour,  wine,  oil,  etc.,  cf.  9*', — 
and  over  the  treasuries  of  the  dedicated  things]  cf.  v.  ".  The  same 
two  divisions  seem  to  be  made  in  9='  '•  (Bn.). — 21.  22.  The 
sons  of  La'adan,  the  descendants  of  the  Gershonites  through 
Laadan].  The  second  clause  is  in  apposition  with  the  first. 
On  Laadan  cf.  23'. — The  heads  of  the  fathers^  (houses)  of  La  adan 
the  Gershonite,  Jehi'el  and  his  brethren*  Zethatn  and  Jo'el  were 
over,  etc.]  C/.  23',  The  sons  of  Jehi'eli  is  a.  gloss  (v.i.).  JehVeli^ 
is  an  incorrect  reading.  Jehi^el*  is  the  same  individual  men- 
tioned in  23'  29'.  The  name  is  common  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.,  but 
not  found  elsewhere. — His  brethren*]  read  as  plural  (v.  i.),  is 


XXVI.  20-32.]   TREASURERS   AND    CIVIL   OFFICIALS  287 

added  to  show  the  inferior  position  of  Zetham  and  Joel,  cf.  23' 
29'. — 23.  Kehath  rather  than  the  four  families  which  sprang 
from  him,  should  be  expected  here,  since  only  Amramites  are 
mentioned  as  over  the  treasuries.  Possibly  the  others  are  added 
because  special  offices  of  the  Izharites  and  Hebronites  follow 
(w.  "  «•),  but  there  is  no  further  mention  of  the  Uzzielites. — 24. 
And'\  omitted  in  translation.  Render  with  v.  ",  of  the  Amramites 
.  .  .  was  Shuba'el*  (cf.  23")  .  .  .  ruler  over  the  treasuries. — 25. 
And  his  (Shubael's)  brethren  of  Eli'ezer].  His  brethren  is  used 
because  all  are  descended  from  two  brothers,  Gershom  and 
Eliezer,  sons  of  Moses,  cf.  23'*  e.  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.).  Benzinger 
prefers  the  reading  of  (^  his  brother. — Eli'ezer]  and  Rehabiah]. 
Cf.  23"-  '^ — Jesha'iah]  and  the  three  following  individuals  are 
only  known  from  this  passage.  On  name  cf.  25'. — Joram]  is  a 
common  name. — Zichri]  is  also  the  name  of  an  Asaphite  9'^  (cf. 
Ne.  II").  The  name  occurs  twelve  times  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.  of 
eleven  individuals,  elsewhere  only  Ex.  62'  (P). — Shelomoth].  Also 
v.  "  and  in  v,  "  Shelomith.  The  spelling  of  the  name  fluctuates 
between  these  two  elsewhere  and  is  doubtful.  Two  other  Levites, 
an  Izharite  23 '^  24"-  22  and  a  Gershonite  23 ',  bore  this  name,  also 
a  son  of  Rehoboam  2  Ch.  ii^o  and  the  head  of  a  post-exilic  family 
Ezr.  8'". — 26.  Which  David,  the  king  .  .  .  had  dedicated].  Cf. 
18"  =  28.  8",  2  Ch.  51. — 27.  To  repair  the  house].  Apparently  the 
Chronicler  thought  David  also  provided  for  future  needs. — 28. 
Saul  the  son  of  Kish].  Cf.  8"  =  9^'. — Abner  the  son  of  Ner].  Saul's 
cousin,  cf.  I  S.  I45''-  ",  etc. — Jo'ab  the  son  of  Zeruiah].  Cf.  2'«. 
The  Chronicler  presumes  that  every  one  who  led  forth  the  army 
of  the  Israelites  into  battle  consecrated  of  the  booty  to  Yahweh. 

20.  n^^^<].  Read  on^nx  with  (B  dStXcpol  avrOiv,  so  J.  D.  Mich.,  and 
most  commentators  after  him. — 21.22.  The  text  is  certainly  corrupt 
if  these  verses  come  from  the  Chronicler,  since  Zetham  and  Joel  are  here 
sons  of  Jehieli,  but  in  23*  they  are  his  brothers.  (^^  adds  to  the  con- 
fusion and  gives  no  aid.  (6^,  which  usually  has  the  fullest  reading, 
here  follows  l|  in  v.  21,  but  omits  '"'^N^n''  >ja  from  v.  "  and  inserts  the 
copulative  before  anr.  (Si^  may  have  been  corrected  from  23  8,  but  also 
internal  grounds  point  to  •'Sx^ni  •■jj  as  a  gloss.  The  gentilic  form  is  out 
of  place  in  v.  ^i,  also  in  v.  "^  where  it  is  simply  repeated,  and  vnx  pointed 
as  singular,  as  in  M,  is  useless,    but  as  plural  contradicts  i'?8<''m  ■'ja. 


I  I    CHRONICLES 

The  final  '  of  '''N<n'  (v.  ")  is  a  remnant  of  the  lost  1  before  arr. — 25 
i'i^?*l]  <S  teal  T(?  dSe\<f)(p  aiiroO  =  vpn^i  adopted  by  Bn. — n^cSc]  Qr. 
r'sVr,  V.  "  n'c'^i:',  (g  SoXw^w^  in  both  (c/.  23»  text.  n.). — 26.  '-\r^] 
Ke.  corrects  to  nci  with  B,  so  also  Oe.,  Ki.,  but  cf.  28"  text.  n. — ^•^'■i'^ 
niNDHi  D'fiS{<n].  Co-ordinate  genitives  depending  on  the  same  nomen 
re  gens  are  unusual,  Ges.  §  128a. — 27.  \>irh'\  is  used  elsewhere  to 
repair  An  old  building  2  K.  12'  '•  "  22«  2  Ch.  24'-  ",  etc.,  c/.  BDB. 
p;n  Pi.  1 .  c.  Here  it  must  have  the  same  or  a  more  general  sense, 
V.  s. — 28.  c"i|inn]  on  art.  for  the  rel.  pron.  see  Ges.  §  1381,  also 
1.  119. — r'"!i7?:i]  Bn.  corrects  to  rypri. — .n^s'^S']  cf.  v.  «*  text.  n. 


29-32.  Officers  for  the  outward  business. — 29.  Chenaniah] 
appears  elsewhere  as  the  name  of  a  master  of  the  carrying  (15"  " 
q.  v.). — For  the  outward  business  over  Israel].  Cf.  "Levites  who 
had  the  oversight  of  the  outward  business  of  the  house  of  God" 
(Ne.  II"). — Officers]  i.e.,  some  minor  officials,  possibly  scribes 
(cf.  (^  ypafifxaTexkiv).  As  early  as  Deuteronomy  (17*  «  19" 
21')  priests  and  Levites  are  assigned  duties  as  judges.  In  later 
times  the  priests  and  Levites  seem  to  have  exercised  a  certain 
amount  of  authority  in  outward  things  throughout  the  land  (cf. 
I  Mac.  2",  Jos.  Atit.  iv.  8.  14),  which  was  probably  the  case  in  the 
time  of  the  Chronicler,  who  ascribed  to  David  the  inauguration 
of  the  customs  of  his  own  time. — 30-32.  One  thousand  and  seven 
hundred  Hebronites  were  appointed  to  have  oversight  over  the 
business  (riDS^IS)  of  Yahweh  and  for  the  serAce  (mZy )  of  the  King 
in  western  Palestine  (v.  '").  Their  work  seems  to  have  been  the 
same  as  that  which  their  brethren  performed  in  eastern  Palestine, 
i.e.,  for  ercery  affair  ("121)  of  God,  and  [rcery]  affair  ("12")  of  the 
King  (v.  «).  Just  how  this  service  was  related  to  that  of  the  sons  of 
Chenaniah,  the  officers  and  judges  (v.  "),  is  not  clear,  nor  can  their 
duties  be  determined  with  certainty.  If  we  sup{)ose  them  to  have 
been  collectors  of  taxes,  both  for  the  Tem})le  and  for  the  King, 
the  account  follows  naturally  the  appointment  of  the  treasurers 
(vv.  "-").  That  there  should  be  only  one  thousand  seven  hundred 
overseers  for  western  Palestine  with  ten  and  one-half  tribes,  when 
there  were  two  thousand  seven  hundred  for  the  two  and  one-half 
tribes  of  Eastern  Palestine,  seems  strange.  Possibly  these  numbers 
contain  a  hint  of  the  importance  of  the  district  of  (iilead  in  the 


XXVn.  1-15.]         COMMANDERS   OF   THE   ARMY  289 

Chronicler's  own  time.     Judas  Maccabeus  found  many  Jews  in 
Gilead  (i  Mac.  5").— /a'zer]  (c/.  6"  <">)  also  seems  to  have  been 
an   important  trans-Jordanic   Jewish  centre   (i    Mac.    5'  ' ). 
Hashabiah]  is  not  found  elsewhere  as  a  Hebronite.     On  name 
cf.  2S'.—Jerijah].     Cf.  23''  24". 

30.  r^2-\•;'2  pi^"'  i3>-r;]  means  literally /rom  beyond  Jordan  westward. 
Western  Palestine  is  meant,  cf.  Jos.  5'  22'. 

XXVII.  The  organisation  of  the  army  and  the  officers  of 
David.— The  preceding  chapter  closes  with  an  account  of  the 
Levites  who  were  assigned  semi-secular  duties.  The  organisation 
of  the  army  (w.'-'^),  the  list  of  tribal  princes  (w."''),  the  royal 
treasurers  and  overseers  (vv.  «-="),  and  the  King's  counsellors 
(vv.  >2-")  naturally  follow. 

Although  the  Chronicler  has  given  the  list  of  Da\'id's  mighty  men  in 
cc.  1 1  /.,  such  a  doublet  does  not  necessarily  point  to  different  authors 
(cf.  Bn.  Kom.  p.  79,  Ki.  Kom.  p.  99).  While  the  Temple  is  the  centre 
of  interest  in  cc.  21  /.,  it  is  also  apparent  that  the  writer  wshes  to 
magnify  David  in  every  possible  way.  Solomon  built  the  Temple  but 
David  here  receives  the  greater  credit,  since  he  collected  the  material, 
money,  and  skilled  workmen  (c.  22).  He,  too,  prepared  for  the  service 
in  the  Temple  by  organising  Levites,  priests,  singers,  and  gate-keepers  (cc. 
23/.).  According  to  2  S.  238  «•  (i  Ch.  ii'«  ^  )  David  had  many  mighty 
men,  but  they  were  not  organised.  The  Chronicler  would  scarcely 
attribute  the  preparation  of  the  plans  of  the  Temple  (c.  28)  and  the 
organisation  of  the  personnel  of  the  cult  (cc.  23  /.)  to  David  because 
"  Solomon.  .  .  is  young  and  tender  "  (22=  291),  and  then  overlook  the 
military  and  official  bodies.  David  was  pre-eminently  a  military  leader 
and  Solomon  a  man  of  peace.  Hence  the  Chronicler  represents  that 
David  had  a  large  body-guard  organised  into  twelve  courses  of  24,000 
each.  This  account  forms  an  essential  part  also  of  the  history  of  David's 
preparation  for  the  Temple.  A  well-organised  army  and  trained  offi- 
cials would  aid  materially  in  the  successful  completion  of  this  great 
undertaking.  The  Chronicler  does  not  ignore  this  fact,  for  according 
to  his  account,  David  appeals  to  these  classes  for  aid  (22"  28"b  29'  "), 
and  depends  upon  them  to  furnish  the  necessary  political  support 
(28'  ff).  Rather  than  being  a  later  bungling  piece  of  work  inserted  in 
an  unsuitable  place  (Bn.),  c.  27  seems  to  fit  into  the  scheme  of  the 
Chronicler  perfectly.  The  number  24,000  also  suggests  the  Chronicler 
(cf.  24'  «•  25'  «  ),  and  a  body-guard  of  288,000  men  is  about  the  kind 
of  an  exaggeration  (cf.  2  S.  15")  to  expect  from  the  writer  of  22'«. 


290  I    CHRONICLES 

1-15.  The  organisation  of  the  army. — Solomon  organised  a 
force  of  officers,  one  for  each  month,  to  provide  victuals  for  the 
King  and  his  household  (i  K.  4'  ' ).  For  this  account  the  Chron- 
icler substituted  a  large  body-guard  who  served  the  King  "in  every 
matter  by  courses,"  but  ascribed  their  organisation  to  David. 
The  names  of  the  twelve  ofl5cers  are  taken  from  ii'" « . — 1.  After 
this  superscription  a  fuller  account  might  be  expected,  but  the 
catalogue  which  follows  (vv. '-'s)  contains  only  the  twelve  classes, 
the  number  belonging  to  each,  and  the  name  of  the  command- 
ing officer,  hence  Bertheau  thought  only  a  partial  account  was 
here  given. — 2.  Ishba  al*  (v.  i.)  the  son  of  ZabdVel]  does  not 
contradict  "the  son  of  a  Hachmonite"  (11"))  since  the  latter 
is  the  name  of  a  family  (Oe.).  He  belonged  3,  to  the  family  of 
Perez  (r/.  2*  ' )  from  whom  David  also  was  descended  (2'  '  "  ). 
— 4.  Eleazar  the  son  of  Dodai*]  is  restored  from  11"  (v.  i.). — 
And  his  course  (and)  Mikloth  the  ruler,  is  obscure.  A  Mikloth 
occurs  in  8"  9"  ■•,  but  there  is  no  ground  for  connecting  him  with 
the  one  mentioned  here  f. — 5.  Benaiah,  the  son  of  Jehoiada]. 
Cf.  II22-2*  18"  27%  also  V.  '<. — The  priest]  is  considered  a  proba- 
ble gloss  by  Oe.,  since  Benaiah  was  a  military  leader,  and  Bn. 
strikes  it  out  because  Jehoiada'  is  nowhere  else  called  a  priest,  nor 
even  a  Levite.  But  a  Jehoiada  occurs  as  a  military  leader  for 
Aaron  (12'^  ("))  and  Levites  figure  in  a  military  capacity  (12" 
<»>).— 6.  Cf.  ii"-»  =  2  S.  2y>-".—'Ammizabad-\].—7.  Cf  ii"  = 
2  S.  23'*. — 'Asah'el]  was  slain  by  Abner  in  the  early  part  of  David's 
reign  (2  S.  2'8-"),  to  which  the  clause  and  Zehadinh  his  son  after 
him  clearly  refers.  The  name  Zebadiah  occurs  only  in  the  writings 
of  the  Chronicler  (nine  times  in  all). — 8.  Shamhuth  the  Zerahile*]. 
Cf.  II". — 9-15.  The  order  of  the  names  from  v. '  onward  varies 
slightly  from  that  in  11"  «■.  Helez  and  'Ira'  (11"  ' )  are  trans- 
posed, as  are  also  Abi'ezer  and  Sibbecai  (11"  ').  ' Hai  (ii")  is 
omitted,  so  also  Ithai  (n")  between  Hcled  and  Benaiah  (ii"  ' ), 
the  last  two  also  being  transposed. — Sibbecai,  the  Hushathite].  Cf. 
20*.  Abi'ezer]  was  a  citizen  of  'Anathoth,  a  Benjamite  town  {cf. 
6"  "»'). — Maharai]  of  the  family  of  Zcrah  {cf.  2').  Cf.  11". — 
Othni'el]  by  his  relation  to  Caleb  (Jos.  15"  Ju.  i"-"  3*)  was 
incorporated  into  the  tribe  of  Judah. 


XXVn.  16-24.]  THE   TRIBAL   PRINCES  291 

1.  niNDni o'ij'jNrmtt']  cf.  262s  text.  n. — PNXim  7\>!>.-:^7\'\  used  of  enter- 
ing and  leaving  service,  2  Ch.  23*-  '  2  K.  ii'-  '■  '. — nn^n]  each,  cf. 
Ju.  818  Nu.  i7'8. — 2.  nyjii''']  so  also  11",  but  2  S.  238  najio  3»'\  (6 
here  So/3d\  (=  Sy^C^),  11"  'l€(re/3o5a  (=  leae^aaX  =  Syatt'i),  2  S. 
238  'le^bffde,  hence  We.,  et  al.,  are  doubtless  right  in  reading  ncac^ 
as  original  in  2  S.  and  '73;3k:'^  for  both  passages  in  Ch. — 4.  "'in]  11'* 
nn  ]2  -irySx  (but  read  there  with  OS  Aw5a2,  ■'in),  so  also  2  S.  23', 
hence  supply  p  itpSN,  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ki.,  Bn. — mSpoi  mpSnm] 
Be.,  on  the  basis  of  the  addition  to  v.  *,  struck  out  the  copulative, 
1,  before  mSpn  (also  Ke.,  Zoe.).  Oe.  suggested  that  this  clause, 
which  is  wanting  in  (6,  arose  through  dittography.  Kittel  corrects  v.  • 
to  inpVno  Si'i  according  to  (8,  Kal  iirl,  and  reads  the  same  here. — 8. 
mt^n  nmpi:']  (B^  Za\aud  6  'EcrpSe,  *  Zafxaud  0  le^paeX,  ^  le^pa.  11" 
nnnn  n^uw,  (&^  l,aij.au6  6  'ASi,  2  S.  23"  mnn  nav.  Oe.  corrects  to 
••nnr^n,  so  also  Ki.  The  form  n"\i>  is  found  only  here,  cf.  "imr  vv.  "•  ". 
— 10.  '•jiSdh]  (B  6  iK  ^aWoiis.  2  S.  23^6  >aSfln. — 12.  irc''.J.2S]  Qr.  ]2i 
'rp\ — 15.  n_^n]  (S  XoXSeia,  ii'"  i^n  (g  X^aoS,  2  S.  23"  aSn. 

16-24.  The  tribal  princes. — The  two  verses  concerning  the 
census  (w.  "■  ^*)  indicate  the  probable  purpose  of  this  section, 
viz.,  to  show  that  David  followed  the  legal  method  in  making  an 
enumeration  of  the  people  (c.  21).  When,  according  to  P,  Yahweh 
commanded  Moses  to  take  the  sum  of  the  people  in  the  Wilder- 
ness of  Sinai  (Nu.  i'  '•),  Aaron  and  a  prince  from  each  of  the 
twelve  tribes  (Nu.  i'«)  were  associated  with  him  in  the  work  and 
only  the  males  from  twenty  years  old  and  upward  were  counted 
(Nu.  I''  '■).  David  likewise  here  had  twelve  princes  of  tribes 
besides  Zadok,  the  representative  of  the  house  of  Aaron  (v. "), 
and  only  those  from  twenty  years  old  and  upward  (v.")  were 
numbered.  No  previous  order  is  followed  in  this  catalogue 
of  the  tribes  (cf.  2»  '•  Gn.  35"  «•  46*  «■  49'  '•).  Gad  and  Asher 
are  wanting.  The  six  sons  of  Leah  come  first,  in  the  order  of 
their  birth  (cf.  Gn.  29^'-"  3o"-2''  and  35"),  then  follow  si.x  tribes 
(or  divisions  of  tribes)  of  whom  Rachel  was  the  legal  mother, 
Bilhah's  son  Naphtali  (cf.  Gn.  30^  35"),  the  grandsons  and  son  of 
Rachel  (cf.  Gn.  3o"-2<  462°  35''-'')  and  Bilhah's  remaining  son 
Dan  (cf.  Gn.  30').  Gad  and  Asher  have  neither  fallen  from  the 
text  (Zoe.)  nor  is  it  likely  that  they  have  been  omitted  accidentally 
(Ba.).  The  number  twelve  was  full  without  them,  and  coming  last 
in  several  lists  (2^  Gn.  35")  they  were  the  ones  to  be  omitted.     It 


292  I    CHRONICLES 

is  significant  that  wc  have  six  princes  from  Leah  and  six  from 
Rachel,  if  Zadok.  the  priest,  who  represented  the  whole  people 
rather  than  a  part  of  a  tribe  (r/.  29"),  is  excluded.  Of  the  twenty- 
five  individuals  whose  names  appear  in  this  list  of  the  princes  only 
five  are  otherwise  known.  Zadok,  David  and  his  brother  ElVab* 
and  Abner  the  cousin  of  Saul,  cf.  26-^,  are  well  known.  Hashabiah 
is  possibly  identical  with  the  person  mentioned  in  26=°.  Most  of 
the  other  twenty  names  are  common. — 16.  Eltezer  the  son  of 
Zichri].  Cf.  23"  and  26". — Shephatiah].  Cf.  i2\ — Ma'acah] 
as  masc.  personal  name  11"  Gn.  22"  (J)  i  K.  2"  f. — 17.  Hasha- 
biah].  Cf.  253. — Kemu'el]  is  the  name  of  a  son  of  Nahor  Gn.  22" 
and  of  an  Ephraimite  Nu.  34"  f. — For  Aaron,  Zadok]  is  expected 
rather  at  the  beginning  of  the  list  (cf.  Nu.  i'),  but  is  also  in  place 
after  Levi. — 18.  'Omri]  is  also  a  Zebulunite  name  7'  (q.  v.),  and  a 
Judean  9'. — Micha'el].  Cf.  5'^ — 19.  Ishma'iah].  Cf.  12*  f. — 
Jerimoth].  Cf.  2S'.—  Ezri'el*].  Cf  $'*  Je.  36^^  f.— 20.  'Aza- 
ziah]  as  a  Levite  name  15='  2  Ch.  31"  f. — Hoshea'],  Jo'el],  and 
Pedaiah]  are  frequent. — 21.  Gile'ad].  Cf.  5'.  The  term  might 
designate  all  eastern  Palestine.  (See  GAS.  HGHL.  pp.  548  /.) 
—Iddo].  Cf  Ezr.  lo^'  (Kt.)  ^.—Zechariah].  Cf.  24-K—Jaasi'e!]. 
Cf.  11^'  f.— 22.  'Azar^el].  Cf.  2$*. — Jeroham]  is  frequent.— 23, 
Because  Yahueh  had  said,  etc.].  David  refrained  from  counting 
all,  since  such  an  act  would  imply  a  doubt  of  God's  promise  in 
Gn.  22'^— 24.  But  finished  wo/].  Cf.  216 ' . — Neither  was  the  number 
put  in  the  book"^  of  the  acts  of  days  of  king  David]  because  natu- 
rally to  the  Chronicler  no  record  would  be  made  in  the  royal 
annals  of  such  an  impious  and  disastrous  census. 

18.  iniS^]  Qr.  nih^Sn.  Read  with  C5  'EXtd/3  =  sn^Sn,  which  is 
the  name  of  David's  eldest  brother  elsewhere,  2"  2  Ch.  11"  i  S.  i6« 
17IJ.  S8.  28^  cf.  2"-",  so  Zoe.,  Gin.,  Ki.— 19.  ^t<'-)r;_]  as  in  5"  Je.  362',  but 
the  Hebrew  pronunciation  should  be  Sn^itj.',  so  (6  in  every  instance, 
adopted  by  Ki. — 22.  oni'']  (S^*  Iwpa/x,  ^  lepoa^. — 24.  -\ddC3  ifiDcn] 
CS  ^v  /3'/3X/v,  cf.  a^cvT  nai  •\dd  in  2  K.  la'"  i3»-  '«  14"-  's-  -^  etc.  The 
second  -idds  probably  arose  through  the  influence  of  the  first,  hence 
read  1003  with  Ki. 

25-31.  The  officers  over  the  King's  possessions. — Twelve 
officers  are  here  enumerated,  another  in.stancc  of  the  Chronicler's 


XXVn.  25-34.]      OVERSEERS   AND    COUNSELLORS  293 

preference  for  this  number. — 25.  Atid  over  the  king's  treasures] 
i.e.,  those  in  Jerusalem  in  contrast  to  those  in  the  field,  etc. — 
'Azmaveth]  also  the  name  of  one  of  David's  heroes  (i  i^'  2  S.  23^'),  of 
the  father  of  two  of  David's  mighty  men  (123),  and  a  Benjaminite 
name  (8«  =  9^)  f— 26.  'Ezri  ^].—Chelub].  Cf.  4''  f-— 27.  Shime'i 
the  Raniathite\  Whether  he  was  from  the  Ramah  in  Benjamin 
(Jos.  18")  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.)  or  Ramah  (Ramoth)  of  the  Negeb  (Jos. 
195  I  S.  30=")  cannot  be  determined.  On  name  cf.  25^ — For  the 
stores  of  the  ivine].  Cf.  2  Ch.  11". — Zabdi  {cf  Jos.  7'-  "•  '»  8" 
Ne.  II"  (?)  f)  the  Shiphmite]  may  have  been  an  inhabitant  of 
Shepham  (Nu.  34'°  '•)  (Be.,  SS.  who  vocalise  ''pSw^)  or  of  Siph- 
moth  in  the  Negeb  of  Judah  (i  S.  30")  (Ke.,  Ri.  HWB.,  Ba., 
Bn.),  with  site  unknowTi. — 28.  The  syco?nore-trees]  were  pro- 
verbial for  their  abundance  in  the  Shephelah,  cf.  i  K.  10"  =  2  Ch. 
I''  =  9".  The  Shephelah  properly  means  lowland.  George  Adam 
Smith  {HGHL.  pp.  201  ff.)  would  limit  the  technical  designation 
to  the  low  hills  west  and  south-west  from  the  hill-country  of  Judah, 
but  Buhl  (GAP.  p.  104,  n.  164)  has  shown  that  several  passages 
(Dt.  I'  Jos.  9'  2  Ch.  26'")  favour  the  broader  significance  given  in 
the  usual  rendering  of  d  plain  (to  ireSiov  or  rj  TreSivi]).  (See  also 
EBi.  IV.  col.  4455  and  Dr.  in  DB.  III.  pp.  893  /.) — Ba  al-hanan 
the  Gederite]  from  Gederah  or  Gedor,  cf  12'.  Ba' al-hanan  was 
also  the  name  of  a  king  of  Edom  i<'-  ="  Gn.  7,6^^-  "  f. — Stores 
of  oil\  Cf.  2  Ch.  II". — Jo  ash]  also  a  Zebulunite  7'  {q.  v.)  f. 
— 29.  Sharon]  the  name  of  the  coast-plain  from  Joppa  north- 
ward to  Carmel,  noted  for  its  fertility.— ^/nVrai  f]. — Shaphat] 
also  name  of  a  grandson  of  Zerubbabel  3",  a  Gaddite  chief  5'^, 
a  prince  of  Simeon  Nu.  13^,  and  the  father  of  Elisha  i  K.  ig'^-  " 
2  K.  3"  6^'  f. — 'Adlai  f  ]. — 30.  Obil]  a  form  of  the  Arabic  word 

abil  (Jjf)  able  to  manage  camels. — The  Ishma  elite].     That  an 

Ishmaelite  and  also  a  Hagrite  (v.  ^i  Heb.)  appear  in  this  list  does 
not  indicate  an  earlier  source  for  the  names  as  Benzinger  sup- 
poses. The  name  Obil,  which  occurs  only  here,  with  its  ap- 
propriate meaning  points  rather  to  an  artificial  origin. — Jehdeinh]. 
Cf.  24"  f. — Meronothite].  Meronoth  {(^  MepaOcop)  seems  to 
have  been  near  Gibeon  and  Mizpah,  cf.  Ne.  3". — 31.  Jaziz  f,  the 
Hagrite],    Cf.  5'°  "  Ps.  83^  «'. 


294  I    CHRONICLES 

27.  a'Dnrar]  =  Dir->3  +  -^  +  3  +  t-.  On  u-  for  irs  see  Ges.  §  36. 
— 29.  ■'laS']  Qr.  "'a'Jt?',  (S  "  'AcapraU,  *i-  Sarpat,  so  also  B,  &  i.n^i  ^ 
and  so  21.     Kt.  preferable,  BDB.— 31.  c-oin]  1.  107. 

32-34.  The  King's  counsellors.— This  catalogue  has  Jo'ub,  the 
captain  of  the  host,  and  Abiathar,  in  common  with  previous  similar 
lists,  also  Jehoiada  the  son  of  Benaiah  instead  of  Benaiah  the  son  of 
Jehoiada  (v.  i.),  cf.  i8"-"  =  2  S.  S'^-'s  and  2  S.  20"-". — 32.  David's 
lover].  EVs.  render  uncle,  which  is  a  common  meaning  of  the 
Hebrew  word  (m),  but  no  uncle  of  David  by  the  name  of 
Jonathan  is  known  elsewhere,  while  Jonathan,  a  son  of  Shimea 
(Shimei),  David's  brother,  is  mentioned  in  20' =  2  S.  21 2',  hence 
Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.,  Bn.  take  the  word  (IM)  in  the  general  sense 
of  kinsman,  here  nephew.  Zoe.  cites  Je.  32'^  as  parallel,  but  there 
son  (j3)  has  certainly  fallen  from  the  te.xt  (cf.  vv.  '•  ',  other  Heb. 
MSS.,  and  (^).  The  uncles  of  David  are  nowhere  given;  Jonathan 
is  one  of  the  most  common  Hebrew  names;  (^,  H,  certainly  took 
the  common  meaning  tincle.  A  nephew  would  not  likely  be 
chosen  as  a  counsellor,  nor  is  there  any  reason  why  either  tradition 
or  the  Chronicler  arbitrarily  should  make  this  nephew  David's 
leading  counsellor.  On  the  other  hand,  the  only  Jonathan  who 
was  an  adviser  of  David  was  the  son  of  Saul  (cf.  1  S.  19.  20).  The 
Chronicler  certainly  selected  Ahithophel  and  Hiishai  from  parts 
of  2  S.  {v.  i.),  which  he  did  not  quote,  so  he  may  also  have  wished 
to  refer  briefly  here  to  the  romantic  story  of  David  and  Jonathan. 
The  word  TIT  is  used  most  often  as  loved  one  (lover),  Ct.  i'^  + 
30  times  in  Ct.,  also  in  Is.  5',  where  it  is  equivalent  to  friend  (BDB). 
Lover  is  not  too  strong  a  word  to  describe  the  friend  of  i  S. 
i8'-  »  20"  '■  2  S.  1".  A  man  of  skill,  a  fair  rendering  of  the  ne.xt 
clause  (]^2^  V^i^)  (cf.  2  Ch.  26'  34"),  is  certainly  an  apt  descrip- 
tion of  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Saul  (cf  2  S.  i-'-  ").  And  he  was 
scribe  (Sin  "IfilDI)  could  not  describe  him,  but  the  form  suggests 
that  these  words  are  a  gloss,  which  is  made  more  probable  by  their 
absence  from  (^^  and  from  Origen's  Septuagint  te.xt  (Field).  A 
glossator  found  a  scribe  mentioned  in  i8'«  2  S.  8"  and  2  S.  20",  and 
missing  the  office  here,  added  this  phrase  to  the  first  oflBcer,  ignor- 
ing the  fact  that  he  was  already  described  as  a  counsellor  (|'*,'*''). 
Although  Jonathan  had  long  been  dead  (i  S.  31^),  Ahithophel  had 


XXVm.  1-10.]      DAVID'S   ADDRESS   ON   THE   TEMPLE  295 

also  been  dead  for  some  time  (2  S.  17^^),  and  the  list  does  not  purport 
to  give  the  officers  living  in  David's  old  age.  The  proper  place  for 
Jonathan  is  at  the  head  of  this  catalogue,  since  he  was  David's 
first  connseWoT.—Jehi'el,  the  son  of  a  Hachmonite].  A  son  of  a 
Hachmonile  is  mentioned  once  elsewhere  (i  i  ")•  The  word  mean- 
ing "wise"  is  particularly  appropriate  here,  of  the  tutor  of  the 
King's  sons. — 33.  Ahithophel]  a  most  trusted  counsellor  of  David, 
whose  word  was  as  "the  oracle  of  God"  (2  S.  16"),  joined  himself 
to  Absalom  during  the  revolt  of  the  latter  (2  S.  15"),  then  killed 
himself  when  his  counsel  was  not  followed  (2  S.  17"). — Hushai, 
the  Archite]  befriended  David  during  the  same  rebellion,  cf.  2  S. 
1^32-37  i6i6.i9  175. 16.  The  " bordcr  of  the  Archites"  was  not  far 
from  Beth-el  Jos.  i6\—The  king's  friend].  Cf.  2  S.  15"  16" 
also  I  K.  4».  "The  friend"  and  "the  well  beloved  friend"  were 
titles  of  honour  in  Egypt  (see  Erman,  Ancient  Egypt,  p.  72).  {Cf. 
also  I  Mac.  2''  3=^  6'°  rwv  (J>l\cov;  10"  n"  2  Mac.  8'  tmv 
TrpoiTcov  4>i\a)v.) — 34.  Jehoiada,  the  son  of  Benaiah]  is  elsewhere 
"Benaiah,  the  son  of  Jehoiada"  (see  references  above  v.  '). 
Bertheau  would  simply  transpose,  but  against  this  change  are  Ke., 
Zoe.,  Oe.,  et  al.  A  priest  is  expected  before  Abiathar  (cf  i8'«  = 
2  S.  20")  and  since  Jehoiada  is  designated  "the  priest"  in  v.  « 
{v.  s.)  the  text  is  probably  correct  as  it  stands.  (On  the  same  name 
for  grandfather  and  grandson,  cf.  2 4K)— Abiathar].  Cf.  24'.— 
Jo\ib]  David's  sister's  son,  2^\ 

XXVIII-XXIX.  David's  last  assembly  and  his  death.— 
David  is  represented  as  calling  a  general  assembly  to  ratify  the 
choice  of  Solomon  as  his  successor,  but  according  to  the  historical 
record  in  i  K.  i,  Solomon  owed  his  succession  to  the  machinations 
of  his  mother,  Bath-sheba,  and  the  prophet  Nathan.  According  to 
the  Chronicler,  Solomon  was  the  appointee  of  God  himseK  (28^  cf. 
22'  '•).  The  principal  purpose  of  the  assembly  was  to  acquaint 
the  public  with  the  project  of  building  a  temple  and  so  secure  the 
popular  support  (28' -s),  hence  Solomon  was  publicly  advised  of  his 
responsibility  (289-1");  the  plans  were  transferred  to  him  (28" -i'); 
he  was  given  encouraging  assurances  of  support  {2&^<>-'^^);  and  the 
princes  were  called  upon  to  aid  the  project  by  personal  contribu- 
tions (29>-').     As  Solomon  signalised  the  completion  of  the  Temple 


296  I    CHRONICLES 

by  a  prayer  of  dedication  (i  K.  8"-"),  blessings  (i  K.  8""),  dedi- 
catory sacrifices  (i  K.  8"  "),  and  a  sacred  feast  (i  K.  8"),  so 
David,  according  to  this  account,  marked  the  completion  of  his 
preparations  for  the  building  of  the  Temple  by  a  prayer  (sg'"-"), 
blessings  (29'°),  sacrifices  (29^'),  and  a  sacred  feast  (29"").  The 
history  of  David  closes  with  the  anointing  of  Solomon  as  King 
(29"''),  the  account  of  his  death  and  a  summary  of  his  reign 
(2926-30), 

XXVIII.  1-10.  Solomon  presented  to  the  assembly  as  the 
divinely  chosen  successor  to  the  throne. — 1.  Now  Daind  as- 
sembled all  the  princes  of  Israel]  a  general  term  including  all  the 
princes  designated  in  the  following  list,  i.e.,  the  princes  of  the  tribes] 
mentioned  by  name  in  27'«-",  the  princes  of  those  who  served  the 
king  by  courses]  mentioned  by  name  in  27=",  the  princes  (or 
captains)  of  thousands  and  the  princes  (or  captains)  of  hundreds] 
repeated  from  27',  the  princes  over  all  the  property  and  the  cattle  of 
the  king]  those  mentioned  by  name  in  27'5-". — And  his  sons  with 
the  eunuchs].  J.  H.  Michaelis  (recte  Syr.  regis  et  filiorum  eius, 
c.  27«<-  3'.  Male  Vulg.filiosque  suos)  and  modems  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe., 
Oe.,  Ki.,  EVs.)  connect  and  his  sons  with  the  preceding — the  pos- 
sessions of  the  King  belonging  also  to  his  sons — but  the  mention  of 
the  King's  sons  is  to  be  expected  here  and  they  are  certainly  in 
place  in  such  an  assembly,  cf.  i  K.  i'-  "•  -'  (v.  i.). — 2.  My 
brethren].  The  King  was  regarded  as  the  brother  of  his  subjects,  cf. 
Dt.  I7"'-  «<>  also  I  S.  30"  2  S.  19"  <■='. — As  for  me,  etc.].  Cf.  22^ — 
A  house  of  rest  for  the  ark]  i.e.,  a  permanent  abode.  It  had  been 
carried  about  from  place  to  place  previous  to  this  time. — The  foot- 
stool of  our  God]  refers  to  the  "mercy-seat"  (n"l£D)  (cf.  v. ")  upon 
the  ark  (cf  Ex.  25")  (Be.,  Ke.,  Oe.,  Bn.). — /  had  pre  pa  red]  does  not 
refer  to  the  preparations  of  22*  »■  '<  »•,  since  those  were  made  to  aid 
Solomon  (22').  The  Chronicler  here  represents  that  David  made 
ready  to  build  before  God  had  commanded  him  not  to  do  so  (c.  17 
=  2  S.  7). — 3.  Cf.  22». — 4.  5.  As  Yahweh  chose  Judah  from  all  the 
tribes  (cf.  5=),  the  house  of  Jesse  from  Judah  (cf.  i  S.  16'),  and 
David  from  among  all  his  brethren  (cf.  1  S.  i6*-")  to  be  the  reigning 
prince  (cf.  ii«  17' =  2  S.  7«  i  K.  8'«),  so  he  selected  Solomon  from 
among  the  many  sons  of  David  to  sit  upon  the  throne  of  the  kingdom 


XXVm.  1-10.]   DAVID'S   ADDRESS   ON   THE   TEMPLE  297 

of  Yahweh  (cf.  29"  i7'0-  Solomon  is  thus  clothed  with  divine 
authority. — 6.  7.  V. « is  repeated  from  22'°  (q.  v.).  With  v. '"  cf. 
17",  and  with  v. "»  cf.  i  K,  y*  8«'  gK — 8-10.  David  closes  this 
portion  of  his  address  with  a  personal  admonition  first  to  the 
congregation  of  Israel  (v.  ^)  and  then  to  his  son  Solomon  (\'\-.  «■  "•). 
With  V.  8  cf.  Dt.  421  *■  2«  3o'9  '•  Lv.  25^^. — With  a  perfect  heart]. 
Cf.  29'-  '»  I  K.  8". — Yahweh  hath  chosen  thee,  etc.]  v.  s.  vv.  "  «• 
The  address  is  interrupted  by  the  transfer  of  the  plans  of  the 
Temple  to  Solomon.  David  resumes  his  admonition  to  Solomon 
in  V.  ^°,  beginning  as  he  leaves  off  here. 

1.  Snpii]  elsewhere  in  Hiph.  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.,  i  Ch.  13^  15'  (both 
from  the  Chronicler)  2  Ch.  52  (=  i  K.  8")  ii>  (=  i  K.  i22')-  15'  is 
ascribed  to  an  extra-canonical  source  by  Biichler,  Bn.,  Ki.,  but  v.  in 
loco. — nipSnnn]  1.  42.  A  very  common  word  of  the  Chronicler. — 
DTns'nn]  for  royal  officers  is  late  (BDB.  niB'  i  b),  cf.  27'  2  Ch.  17" 
22*  Est.  i'"  Pr.  29'^ — ciDi]  used  elsewhere  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.  as  a  general 
term  for  movable  possessions,  27^'  2  Ch.  31'  32^'  Ezr.  8"  lo^  all  of  which 
are  probably  from  the  Chronicler,  1.  107. — a^Dnon  oy  VjaSi]  wanting 
in  (B^^,  (&^  Kal  T&v  vlCjv  aiiroO  criiv  rois  €uwi5x<"S,  H  filiosque  sues 
cum  eunuchis.  Bertheau  stated  the  following  reasons  for  taking  vjnSi 
with  the  preceding  I'^cS :  (i)  Sis  the  sign  of  the  gen.  before  iSn 
and  would  hardly  be  the  sign  of  the  ace.  before  the  next  word; 
(2)  if  the  sons  of  David  had  been  intended,  they  would  not  be  given 
in  this  position.  The  first  is  no  valid  objection  in  the  Chronicler's 
writings.  As  regards  the  order,  if  we  turn  to  c.  27,  we  shall  ob- 
serve that  up  to  this  point  the  Chronicler  has  included  in  this 
verse  all  the  officers  to  the  end  of  v.  5'  {v.  s.).  Jonathan,  the  next 
in  order  (27^^),  had  long  been  dead  {v.  s.  27^-),  and  following  him 
is  the  tutor  of  the  King's  sons  (27^^).  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that 
eunuchs  frequently  had  charge  of  the  education  of  young  princes 
(see  DB.  I.  pp.  793  /.,  art.  Eunuch),  hence  the  King's  sons  with  the 
eunuchs  are  not  out  of  order  here,  as  Be.  contended,  but  exactly  where 
they  should  be  expected.  By  construing  vjaSi  with  the  following,  with 
U,  we  also  have  a  satisfactory  explanation  of  d>',  which  is  otherwise 
peculiar  in  this  list  of  accusatives. — 2.  ijiyott']  1.  115. — mn  J]  occurs 
only  in  poetry  and  late  writings  (BDB.). — \-iij'on]  1.  54. — 4.  i^Scn'^]  <S 
Tov  yeviffOai  /xe  ^a<Ti\^a,  H  ut  me  eligeret  regem,  hence  Oe.  thinks 
C5,  IS,  read  ''JD^S::n'^. — 5.  nioSc]  1.  67. — 7.  tu^dh]  1.  54. — ipid'^^]  1.  67. 
— ntn  dvd]  especially  Dt.,  Je.,  and  subsequent  writings  (BDB.  ov 
7  h).  Used  elsewhere  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.  only  in  2  Ch.  6'=  (=1  K.  S^*), 
cf.  also  nrn  ovnj  only  in  Dt.  6"  Je.  44^2;  also  Ezr.  9'-  '^  Ne.  9'",  which 
are  from  the  Chronicler  (see  Torrey,  CHV.  pp.  lAff-)- — 8.  Israel  is  the 


298  I    CHRONICLES 

niH'  Snp  also  in  Ne.  13',  cj.  Dt.  23'-  »•  '•  ■••  «■  »  La.  i'"  Mi.  2'  Nu.  i6» 
20*. — anSnjn  |]. — 9.  nncna ->x' S3].  Cf.  29"  33S  rucna  -ix^'?  (from 
the  Chronicler)  %\  elsewhere  in  OT.  On.  6»  (J)  uS  natt'ns  nx^  S3. 
•^X'  is  not  found  alone  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.,  and  mens  only  occurs  in 
these  passages  with  this  meaning,  see  BDB.  narns  i  a. — ucmr]  1.  23. 
— in^ji^]  in  the  Hiph.  late  (=  earlier  Qal),  only  three  times  in  OT. 
(Is.  19'  is  from  another  root,  see  BDB.),  2  Ch.  11'*  29".  Ki.  {Kom. 
p.  126)  says  the  former  could  come  from  the  Chronicler.  Bn.  a'fecribes 
both  to  Midrashic  sources,  1.  30. — lyS  J]  Driver  gives  among  the 
words  or  constructions  of  the  Chronicler  which  are  used  elsewhere 
only  in  poetry  {LOT.^^,  p.  539). — 10.  nu-yi  prn].  The  same  phrase 
occurs  as  the  final  admonition  in  a  speech  in  Ezr.  10*,  which  is  cer- 
tainly from  the  Chronicler  (see  Tor.  CHV.  p.  21). 

11-19.  The  transfer  of  the  plans.— 11.  The  pattern  (n^Mn), 
literally  "construction,"  was  probably  a  description  in  words  of 
the  dimensions,  material,  etc.,  similar  to  what  is  found  in  Ex.  25'" « , 
and  not  a  drawing.  David  delivered  to  Solomon  the  pattern  0/ 
the  porch,  cf.  2  Ch.  y  1  K.  6';  and  0/  the  houses  thereof  (v.  i.),  i.e., 
the  rooms  of  the  Temple  building,  the  hekdl  or  holy  place,  the 
debir  or  holy  of  holies,  and  the  side-chambers  (i  K.  6'  '•);  and  of 
the  treasuries,  probably  the  side-chambers;  and  of  the  upper 
chambers,  cf.  2  Ch.  3";  and  of  the  inner  chambers,  the  porch  and 
holy  place  according  to  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.;  and  of  the  house  of  the 
mercy-seat,  i.e.,  the  holy  of  holies. — 12.  David,  as  here  repre- 
sented, also  worked  out  all  the  details  for  the  courts  and  for  the 
surrounding  buildings,  and  delivered  to  his  son  the  pattern  of 
everything  which  he  had  in  his  mind  (lit.  spirit).  This  use  of 
spirit  (mi)  as  the  seat  or  organ  of  mental  acts  is  late,  cf.  Ez.  ii« 
20"  (BDB.,  nil.  6). — For  the  treasuries  of  the  house  of  God  and 
for  the  treasuries  of  tJie  dedicated  things]  {cf.  26")  describes  more 
closely  one  use  to  which  all  the  chambers  round  about  were  put. 
— Verse  13.  is  ambiguous.  And  for  the  courses,  etc.,  may  be 
taken  as  a  continuation  of  for  the  courts  and  for  all  the  cham- 
bers (v.  '2),  i.e.,  that  David  delivered  also  a  description  of  the 
courses  of  the  priests,  etc.,  to  Solomon;  or  the  verse  may  con- 
tinue the  description  of  the  uses  of  all  the  chambers  round  about 
(v.  '2).  Benzinger  points  out  that  the  word  pattern  (rfi^n) 
could   hardly    be   used   for  a  description   ot    the    courses,    and 


XXVm.  11-21.]   PLANS  OF  TEMPLE  GIVEN  TO  SOLOMON     299 

(g  {kuI  roiv  KardkvfjidTcov)  certainly  connected  this  verse  with 
V.  '^''.  Bertheau  (followed  by  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.)  held  that  all  of 
this  verse  is  a  further  description  of  the  uses  of  the  chambers, 
while  V,  "  is  a  continuation  of  the  things  described  by  pattern, 
hence  he  understood  he  gave  him  the  pattern  before  v.  '^ — 14. 
The  Chronicler  was  probably  influenced  by  the  account  of  the 
tabernacle  in  Ex.  25,  where  Yahweh  gives  Moses  the  pattern  of 
"the  tabernacle"  and  the  pattern  of  "all  its  vessels"  (Ex.  25'). 
— For  all  vessels  of  every  kind  of  service].  The  pleonastic  style  is 
characteristic  of  the  Chronicler. — 15.  And  a  weight  for  the  golden 
candlesticks  and  their  lamps]  i.e.,  David  appointed  (jr,**!)  (v.")  a 
certain  weight  for  the  candlesticks  (cf  2  Ch.  4'). — Candlesticks 
of  silver]  not  mentioned  elsewhere;  thought  of  as  used  in  the 
priests'  chambers  (Ke.,  Oe.);  in  reality  a  mere  fancy  of  the 
Chronicler.  The  same  applies  to  the  tables  of  silver  mentioned 
in  the  following  verse. — 16.  Elsewhere  only  one  table  of  show- 
bread  is  mentioned  {cf.  Ex.  25"ff-37'<'  40=^  i  k.  7<«  2  Ch.  13" 
29' 8),  except  2  Ch.  4",  q.  v. — 17.  As  in  the  foregoing  verses,  he 
gave  the  pattern  must  be  understood. — The  flesh-hooks  {i.e.,  forks 
for  lifting  meat)  are  mentioned  elsewhere  only  in  Ex.  27'  38'  Nu. 
4'<  2  Ch.  4'S  cf  also  i  S.  2"-  '<. — ^The  basins  were  used  for  sprinkling 
the  blood  of  the  victim  against  the  altar,  cf.  2  Ch.  29",  and  the  cups 
were  those  with  which  the  drink-offering  was  poured  out,  Ex.  25*' 
371'  Nu.  4'  f. — The  bowls  were  possibly  a  covered  dish  (Be., 
Ke.,  et  al.);  mentioned  elsewhere  only  in  Ezr.  i'"-  "  8". — 18. 
Altar  of  incense].  Cf.  Ex.  30'-"'  2  Ch.  26'^ — And  the  pattern 
of  the  chariot,  the  cherubim].  The  cherubim  are  thought  of  as 
constituting  God's  chariot  as  in  Ps.  18"  c".  The  Chronicler 
probably  had  the  vision  of  Ez.  i"  a-  's  «■  {cf  BS.  49*)  in  mind. — 
19.  All  this  in  writing  is  from  the  hand  of  Yahweh  upon  me, 
causing  me  to  understand,  even  all  the  works  of  the  pattern].  As 
Moses  received  the  pattern  of  the  tabernacle  and  its  vessels  by 
divine  inspiration  (Ex.  25'-  <"  27^),  so  the  Chronicler,  while  giving 
David  the  credit  for  preparing  the  plans  for  the  Temple,  declares 
that  Yahweh  was  the  source  of  David's  knowledge.  "The  hand 
of  Yahweh  upon  .  .  . "  is  a  frequent  expression  for  divine  inspira- 
tion {cf  2  K.  3'=  Ez.  I'  3'*,  etc.). 


300  I    CHRONICLES 

11.  n^jar]  a  pattern  according  to  which  anything  is  constructed, 
P  and  late  (BDB.),  cf.  vv.  '^  '^  '«. — vro  pni]  (&  Kal  tQv  oikwv  airroO. 
This,  omitting  tn,  which  is  unreadable  unless  r':2P  is  supplied,  is 
the  correct  rendering,  generally  adopted,  with  the  suffix  referring  to 
the  Temple.  Bn.  corrects  vna  to  .i-an. — vjrjj]  also  in  restored  text 
of  V.  *"  t  a  loan-word  from  or  through  Persian  (BDB.)  1.  19. — 
nn]  only  here  by  the  Chronicler  in  the  sense  of  seat  or  organ  of 
mental  acts.  This  use  is  occasional  and  late  (BDB.). — 12.  d^h^ni  n'3] 
1.  15. — 13b-14.  (S"A  here  and  in  the  following  verse  abridged. — 15. 
an?  on\-nji  anin  rnjnS  Sptt'oi].  Be.  construed  VpcD  as  ace.  of  the  ohj. 
dependent  upon  jdm  of  v.  "  (also  Zoe.,  Oe.)  and  ant  as  in  free  subordina- 
tion to  an^nnji  (Zoe.).  The  text  is  obscure. — ."nn^ra]  other  mss.  miajra. 
—18.  pijanSi]  S  the  sign  of  the  ace.  Be.,  Ke.,  el  al. — a^arDi  ot-^bS]  Be. 
corrected  to  D'saoni  c'sncn  with  (^,  H,  IjuI  see  Ke. — 19.  '■'^y  nin'>  n>3  anaa 
S^as'n]  nin^  must  be  the  subject  of  S^arn,  as  it  is  implied  in  the  phrase 
m.T  1^0  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.).  iSj:  has  been  construed  in  three  different 
ways.  Bertheau  connected  it  with  apaa  as  in  Ps.  40*  'Sp  aira  "pre- 
scribed to  me,"  hence  he  rendered  the  passage  das  alles  hat  durch  eine 
mir  zur  Norm  gegehene  Schrift  von  Jahve's  Hand  Jahve  gelehrl,  and  un- 
derstood the  law  of  Moses  to  be  meant,  since  Ex.  25  ff.  was  the  basis  for 
this  passage.  Keil  connected  'S>'  with  the  preceding  nin>n>c  "writing 
from  the  hand  of  Jahve  came  upon  me,"  i.e.,  a  writing  which  was  divinely 
inspired,  but  not  necessarily  received  immediately  from  Yahwch  as  in 
the  case  of  Moses  (so  also  Zoe.).  Oettli  construed  the  w-ords  as  Ke.,  but 
since  a  writing  composed  by  David  could  not  be  said  to  teach  him,  he 
corrected  S^as'n  to  qS"'arn';'.  Benzinger  takes  ''Sp  with  S'at'n,  which  is 
not  an  impossible  construction  in  Ch. — ana]  1.  60. — Siasfn].  The  Hiph. 
is  so  used  by  the  Chronicler  in  2  Ch.  30"  and  Ne.  9'",  cf.  also  Ne.  8'-  " 
(see  Tor.  CHV.  p.  24). — V.  ■'•  is  quoted  by  Dr.  among  "the  heavy 
combined  sentences,  such  as  would  be  avoided  in  the  earlier  language 
by  the  use  of  two  clauses  connected  by  is'n"  {LOT.'',  p.  539). 

20.  21.  Encouraging  assurances  to  Solomon.— 20.  Be  strong, 
etc.],  cf.  V. '"  22'"',  for  Yahwch  w-ill  not  fail  thee  nor  forsake  thee]  a 
Deuteronomic  phrase,  cf.  Dt.  31'  '  Jos.  1*. — All  the  work  for  the 
service  of  the  house  of  Yahweh]  i.e.,  all  the  work  of  building  the 
house. — Now  behold  the  pattern  of  the  porch  (of  the  Temple)  and  of 
the  houses  thereof,  and  of  the  treasuries  thereof,  and  of  the  upper 
rooms  thereof,  and  of  the  inner  chambers  thereof,  and  of  the  house  of 
the  mercy-scat,  even  the  pattern  of  the  house  of  Yahweh*]  restored 
from  (6,  is  doubtless  original  and  dropped  out  by  homoeoteleuton, 
see  Tor.  ATC.  p.  67,  Ezra  Studies,  p.  73. — 21.  And  behold  the 


XXIX.  1-9.]       THE   OFFERINGS   FOR   THE   TEMPLE  301 

courses,  etc.]  described  in  cc.  23-26.  The  presence  of  the  priests 
and  Levites,  who  are  not  mentioned  in  28',  is  not  impHed. — 
Every  willmg  man  that  hath  skill].  This  combination  (3''li 
nD3n2),  not  found  elsewhere,  may  have  been  suggested  by 
"  whosoever  is  of  a  wiUing  heart  "  (13^  n^i:  b^)  (Ex.  35') 
plus  "every  wise-hearted  man"  {2b  D2n  b^)  (Ex.  35'»).  The 
idea  that  skilful  men  should  offer  their  services  for  the  building 
of  the  sanctuary  was  certainly  suggested  to  the  Chronicler  by  Ex. 

20.  At  the  end  of  the  verse  restore  from  (5  aSwn  nijnn  ns<  njni 
nin'>  n''3  p-'i2r\i  moon  noi  i3''C''jfln  v-nm  vn'Syi  votjji  vnai  (v.  s.). — 
21 .  'iJ  SdS].  Be.  struck  out  *?  but  similar  uses  of  h  elsewhere  by  the 
Chronicler  are  against  this.  Ke.  thought  it  was  used  to  emphasise  the 
following  phrase.  Dr.  calls  it  the  S  of  "  introduction,"  LOT.^\  p.  539, 
No.  45  (1.  130).  As  in  52  2626  29«,  S  is  apparently  used  to  introduce  a 
nominative  similarly  to  a  late  use  of  nx  (see  Ges.  §  117  i)  and  probably 
should  be  explained  in  the  same  way. 

XXIX.  1-9.  David's  appeal  for  free-will  offerings  and  the 
response. — Here  again  the  account  of  the  Chronicler  is  modelled 
after  the  history  of  the  tabernacle  (v.  s.  28=')-  As  Moses  appealed 
to  the  people  for  free-will  offerings  (Ex.  35^-',  cf.  25»-8)  and  the 
latter  responded  to  that  appeal  (Ex.  35^"-"),  so  David  is  rep- 
resented as  appealing  to  the  princes  of  Israel,  and  receiving 
their  gifts. — 1.  Solomon  ivhom  alone  God  hath  chosen],  cf. 
285,  is  yet  young  and  tender]  and  therefore  cannot  carry  out 
his  father's  plans  without  assistance,  cf.  22^. — The  palace] 
(nl'^^n)  a  word  used  ordinarily  for  a  Persian  palace  or  for- 
tress, cf.  Ne.  !■  Est.  i^-  5  2'-  5.  8  315^  etc.,  Dn.  8=,  also  of 
the  fortified  courts  of  the  Temple,  Ne.  2^,  but  here,  in  v.''  and 
possibly  in  Ne.  72,  of  the  Temple  itself,  a  term  descriptive  of  its 
grandeur.  So  used  also  in  the  Talmud  (see  Tor.  CHV.  p.  36; 
1.  12).— 2.  With  all  my  might].  Cf.  "by  my  painful  toil"  22'* 
{q.  v.). — David  had  prepared  gold,  silver,  and  bronze]  the  materials 
which  the  people  gave  for  the  tabernacle  (Ex.  35^  cf.  25'),  also 
stones  of  onyx]  (Dntt')  a  precious  stone,  possibly  onyx  or  beryl, 
but  identifications  are  dub.  and  Vrss.  vary;  found  in  Havilah, 
according  to  Gn.   2'=.     The  phrase  stones  of  onyx  is  also  used 


302  I    CHRONICLES 

combined  with  and  stones  for  setting  in  Ex.  25'  35'  »',  where 
these  stones  are  described  as  "for  the  ephod  and  for  the  breast- 
plate," whence  the  Chronicler  probably  derived  the  phrase. — 
Variegated  stuff  and  fine  linen*]  to  be  used  for  the  priestly 
vestments  {v.  i.). — 3.  /  give  unto  the  house  of  my  God]  not 
necessarily  his  whole  private  fortune,  according  to  the  text,  but 
cf  V.  ".  The  object  of  the  verb  follows  in  v.  ■•. — Above  all  that 
I  have  prepared]  i.e.,  above  all  prepared  in  his  ofTicial  capacity, 
(/.  22'^ — 4.  David's  gift  would  amount  to  over  one  hundred 
millions  of  dollars  of  our  money  if  weighed  by  the  heavy 
standard,  or  one-half  that  amount  by  the  light  standard.  This 
amount  is  a  {)ure  fiction,  as  the  similar  exaggeration  in  22'*. 
Solomon  was  the  first  to  secure  the  gold  of  Ophir  (2  Ch.  8'» 
9'°  =  I  K.  9-'  10"),  but  such  an  anachronism  is  not  strange  from 
the  Chronicler. — The  King  set  aside  his  private  gift  to  overlay 
the  walls  of  the  houses]  i.e.,  the  various  rooms  of  the  Temple 
proper,  cf.  28",  also  2  Ch.  y-^,  and  also  5  to  supply  gold  for  the 
things  of  gold  and  silver  for  the  things  of  silver  even  for  every 
work  by  the  hands  of  artificers,  thus  furnishing  the  precious 
metals  for  the  most  sacred  things. — To  consecrate  himself]  lit. 
"  to  fill  his  hand,"  is  a  phrase  used  regularly  of  induction  into 
a  priestly  office,  cf.  Ex.  28"  32"  2  Ch.  13'  29^',  but  here  figura- 
tively, "who  will  offer  willingly  like  one  consecrating  himself  to 
the  priesthood?" — 6.  The  princes  over  the  king^s  work]  are 
those  recorded  in  27"-3'. — 7.  Gold,  five  thousand  talents]  or  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  dollars,  or  one-half  this  amount 
by  light  standard  (cf.  v.  *  and  22'^). — Ten  thousand  darics]  slightly 
less  than  fifty-six  thousand  dollars.  The  use  of  daric,  a  Persian 
coin,  is  clearly  an  anachronism.  Why  this  small  amount  in  darics 
should  have  been  added  to  the  large  amount  in  talents  does  not 
appear.  The  older  explanation  was  that  the  sum  in  darics  rep- 
resents the  amount  contributed  in  coin  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.). — 8. 
Jehi'el].  Cf.  26''  ' . — 9.  These  gave  with  a  perfect  heart]  i.e., 
without  grudging,  cf.  28'. 

1.  'n  12  ■>n3  irn].  On  the  omission  of  the  relative  by  the  Chronicler 
see  1.  120.  Possibly  "inN  is  a  copyist  error  for  "(-•!<. — mon]  is  used  of 
the  Temple  only  here,  v.  ",  and  Ne.  7',  and  of  "the  fortified  court  or 


XXIX.  1-9.]        THE   OFFERINGS   FOR   THE   TEMPLE  303 

enclosure  of  the  temple  "  Ne.  2^,  all  passages  from  the  Chronicler  (v.  s.). 
— 2.  ^DSi]  other  MSS.  Ssai. — Tnjisn]  1.  54. — -\^D]  in  2  K.  9'"  Je.  4" 
means  stibium  in  the  form  of  a  black  mineral  powder  used  for 
darkening  the  edges  of  the  eyelids;  in  Is.  54"  possibly  a  dark  cement, 
setting  off  precious  stones,  but  We.  and  TKC.  correct  to  i?J.  Here  nia 
is  usually  taken  as  a  stone  of  dark  colour.  Ki.  corrects  to  ipj  here  also, 
but  this  is  doubtful. — v;^v  •'J2ni  mpi  ps  Sdi  ncp-\i]  tt^r  meaning  marble, 
occurs  only  here  and  as  U'#  only  Est.  i«  Ct.  5".  Elsewhere  U'r  is  a 
common  word  for  "fine  linen."  ncpn  is  usually  understood  as  a 
variegated  stone  here.  Be.,  Ke.,  et  al.,  but  the  word  is  used  no- 
where else  for  a  stone,  and  elsewhere  means  exclusively  "  variegated 
woven  stuff."  In  Ex.  2636  27I6  35M  363?  3818-  23  ^929  the  weaver  of 
"  blue  and  purple  and  scarlet "  is  called  a  "  variegator "  (opj^)- 
Now,  it  is  exactly  this  "  blue  and  purple  and  scarlet "  and  also 
fine  linen  (lyc)  which  we  should  expect  here  from  Ex.  25^  35'  after 
which  the  Chronicler's  account  is  modelled  (v.  s.).  ncpT  includes  the 
coloured  material  as  the  product  of  the  "variegator"  (017.^).  These 
materials  were  necessary  for  the  Temple  as  well  as  for  the  taber- 
nacle, since  they  were  used  for  making  priestly  vestments  (Ex.  aS^- 
39.  39  ^g3.  27.  28.  28).  Hencc  it  is  probable  that  ri-ip'<  pN  '731  is  a  mar- 
ginal gloss  intended  originally  to  explain  the  difl&cult  '\^D,  but  which 
crept  into  the  text  after  nO|-ni  instead  of  before  it.  This  gloss  caused 
the  addition  of  the  following  ''J3N1,  which  (S  probably  did  not  read 
{cf.  (B^^  Kal  irdpiov  with  (B'^  Kal  Xt^ons  iraplovs).  Accordingly  the 
original  read  tra'i  nomi. — 2-h]  1.  105. — 3.  A  strangely  worded  sentence, 
see  Dr.  LOT.^\  p.  539. — hSjd]  a  very  late  word  (BDB.),  cf.  Ec. 
28  t- — nSj'a*?]  1.  87. — \-iiJ''Dn]  1.  54. — 4.  ppTc]  used  in  the  Pu.  of  pre- 
cious metals  also  in  2818  (from  the  Chronicler),  and  in  Ps.  12'  <«);  and 
of  settled  wines  in  Is.  256,  1.  32. — mo  $]. — 5.  n^ahv]  in  sense  of 
workmanship  only  22"  282'  (both  from  the  Chronicler)  in  Ch.-Ezr.- 
Ne.;  and  elsewhere  i  K.  7'*,  and  a  phrase  of  P  Ex.  313-  =  3529-  si.  33.  ss, 
— D>t:nn]  cf.  14'  (=  2  S.  5")  22I6  2  Ch.  2412  34"  (=  2  K.  226)  Ezr. 
3^,  also  I  Ch.  4'*  and  Ne.  ii's. — jnjPG]  Hith.  in  the  sense  of  offering 
a  free-will-offering  (for  the  first  Temple),  also  vv.  «.  9.  9.  14.  n.  n-  (for 
the  second  Temple)  Ezr.  1*  2^^  3^  (BDB.).  These  verses  are  certainly 
from  the  Chronicler  (1.  70). — 6.  ni3Nn  nB'S]  usually  'nh  ^B'sn,  cf.  27' 
2  Ch.  i',  but  'an  na-  in  Ezr.  829.  On  h  cf.  2821  text,  n.— 7.  O'n'-sn  n^3] 
1.  15. — a'>:D-\iK]  (1.  22)  so  also  in  Ezr.  8^'  f;  (S  XP^<^°^^>  H  solidos; 
probably  =  BapeiKos,  cf.  1C3-\T  Ezr.  2^'  Ne.  7"-  '"■  "  f;  which  repre- 
sents 5poxA"J,  so  Tor.  CHV.  pp.  17/.,  on  Ezr.  8".  For  other  views 
see  DB.  III.  p.  421  b,  and  |C3-\i  in  BDB.  with  authorities  there  cited. 
— 13-1]  cf  Ezr.  2"  =  Ne.  7"  (Nm)  Ne.  7"-  '"  (nm)  and  Ezr.  2" 
(.mN3i)  ;  and  elsewhere  Ho.  8»2  Jon.  4"  Ps.  6818  Dn.  11"  f  (1. 
106). — 8.  Nxcjn]  =  Nxc:  -Yi^H,  cf.  v.  ". — 9.  D3-\j.'^n]  1.  70. — nVnj  nncc] 


304  I    CHRONICLES 

"  a  standing  expression  in  the  Chronicler's  account  of  such  occasions," 
Tor.  CHV.  p.   24,  on  Ne.  8'=. 

The  source  of  22''3  28'-'2  "h.  i>  29'-9.  Arc  these  thirty-five  and 
one-half  verses  from  an  earlier  source  (so  Biichler,  Bn.,  Ki.),  or  a  free 
composition  by  the  Chronicler?  The  following  words  or  phrases 
found  elsewhere  in  Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.  only  in  verses  which  may  safely  be 
ascribed  to  the  Chronicler  occur  here  as  follows  (see  textual  notes  for  ref- 
erences) :  DusS  22^,  nnannS  22',  e'13T  (as  a  general  term  for  movable  pos- 
sessions) 28',  nin  ovn3  28',  nnu-ns  nxi  So  28',  vorjj  28",  n-\>2ri  29',  ppir 
29*,  hdnSd  (meaning  workmanship)  29^,  3-ij  (as  Hiph.  meaning  offer- 
ing a  free-will  offering)  29^-  ^  s.  9^  cjstin  29',  121  29',  a  total  of 
twelve  expressions  recurring  fifteen  times  in  twelve  out  of  the  thirty- 
five  and  one-half  verses.  Some  of  these  words  are  rare,  occurring  in 
only  two  or  three  places,  but  others,  like  con,  are  rather  common 
in  this  group  of  writings.  In  addition,  nearly  every  late  or  unusual 
expression  found  here  is  met  with  elsewhere  in  passages  which  are 
certainly  from  the  Chronicler's  hand,  and  those  occurring  often 
here  he  uses  frequently  elsewhere.  These  are  as  follows:  D''nSNn  ni.T' 
22',  nnyi  (meaning  appoint)  22^,  D''n-'Nn  pij  22^  28'^  29',  3nS  22'-  *  '  ' 
29',  fan  223-  5.  6.  10  282-  '  292-  3,  Vnjn"?  (S  \vith  inf.  to  express  necessity) 
22^,  nSynS  22^  29%  nixiN  22^,  tidSd  22'<'  285-  ',  ^Dy  nini  ■«n'>  22",  Sdc 
22'*,  Shp^i  28',  nipSnnn  28',  D^msfDn  (meaning  royal  officers)  28', 
Israel  the  r\v\>  Sn,-)  28',  uc-nn  28',  niyyi  prn  aS'",  n^jan  28",  anj  28", 
S^3!J'n  28",  itfN  omitted  29',  D^ifin  29^  '-icS  (S  introducing  a  nomi- 
native) 29%  nVnj  nnsc  29',  a  total  of  twenty-four  expressions  recur- 
ring forty  times  in  twenty-six  out  of  thirty-five  and  one-half  verses, 
certainly  establishing  a  strong  probability  that  this  is  a  composition 
by  the  Chronicler  if  there  is  any  force  at  all  in  the  philological  argument. 

Furthermore,  many  expressions  show  the  Chronicler's  point  of  view 
distinctly,  and  it  can  be  shown  that  the  writer  was  dependent  upon 
material  collected  or  composed  by  the  Chronicler,  indicating  that  our 
passage  is  at  least  no  older  than  the  latter. — According  to  22>'  and  28' 
a  man  prospers  as  he  keeps  the  commandments  of  Yahweh.  The 
same  thought  is  expressed  by  the  Chronicler  in  2  Ch.  24=°  26'  31". — 
28'  includes  almost  all  the  officers  mentioned  in  c.  27,  suggesting  that 
the  latter,  which  is  from  the  Chronicler,  was  before  the  writer. — With 
nin>  nisSa  nD3  Sj?  28'  cf.  cSij;  v  iniDScai  vi^aa  in\-nc>'ni  171*  (which 
the  Chronicler  has  rewritten  from  d'jij;  ij;  inaVoD)  nn^a  jdnji  2  S.  7", 
thus  representing  Israelitish  royalty  as  belonging  to  Yahweh).  He 
shows  the  same  point  of  view  in  David's  prayer  nsSccn  mn^  -jS  29", 
cf.  also  nin<  nD3  Sjj  29-'. — a^'unpn  nnxN^i  o^n'^ND  n^a  pnxN*^  28",  sho\\«s 
acquaintance  with  262",  which  is  from  the  Chronicler. — -jc-un  Sx-n* 
29'  also  suggests  a  knowledge  of  26^'  '    from  the  same  hand. 

The  Chronicler's  style  is  apparent  throughout  the  passage.     The 


XXIX.  10-25.]  DAVID'S   PRAYER  305 

redundant  expression  Sptt'O  fN  aiS  ne-nj  22'  is  duplicated  by  nirnjS 
nin  2nS  'a  Sprn  r><  '^f^Si  v.  ". — On  the  style  of  29'-'  see  Tor.  CHV. 
p_  26. — With  Dn33  o''dSx  pjids'i  ijt  ntt'mi  .  .  .  0''oSx  ntt'nn  onoa  an; 
29',  cf.  the  construction  onjD  d^dSn  f^n  l^^i  I'^x  !^^!n  D'"i33  an;  221*, 
see  also  Tor.  CHV.  p.  22,  on  Ne.  i'".— With  NSDjm  29',  c/.  ixsDjn 
V.  ".  The  article  instead  of  the  relative  ">!:'«  is  a  mark  of  the  Chronicler, 
see  1.  119. — The  numbers  in  29^  and  29'  are  artificial,  the  amount  being 
increased  with  the  inferior  value  of  the  metal  {cf.  Ezr.  6'').  Throughout, 
CO.  22.  28  /.  bear  the  marks  of  a  free  composition.  The  statements 
are  general  and  exaggerated.  David  prepares  things  "  in  abundance," 
"  v^fithout  weight,"  and  "  without  number."  The  various  materials  are 
enumerated  (22*-*)  as  they  seem  to  have  occurred  to  the  writer.  There  is 
none  of  the  careful  detail  which  characterises  i  K.  6.  There  the  writer 
intends  to  describe  the  Temple,  here  to  exalt  David  and  the  Temple. 
The  Deuteronomic  colouring  (22^  ^-  28'  ^■)  does  not  point  to  an  older 
source  {contra  Bn.),  since  this  readily  follows  from  the  Chronicler's  use  of 
Deuteronomic  phrases  {cf.  2820,  2  Ch.  33^  compared  with  2  K.  218). 
Nothing  indicates  that  this  passage  has  been  worked  over  by  the  Chron- 
icler. He  either  wrote  it  or  incorporated  the  source  without  material 
change.  In  the  latter  case  it  is  a  free  composition  of  a  predecessor  who 
must  have  moved  in  the  same  circle  of  ideas. 

Considered  as  a  unity  from  the  hand  of  the  Chronicler,  the  sequence 
of  subjects  is  not  unnatural.  After  the  determination  of  the  site  of  the 
Temple  (2i'-22')  follows:  the  collection  of  workmen  and  material 
(222-5);  Solomon  himself  is  prepared  for  the  undertaking  by  a  parental 
charge  (226-13);  the  material  is  transferred  and  the  workmen  are  placed 
at  Solomon's  command  (22"-");  the  princes  are  admonished  to  support 
Solomon  by  aiding  in  building  the  Temple.  (The  courses  of  priests  and 
Levites  are  prepared  cc.  23-26.)  In  cc.  28  /.,  Solomon  is  presented  to 
the  general  assembly  as  divinely  chosen  to  build  the  Temple  and  to  sit 
upon  his  father's  throne  (28'-'<i);  the  patterns  of  the  buildings  (28"-") 
and  of  the  sacred  vessels  (28"-'^)  are  presented  to  him,  followed  by  the 
declaration  that  they  came  by  divine  inspiration  (28'");  Solomon  is  ad- 
monished and  encouraged  (2820  '•);  the  appeal  to  the  princes  is  made 
and  they  give  generously  (29'-');  the  assembly  ends  with  a  prayer 
(2910-19)^  blessings  (292°),  sacrifices  (29^1),  a  sacred  feast  (29""),  and  the 
anointing  of  Solomon  king  (2922b).  The  somewhat  parallel  passages, 
22«  "■  and  282  ff-,  serve  distinct  purposes  in  the  Chronicler's  scheme. 
The  former  leads  up  to  the  transfer  of  the  material,  and  the  latter  to 
the  transfer  of  the  pattern.  Thus  taken  as  a  whole  these  chapters  seem 
to  come  from  one  hand,  and  that,  with  little  doubt,  the  Chronicler's. 

10-19.  David's  closing  prayer. — 10.  The  God  of  Israel,  our 
father].    Cf.  the  fuller  expression,  "the  God  of  Abraham,   of 


3o6  I    CHRONICLES 

Isaac,  and  of  Israel,  our  fathers"  (v.  "). — 13.  We  thank  .  .  .  and 
praise]  i.e.,  we  are  continually  thanking  and  praising. — 14.  David 
humbly  confesses  that  by  their  free-will  offerings  (vv.  '-«)  he  and 
his  people  are  only  returning  to  God  what  he  had  first  given. 
Verse  15  continues  the  same  thought.  Yahweh  is  the  real  pos- 
sessor of  the  land  and  Israel's  rights  are  only  those  of  the  stranger 
("^3)  (r/.  22")  and  sojourner  (2*^171),  i.e.,  they  are  entirely  de- 
pendent upon  Yahweh's  good  will,  cf.  Ps.  39"  "'>  119",  also  Gn. 
23*.  Their  days  on  the  earth  are  as  a  shadow]  in  their  transitori- 
ness,  rf.  Jb.  8', — and  there  is  no  hope]  EVs.  abiding  after  <S 
iyiro^ovrj).  The  word  is  used  elsewhere  only  in  Ezr.  10-  Je. 
148  171'  50'.  The  thought  is,  there  is  no  hope  or  salvation  {cf. 
the  parallel  clause  in  Je.  14')  in  man  apart  from  Yahweh,  an 
answer  to  the  question  "who  am  I  and  who  are  my  people?" 
(v."). — 18.  O  Yahweh,  the  God  of  Abraham,  of  Isaac,  and  of 
Israel,  our  fathers  {cf.  v.  '")  keep  this  forever  as  (for)  the  imagination 
of  the  thoughts  of  the  heart]  i.e.,  keep  thy  people  in  this  same  gener- 
ous spirit  which  has  shown  itself  in  their  free-will  offerings, — and 
establish  their  hearts  unto  thee],  cf.  1  S.  7^ — 19.  A  perfect  heart]. 
Cf.  v.  '.— r/ze  palace].     Cf  v.  ■. 

11.  Be.  inserted  q^  after  ^3  and  so  also  Kau.,  Bn.  Ki.  inserts  it 
before  the  second  "t^.  An  emendation  of  the  text  does  not  seem  neces- 
sary, since  ^3  may  have  merely  an  intensive  force  (see  BDB.  ^2  i  e), 
in  which  case  render  yea,  everything  in  the  Jieavens  and  in  the  earth. — 
14.  n3  ixyj]  occurs  also  in  2  Ch.  2^  13"  22'  and  without  n3  with  the 
same  meaning  2  Ch.  14"'  20";  elsewhere  only  in  Dn.  lo'-  '•  ii». — 16. 
ponn]  with  the  meaning  abundance  is  late,  cf.  Ec.  5',  where  it  is  parallel 
to  IP?  (1-  28). — KTt]  must  be  taken  as  neuter,  il  is  from  thy  hand,  but 
Qr.  Nin  as  masc.  referring  back  to  pr^r^n  is  better. — 17.  Bn.  describes 
>:n  as  an  e.xplanatory  gloss  on  the  basis  of  (6,  but  it  is  not  certain  that 
(!$  did  not  read  '■jn. — ixxEjn]  n  =  -^z^tt  seel.  119. 

20-25.  The  close  of  the  assembly  and  Solomon's  accession 
to  the  throne. — 20.  At  David's  command  to  bless  Yahweh,  all  the 
assembly  blessed  Yahweh,  the  God  of  their  fathers,  and  bowed 
down  and  prostrated  themselves  before  Yahweh  and  before  the 
king].  Both  verbs  are  used  of  divine  worship  and  of  homage 
to  a  royal  person,  r/.  Ex.  4"  i  K.  i". — 21.  As  was  customary  on 


XXIX.  26-30.]        SUMMARY    OF   DAVID'S   REIGN  307 

such   occasions,   sacrifices  in  abundance],   represent  the  peace- 
offerings  of  which  the  people  partook  (Oe.).— 22.   The  Chron- 
icler omitted  the  account  of  Adonijah's  attempt  to  seize  the 
throne  (i  K.  i)  and  the  consequent  exaltation  of  Zadok  to  be 
chief  priest  alone  (i  K.  2=^).     Instead,  Solomon  is  represented 
as  regularly  appointed  and  anointed,  apparently  without  opposi- 
tion, and  Zadok  was  anointed  to  be  priest  at  the  same  time,  while 
David  was  still  living.     According  to  i  K.  i=%  it  was  Zadok  who 
anointed  Solomon.-23.  In   i  K.  2- «■  the  statement  "Solomon 
sat  upon  the  throne  of  David"  follows  the  account  of  David's 
death.— 0«  the  throne  of  Yahweh].     Cf.  28^—24.  Also  all  the 
sons  of  king  David]  refers  to  Adonijah's  submission  to  Solomon 
(i  K.  I"),  after  his  attempt  to  become  David's  successor  (i  K. 
js  ff.).— 25.  Royal  majesty  which  had  not  been  on  any  king  before 
him]  can  only  refer  to  David  and  Saul,  since  the  Chronicler  ignores 
Ish-bosheth.'   Barnes  renders  "royal  majesty  which  was  not  on 
any  king  more  than  on  him,"  as  the  Hebrew  word  for  before  is 
used  in  Jb.  34'',  thus  bringing  Solomon's  reign  into  comparison 
with  those  of  all  the  kings  of  Israel,  cf  2  Ch.  I'M  K.  s'\ 

22.  n^jf]  is  wanting  in  (gB,  *  and  is  doubtless  a  gloss  intended  to  har- 
monise this  verse  with  23',  where  David  is  said  to  have  made  Solo- 
mon king  over  Israel  (Bn.,  Ki.).-^nz'■o>^](&  Kal  ^^xP^cauaMy,  so  also 
%  21.— 24.  nnn  n>  ijnj]  cf.  2  Ch.  30^  'S  n> 


^:n. 


26-30.  Closing  notices  of  David's  reign.— 27.  This  chron- 
ological summary  is  repeated  from  i  K.  2".  More  exactly,  David 
reigned  seven  years  and  six  months  at  Hebron  {cf.  2  S.  5')-— 29- 

Now  the  acts  of  David  the  king,  first  and  last]  is  the  Chronicler's 
usual  closing  formula,  cf  2  Ch.  9"  12'^  i6»,  etc.-Doubtless  the 
Chronicler  was  influenced  by  the  books  of  Kings  in  appending  to 
the  account  of  each  reign  a  reference  to  sources  for  further  informa- 
tion, but  I  K.  has  no  such  closing  citation  for  the  reign  of  David. 
The  Chronicler  was  not  satisfied  to  omit  it  for  David  and  cites  the 
acts  of  Samuel  the  seer,  and  the  acts  of  Nathan  the  prophet,  and  the 
acts  of  Gad  the  seer.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  these  are 
nothing  more  than  references  to  the  narratives  in  which  Samuel, 
Nathan,  and  Gad  are  mentioned  in  our  books  of  Samuel.     The 


3o8  I    CHRONICLES 

order  is  the  same  as  that  in  which  they  appear  in  the  earher 
historical  books.  If  the  Chronicler  knew  anything  about  these 
men  with  which  we  are  not  familiar  from  the  books  of  Samuel, 
he  kept  that  information  to  himself.  Where  he  does  mention 
Nathan  (c.  17)  and  Gad  (c.  21),  he  simply  uses  material  found  in 
2  S.  (cc.  7.  24).  He  probably  quoted  the  acts  of  these  three  men, 
instead  of  simply  referring  to  the  one  book  which  contained  all  of 
them,  since  such  an  enumeration  of  works  would  emphasise  the 
importance  of  David's  reign. — Samuel,  the  seer  ("S"!")  and 
Nathan,  the  prophet  (S''2in)  and  Gad,  the  seer  ("!"")].  These 
three  seem  to  have  had  distinct  functions  as  suggested  by 
the  different  titles,  or  at  least  there  were  three  distinct  prophetic 
offices  in  the  early  times.  In  the  earlier  books  the  first  two  titles 
cling  to  Samuel  (i  S.  9'  "•  '^  ")  and  Nathan  (i  K.  i«  •»  «  ".  32.  u. 
38.  u.  46)  but  the  te.xt  varies  in  regard  to  Gad  (in  i  S.  22*  he  is  called 
the  prophet  and  in  2  S.  24"  the  prophet,  David's  seer).  Ro'eh,  the 
title  of  Samuel,  seems  to  have  signified  in  the  ancient  times  a  "di- 
vining priest,"  like  the  Babylonian  bdrtl  "seer,"  taking  its  origin 
from  the  custom  of  "inspecting"  the  liver  of  the  sacrificial  animal 
for  omens;  hozeh,  the  title  of  Gad,  which  may  also  be  translated 
seer  or  gazer  (GAS.  The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets,  I.  p.  17), 
probably  originated  in  the  custom  of  reading  the  signs  of  the 
heavens,  etc.;  nabi',  the  title  of  Nathan,  doubtless  signified  one  who 
laid  claim  to  direct  revelation  through  an  ecstatic  condition  brought 
on  by  music  and  singing  like  the  howling  dervishes  (Jastrow,  JBL. 
XXVIII,  1909,  pp.  42  ff.).  But  that  these  distinctions  were  ever 
clearly  maintained  in  Israel  is  open  to  question.  Certain  it  is 
that  the  term  nabi'  under  the  influence  of  Elijah  and  his  successors 
threw  off  tlie  earlier  and  cruder  significance  and  came  to  be  the 
special  title  of  the  true  prophets  of  Yahweh  of  the  later  day.  At 
the  same  time  it  is  likely  that  the  terms  hozeh  and  ro'eh  were  later 
used  as  mere  synonyms  of  nabi'  without  any  evil  meaning  being 
attached  to  them  as  has  been  alleged  (Jastrow,  op.  cit.).  This 
was  certainly  the  case  in  the  time  of  the  Chronicler,  whose  retention 
of  the  distinguishing  titles  of  the  earlier  books  does  not  imply  a 
careful  differentiation  of  their  meaning  on  his  part. — 30.  117///  all 
his  reign  and  his  might]  i.e.,  with  the  whole  account  of  his  reign, 


XXIX.  26-30.]        SUMMARY   OF  DAVID'S   REIGN  309 

including  all  the  times  that  passed  over  him  (r/.  Ps.  3i'«  "=').  <-he 
vicissitudes  of  his  life,  and  over  Israel,  the  events  of  the  nation, 
and  over  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  lands,  those  countries  with  which 
David  came  into  contact,  as  Philistia,  Edom,  Moab,  Ammon, 
etc.  With  the  phrase  kingdoms  of  the  lands,  cf.  2  Ch.  128  17'" 
202". 

26-27.  (S  omits  l'?D  -\vn  D>c^ni  :Sn-ic>  Sd  S>\— i  K.  2>i,  the  parallel 

to  V.  ",  has  o^Jty  after  vhm  D>r'^tt',  and  so  (S,  1,  &,  ®.— 30.  <&  adds 

the  first  verse  of  2  Ch.  i. 


A   COMMENTARY   ON 
2  CHRONICLES 


COMMENTARY  ON  2  CHRONICLES. 


I-IX.    THE  HISTORY  OF  SOLOMON. 

In  relating  the  history  of  Solomon  (c.  977-937  B.C.),  the  Chron- 
icler has  omitted  as  foreign  to  his  purpose,  or  conveying  a  too  un- 
favourable impression  of  Solomon,  the  following  particulars  given 
in  I  K.  i-ii:  the  circumstances  attending  Solomon's  accession  to 
the  throne  (i  K.  1-2);  his  marriage  with  Pharaoh's  daughter  and 
the  sacrifices  at  the  high  places  (i  K.  3'--);  the  story  of  his  judg- 
ment between  the  harlots  (i  K.  3'*'*);  the  list  of  his  officers  and 
the  provision  for  his  court,  and  the  account  of  his  wisdom  (i  K. 
4-5'^  (4));  the  mention  of  his  palace  and  the  adjoining  buildings 
(i  K.  7'-'^);  and  likewise  his  worship  of  foreign  deities,  and  the 
trouble  of  his  latter  days  (i  K.  11).  And  also  in  the  account  of 
the  Temple  the  Chronicler  has  omitted  the  promise  inserted  in  the 
midst  of  its  description  (i  K.  611-");  the  statement  of  the  length 
of  the  period  of  its  construction  (i  K.  6"-s8),  and  portions  of  the 
description  of  its  ornamental  work  (i  K.  6='-^«)  and  of  its  lavers 
(i  K.  727-39).  And  he  has  otherwise  aVjridged,  also,  the  account  of 
the  building  and  its  furniture;  its  general  dimensions  (i  K.  6'-" 
compared  with  3'-');  the  most  holy  place  (i  K.  6'^-22  compared 
with  38-9) ;  the  two  cherubim  (i  K.  6'^^-^^  compared  with  3'"-'^;  the 
two  pillars  (i  K.  7 '5-2  compared  with  3 '*'')•  Characteristic  inser- 
tions also  have  been  made  in  the  narrative:  the  explanation  of  the 
high  place  at  Gibeon  (i'-^);  the  choir  of  Levites  with  the  priests 
(5"-");  a  quotation  from  a  Levitical  psalm  (6"  f);  fire  and  cloud 
from  Yahweh  (7'-');  the  appointment  of  priests  and  Levites 
(8i^-'«),  and  minor  annotations  and  changes.  Much  of  the  narra- 
tive also,  while  clearly  dependent  upon  Kings,  has  been  practically 
rewritten,  especially  the  negotiations  with  Hiram  (i  K.  ^^^-^^  "'2' 
compared  with  2'^-^*  (3-15)), 

3^3 


314 


2    CHRONICLES 


I    KINGS   I-XI   COMPARED    WITH    2   CHRONICLES    I-IX. 


K. 

Ch. 

1-3' 

Solomon's  Accession  and  Marriage 

Omitted. 

Preparations  for  Worship  at  Gibeon 

i'-^  wanting  in  K. 

3«.is 

Yahweh's  Revelation  at  Gibeon 

16-13  abridged. 

Solomon's  Wealth  and  Horse-trade 

114-17  taken  from  i  K. 

IOM-29. 

31.-2, 

The  Judgment  between  the  Harlots 

Omitted 

4-5'*  (4) 

Solomon's    Ofificers,    Provision,    and 

Wisdom 

Omitted. 

rlS-!6    (1-lJ) 

The  Negotiations  with  Hiram 

23-is  rewritten. 

527-3J    (13-18) 

Solomon's  Workmen 

2i  (2).  16  f.  (17  f.)  repeated 
and  abridged. 

6'-" 

Building  and  Structure  of  Temple 

3'-^  abridged  with  slight 
new  matter. 

6nf. 

Promise 

Omitted. 

614-22 

The  Most  Holy  Place 

3"-  abridged. 

623-28 

The  Cherubim 

310-14  rewritten. 

629-3« 

Ornamental  Work 

Omitted. 

637-38 

Time  Occupied  in  Building  the  Temple 

Omitted. 

7.-.I 

Solomon's  Palace 

Omitted. 

^13-22 

The  Pillars  before  the  Temple 

3 15-1 7  greatly  condensed. 

The  Brazen  Altar 

4'  wanting  in  K. 

^23 -26 

The  Great  Basin 

^2-5  reproduced. 

y27-J7 

The  Bases  of  the  Lavers 

Omitted.                        • 

_33-39 

The  Lavers 

4«  abridged  and  anno- 
tated. 

The  Candlesticks 

47-10  wanting  in  K. 

^40-47 

Summary  of  the  Works  of  Hiram 

411-18  rewritten. 

^48-50 

Vessels  that  Solomon  Made 

419-22  slight  changes. 

7" 

Completion  of  the  Work 

5'  no  change. 

gi-ii 

The  Ark  Brought  In 

5'-"  musical  service 
added. 

8U-6» 

Solomon's  Address  and  Prayer 

6'*=  almost  no  varia- 
tion. 

864-81 

Solomon's  Blessing  of  the  People 

7'-'  condensed,  new 
feature. 

8«l-«4 

Sacrificial  Ceremonies 

7<-'  annotated. 

8«tf. 

The  Feasting 

78-10  annotated. 

9'-' 

Yahweh's  Covenant  with  Solomon 

711-JJ  enlarged. 

910-14 

Cities  Given  to  Hiram 

gi-i  reconstructed. 

QI5-2J 

Solomon's  Cities  and  Levy 

83-10  considerable 
change. 

I.  1-13.]  SOLOMON   AT   GIBEON  315 


K. 

Ch. 

gU 

Residence  of  Pharaoh's  Dai 

ighter 

8"  reconstructed. 

9=5 

Solomon's  Offering 

812-16  greatly  enlarged. 

9^-28 

Solomon's  Marine  Trade 

8"  '•  rewritten. 

lo'-" 

Visit  of  Queen  of  Sheba 

Qi-12  very  slight  varia- 
tions. 

IO"-29 

Solomon's  Wealth 

9" -28  very  slight  varia- 
tions. 

III" 

Solomon's  Apostasy  and  Ad 

versaries 

Omitted. 

11"    '■ 

Sources  of  Solomon's  Histor 

y 

g29-3i  enlarged. 

Sources:  The  following  is  the  source  analysis  given  by  Ki.  after 
Bn.  in  which  B.  =  Biblical  source,  i.e.,  1  K.:  i'-'  Chr.;  '-"  B.;  '<-2'8  <'«> 
Chr.'s  Forerunner;  '^-iv  (n-i8)Chr.;  3'-5  Chr.'sF.;  ^post-Chr.;  '-uChr.'s 
F.;  4'  Chr.;  ^-^  B.;  ^-s  Chr.'s  F.;  '"-5'  B.  but  post-Chr.;  52-"^  B.;  "b-u. 
B.  but  post-Chr.;  i3b_642  B.  with  6^^-  '3-  32b  40-42  from  Chr.;  71-s  Chr.'s 
F.;  6  Chr.;  7-8"  Chr.'s  F.;  "-'^  Chr.;  '^'s  Chr.'s  F.;  g'-»  B.;  25-28  B. 
but  post-Chr.;  2'  Chr.;  '»  B.  The  basis  of  this  analysis  as  far  as  it  re- 
veals a  Forerunner  of  the  Chronicler  has  already  been  given  {v.  pp. 
25/.),  and  the  conclusion  rejected.     The  only  source  apparent  is  K. 

I.  1-13.  The  promise  to  Solomon  at  Gibeon. — Vv.  '-^  are  from 
the  Chronicler,  while  vv.  «"  depend  upon  i  K.  3<-"-  "^''  4'. — 1.  For 
Solomon's  accession  to  the  throne  cf.  1  Ch.  23'  29". — Strengthened 
himself]  (pTriH'')  a  common  expression  in  Chronicles  to  denote 
ene's  firm  establishment  in  rule  or  in  the  maintenance  of  power  (cf. 
12"  13'-  '  "  15'  16'  17'  2i<  23'  25"  275  32*  I  Ch.  11'"  19",  see  also 
Dn.  10"=';  use  of  verb  in  earlier  books  both  rarer  and  more  dis- 
tinctive, 1.  38). — And  viagnified  him  exceedingly].  Cf.  i  Ch.  29". — 
2.  And  Solomon  gave  commandment  to  all  Israel,  etc.]  a  character- 
istic touch  of  the  Chronicler  {cf.  i  Ch.  13'  »-,  where  David  consults 
with  all  Israel  respecting  the  removal  of  the  ark).  The  narra- 
tive of  Kings  knows  nothing,  in  connection  with  Solomon's  visit 
to  Gibeon,  of  such  pomp  as  is  implied  in  this  and  the  following 
verse. — 3.  The  high  place].  The  Chronicler  adopts  this  expres- 
sion from  I  K.  3<,  where  Gibeon  is  called  the  great  high  place.  The 
sanctuary  at  Gibeon  was  undoubtedly  an  ancient  one  of  Canaan- 
itish  origin.  Gibeon  is  the  mod.  ed  Dschib,  five  or  six  miles  north- 
west of  Jerusalem  {cf.  Buhl,  GAP.  pp.  168/.). — Because  there  was 
the  tent,  etc.].  C/.  iCh.212'.  This  is  the  Chronicler's  explanation 
of  Solomon's  sacrifice  at  Gibeon.     The  remark  has  no  historical 


3l6  2    CHRONICLES 

foundation,  but  otherwise  the  act  of  Solomon  would  have  been  a 
violation  of  the  law  of  P  (Lv.  ly*  ' ).  Whatever  "tent  of  meet- 
ing" ancient  Israel  may  have  had,  it  had  been  replaced  by  the 
temple  at  Shiloh  (i  S.  3'  Je.  7"  '<  26').— 4.  Cf.  i  Ch.  15,  16.— 
5.  The  brazen  altar  .  .  .  was  there]  a  further  vindication 
of  the  legitimacy  of  Solomon's  sacrifice  at  Gibeon.  On  the 
brazen  altar  and  Bezalel  cf.  Ex.  3i'-»  38'-'. — And  Solomon  and 
the  assembly  sought  Jiim]  i.e.,  Yahweh  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Kau., 
Bn.,  Ki.).  //,  with  reference  to  the  altar,  is  the  rendering  of  (g, 
AV.,  RV.     The  former  is  preferable. 

1.  pinp'i]  characteristic  expression  of  the  Chronicler  {v.  s.). — 
mo'^c]  kingdom  late  word  cf.  1  Ch.  11'"  1.  67. — in?.  .  .  mn^i]  cf.  i 
Ch.  ii'.— nSj,-s>7]  cf.  I  Ch.  14=,  1.  87.— 2.  i::n]  late  force  of  give  com- 
mand, cf.  I  Ch.  i4'2,  1.  4. — o-aor'^i]  possibly  a  corruption  for  D'oarn 
before  which  ns-Si  has  fallen  out,  cf.  TB  et  ducibus  et  judicibus,  and 
D'>D3tt'n  na-  in  the  lists  of  i  Ch.  28'  29«.  These  words  are  confused 
elsewhere,  cf.  (§"  tG>v  Kpir&v  where  i  Ch.  28'  has  o^oarn,  also  "'ajw'  for 
^tODS'  in  2  S.  7'  cp.  I  Ch.  i-j\ — ^a^-i^  ^j*^-']  eithei  a  repetition  of '^nt^>  S3':'' 
(Be.,  Ke.,  Zk)e.)  or  better  modifies  s^rj  Sj^,  every  worthy  of  a!l  Israel 
(Oe.,  Kau.,  Ki.).— .iiaN  ^Oi-^]  cf.  5=^  (1.  104),  either  in  apposition  with 
'a"  Sj*^  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.)  or  better  in  apposition  with  .vtj  (Bn.). — 
4.  S2n]  decided  adversative  in  late  Heb.,  cf.  19'  ^;^"  Ezr.  10"  Dn. 
ID'-  2',  1.  I.— I'Dna]  equivalent  to  'n  -\a'H2,  Ges.  §  138/,  cf.  i  Ch.  15". 
—^h  noj  >3  n^n]  (cf  2  S.  6^^)  are  wanting  in  (6°  but  the  words  probably 
fell  out  by  homoeoteleuton. — 5,  or]  so  (8,  "B,  generally  adopted;  Bom- 
berg  ed.  DC'.— iniy-n'i]  (S,  B,  AV.,  RV.,  render  the  suffi.x  with  reference 
to  the  altar. 

7-13.  Taken  from  i  K.  35-13.158  41,  xhe  passage  in  Chronicles  is 
^  just  two-thirds  as  long  as  that  in  Kings,  and  has  been  condensed 
with  much  skill,  gaining  in  force.  The  somewhat  verbose  mention 
of  the  favour  shown  to  David  (i  K.  3")  has  been  appropriately 
shortened.  The  allusion  to  the  son  on  the  throne  appears  in  the 
form  of  the  Messianic  promise,  a  clear  suggestion  of  2  S.  7,  which 
(according  to  SBOT.)  is  later  than  this  narrative  in  Kings.  The 
idea  of  Solomon's  weakness  is  omitted  and  the  phrase  "  go  out  and 
in"  (i  K.  y)  is  happily  used  to  express  the  object  of  the  request  for 
knowledge  and  wisdom  that  he  might  go  in  and  out  royally  before 
his  people.     The  dream  also  of  Kings  (vv.'  ")  has  disappeared. 


I.  14-17.]  SOLOMON'S   WEALTH  317 

The  revelation  is  thus  a  more  direct  one,  given  in  thai  night  (v.  ') 
instead  of  merely  "  by  night "  (i  K.  y).  Elohim  (v. ')  has  been  sub- 
stituted for  Yahweh  (i  K.  3',  cf.  i  Ch.  i3«).  V.  "  in  Kings  with  its 
Deuteronomic  promise  of  "length  of  days"  on  the  condition  of  obe- 
dience has  been  entirely  omitted,  possibly  because  it  was  recognised 
that  Solomon  did  not  attain  extreme  old  age. — 9.  Let  thy  promise 
(word),  etc.],  the  promise  that  Solomon,  his  son,  should  succeed 
to  the  throne,  build  the  house  of  Yahweh,  and  that  his  throne  should 
be  established  forever  (i  Ch.  22"').  This  promise  had  already 
been  partially  established,  for  thou  hast  made  me  king,  hence  with 
firm  faith  Solomon  prays  for  its  complete  fulfilment.  10.  Wis- 
dom (nCSn)  and  knowledge  (^113)]  since  these  are  necessary  to  one 
who  would  judge  righteously,  cf.  i  K.  3'. — That  I  may  go  out  and 
come  in  before  this  people].  The  Chronicler  represents  Solomon  as  a 
man  of  peace,  hence  these  words  probably  do  not  refer  to  Solomon 
as  the  head  of  the  host  (cf.  i  Ch.  ii^  i  S.  iS'^-  is)  (Bn.)  but  rather 
include  any  transaction  of  business  (Ba.). — 11.  Because  this  was 
in  thy  heart].  Cf.  1  Ch.  22'  28-. — 12.  Such  as  none  of  the  kings 
have  had  that  have  been  before  thee].     Cf.  i  Ch.  29". 

10.  >'-ic]  late  Heb.,  also  in  vv.  >'•  12  Dn.  i^-  "  Ec.  lo^"  f.— 11.  a^D3j] 
common  in  Aram.  Cf.  Ec.  51'  where  with  icy  and  Ec.  6^  where  with 
"itfy  and  1133  as  here;  elsewhere  Jos.  22'  f. — 12.  ppj]  sg.  with  com- 
pound subj.,  cf.  Est  3". — 13.  ncs'^]  read  after  05,  11  nc3nD,  or  omit 
]^j?3J3  .  .  .  ncaS  as  a  misplaced  gloss  (Ba.). 

14-17.  Solomon's  wealth. — Taken  from  i  K.  lo^s-^s  and  re- 
peated in  part  in  925 -28_  xhe  Chronicler  has  omitted  the  story  of  the 
harlots  (i  K.  3"-")  and  the  account  of  Solomon's  civil  government 
and  the  prosperity  and  greatness  of  his  kingdom  given  in  i  K.  4-5'* 
(c.  4).  These  in  i  K.  illustrate  the  fulfilment  of  the  divine  promise 
which  came  in  answer  to  Solomon's  prayer  at  Gibeon.  The 
Chronicler  passed  over  the  story  of  the  harlots  probably  because  it 
contained  so  little  of  the  religious  element,  and  he  probably  chose 
as  an  illustration  of  material  glory  these  few  verses  instead  of 
the  longer  passage  for  the  sake  of  abridgment,  and  because  he 
was  not  interested  in  any  form  of  government  that  was  not  ec- 
clesiastical. 


3l8  2    CHRONICLES 

This  passage  appears  twice,  more  or  less  fully,  in  both  2  Ch.  and  i  K., 
before  and  after  the  account  of  the  building  of  the  Temple  in  each,  as 
follows: 

2  Ch.  i'<-'"  taken  from  i  K.  lo^*-". 

2  Ch.  9^-28  taken  from  i  K.  5'  ioa">  51  lo"-  **. 
It  will  be  seen  that  the  first  account  in  Ch.  is  taken  from  the  second 
in  K.,  and  the  second  in  Ch.  from  the  first  in  K.  (being  supplemented 
by  parts  from  the  second  in  K.).  In  K.  the  two  accounts  are  variant, 
differing  in  the  number  of  chariots,  the  first  ascribing  40,000  "stalls 
of  horses  for  the  chariots  "  to  Solomon  and  the  second  giving  him 
only  1,400  chariots  at  the  end  of  his  reign.  The  Chronicler  regarded 
these  as  two  separate  summaries  of  the  chariots  of  Solomon,  one  at 
the  beginning  and  the  other  at  the  close  of  his  reign,  and  reversed  the 
order,  since  it  was  more  appropriate  that  Solomon  should  begin  his 
reign  with  1,400  chariots  and  later  have  40,000  (so  read  in  2  Ch.  9* 
V.  in  loco)  than  that  the  reverse  should  be  true.  The  introductory  word 
in  the  second  account  in  K.,  iDS'i  he  gathered  together,  i.e.,  organised, 
supported  the  Chronicler  in  placing  that  account  first. 

14.  Chariots  and  horsemen].  These  were  not  used  by  Israel  in 
their  early  warfare,  since  they  at  first  occupied  the  mountainous 
parts  of  Palestine,  but  when  under  David  they  became  an  ag- 
gressive state  and  extended  their  borders,  chariots  and  horsemen 
were  gradually  introduced  {cf.  for  chariots  i  Ch.  i8<  =28.  8<),  and 
under  Solomon,  as  here  expressed,  the  purchase  of  chariots  and 
horses  became  a  regular  trade. — A  thousand  and  four  hundred]. 
In  I  K.  5«  (4-«)  40,000  stalls  of  horses  for  chariots  are  mentioned, 
in  g-'-  4,000  {q.  v.). — Chariot  cities].  Cf.  8"  i  K.  9". — 15.  Silver 
and  gold].  Their  abundance  came  through  Solomon's  commerce. 
Cedars],  the  most  durable,  and  so  valuable,  timber,  which  came 
from  the  forests  of  Lebanon,  and  thus  was  an  import. — Sycamores], 
not  the  tree  known  by  that  name  in  England  and  America,  but  a 
tree  of  the  genus  of  the  fig  {cf.  1  Ch.  27")  whose  wood,  since  it  grew 
close  at  hand,  was  very  plentiful  for  Jerusalem. — 16.  Horses]. 
The  horse  mentioned  in  the  OT.  was  the  war-horse. — I'^gypt]- 
Horses  were  introduced  into  Egypt  by  the  Hyksos  (during  the 
period  of  the  thirteenth  to  the  seventeenth  d\Tiasties,  1 788-1 580 
B.C.,  Breasted,  History  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians,  p.  425),  and  in 
later  dynasties  the  "  stables  of  Pharaoh  contained  thousands  of  the 
best  horses  to  be  had  in  Asia"  (lb.  p.  195),  hence  the  importation 


I.  14-17.]  SOLOMON'S   WEALTH  319 

of  horses  and  chariots,  which  were  widely  used  in  Egypt,  into  Pal- 
estine would  have  been  most  natural  (v.  ").  The  securing  of  horses 
from  Egypt  is  also  strongly  favoured  by  Dt.  ly'^  Is.  31'.  But  it  is 
possible  that  instead  of  Egypt  (D"'"llf  i2  Mizraim)  we  should  read 
Muzri  (''"1^0)  and  think  of  a  land  in  Asia  Minor  {v.  i.). — 17.  Six 
hundred  of  silver]  i.e.,  shekels,  in  value  about  $380. — And  so  for  all 
the  kings  of  the  Hittites  and  of  Syria  they  used  to  bring  them  out  by 
their  means,  or  they  (chariots  and  horses)  used  to  be  exported  (v.  i.) 
by  their  means].  Horses  and  chariots  were  brought  also  out  of 
Egypt  by  the  king's  traders  for  the  Hittite  and  Syrian  kings  at  the 
same  price  as  for  Solomon. — The  Hittites],  a  people  mentioned 
frequently  among  the  inhabitants  of  Canaan  (Gn.  15"  Ex.  3'  "  13^ 
et  al.) ,  but  their  proper  home  was  in  the  north — even  in  the  high 
lands  of  Asia  Minor,  Cilicia,  and  Cappadocia.  They  dwelt  in 
power  between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Orontes,  centred  at  Kadesh 
and  Carchemish,  but  were  finally  subdued  in  the  eighth  century  by 
the  Assyrians. — Syria]  (Aram),  Mesopotamia,  but  often  applied 
to  the  kingdom  of  Damascus  and  the  adjoining  petty  kingdoms, 
Maacah,  Geshur,  Rehob,  and  Zobah  (EBi.).  A  trade  with  the  kings 
of  these  people  and  districts  would  be  less  natural  from  Egypt  than 
from  the  nearer  Muzri  of  Asia  Minor. 

14.  dhum]  I  K.  10-8  onyy,  Ch.  has  the  true  reading  supported  by  all 
the  Vrss.  in  K. — 15.  anrn  nsi]  wanting  in  1^  of  i  K.  10",  but  (§  (both 
here  and  K.)  rb  xp^^-^o"  '^at  t6  dpyvpiov.  Probably  originally  from  Ch. 
— 16.  Nipc]  I  K.  io28  nipc.  Instead  of  M  drove  of  horses  (still  preferred 
by  Kau.),  Be.  already  discerned  here  p  and  the  name  of  a  place  (so 
(&^^  in  K.,  II  here),  which  is  the  view  of  most  modern  scholars,  either 
Kue  or  Koa,  a  district  of  Cilicia  (Winckler,  Alt.  Unter.  168  ff.  Altoriental. 
Forschungen,  i.  28,  Bn.,  Ki.,  Bur.,  Sk.),  or,  better,  a  place  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Egypt  (Stade  and  Schwally,  SBOT.).  In  the  former  case  a-iiXD  is 
Muzri,  a  N.  Syrian  land  S.  of  the  Taurus,  which  often  figures  in  Assyrian 
inscriptions.  With  this  agrees  Ez.  27'^  since  Togarmah,  the  source  of 
horses,  war-horses,  and  mules,  lies  in  that  direction.  But  Dt.  17" 
Is.  31'  decidedly  favour  the  reference  to  a  place  near  Egypt.  Cf.  also 
Jerome's  Onomasticon,  273.  86,  iii.  8  Coa  qua  est  juxta  jEgyptum. 
Hence  we  render  and  Solomon's  import  of  horses  was  from  Egypt  (or 
from  Muzri)  and  from  Koa:  the  traders  of  the  king  used  to  bring  them 
from  Koa  at  a  price  (so  Ki.  BH.,  Bn.).  Kau.  retains  IM  but  omits  xipD' 
and  renders   "And  the  royal  merchants  were  accustomed  to  bring  a 


320  2    CHRONICLES 

drove  for  payment."     This  is  preferred  by  Whitehouse,  EBi.  I.  col. 
726.     The   question   of   the  true   reading  must  remain  sub  lite. — 17. 

iN'siM  ■\^•;>^]  I   K.   10=9  Nxm  n^i'm. — aiN  >3Sci]   i   K.  'n  'd'^cSi. — is^sv] 
(gBAyj  Qf  J  ]^    ,}<^^,^  which  is  preferred  by  Ki. 

I.  18-VII.    The  Building  and  Dedication  of  the  Temple. 
I.  18-11.  1.    Solomon's  purpose  and  the  levy  of  workmen. 

— 18  (1).  This  verse  is  entirely  from  the  Chronicler. — .1  house  for 
the  name  of  Yahweh].  Cf  i  K.  5'^  ">  i  Ch.  22'-  '»•  "  28'  29". — And 
a  hotise  for  his  kiugdom]  i.e.,  the  royal  palace  and  group  of  build- 
ings described  in  i  K.  y'-'^  but  only  mentioned  incidentally  by  the 
Chronicler  in  2"  c^)  7"  8'. — 1  (2).  Derived  from  i  K.  5"  '•  <"  '  >; 
here  out  of  place;  repeated  in  vv.  '*'  o''),  which  see.  The 
reason  for  this  repetition  is  not  clear.  The  doublet  occurs  also 
in  (S  of  I  K.,  where  cp.  a'"***  with  s'"-  iHeb. 29f  j  Sometimes  the 
Chronicler  may  have  written  from  memory  and  later  repeated 
in  full,  having  noticed  that  his  first  mention  was  incomplete  (Be.). 

I.  18.  nsN'i]  with  force  of  command  or  purpose  followed  by  inf.  (I.  4). 
— II.  1.  nc'?B'  icD-'i]  I  K.  5"  ns^a-S  inM. — "iSn]  sin^.  after  tens,  a  usage 
of  Ez.  and  P,  Ges.  §  1346. — ^''i<]  sing,  after  n*^^.  another  usage  of  P. 
Ges.  §  134^.     Wanting  in  i  K.,  where  HZ'i  appears  before  ^3D. 

2-9  (3-10).    Solomon's  message  to  Hiram. — This  is  based 

upon  I  K.  5 15 -so  0-6)  but  quite  rewritten  by  the  Chronicler,  or  taken 
from  another  source  (Bn.,  Ki.).  The  following  particulars  given  in 
I  K.  are  wanting  in  Ch. :  (i )  The  embassy  from  Hiram  to  Solomon 
(i  K.  5"<")-  (2)  David's  hindrance  in  building  the  Temple  (i  K. 
5""')-  (3)  The  rest  given  to  Solomon  (i  K.  s'«<*')-  (4)  The 
promise  of  Yahweh  to  David  (i  K.  5"<").  The  last  three,  however, 
are  embodied  in  i  Ch.  228-'".  And  the  following  are  added  in  Ch. : 
(i)  The  dealings  of  Hiram  with  David  (v.  '<").  (2)  A  description 
of  the  Temple  as  a  place  of  offerings  and  as  being  very  great  (w."- 
'^'0-  (3)  Words  of  self-depreciation  (v.»<«').  (4)  A  petition  for  a 
skilled  worker  in  metals  and  cloth  who  also  is  an  engraver  (v. »("). 
(5)  An  enumeration  of  the  kinds  of  wood  desired  (v. '•<««').  (6) 
The  contribution  to  Hiram's  servants  (v. »<■•"). — 2  (3).  Huram\ 
I  K.  5"")  Hiram,  see  i  Ch.  14'. — As  thou  didst  do,  etc.].  The  sen- 
tence is  incomplete.  Supply,  "So  do  with  me."  On  the  trans- 
action cf.  2  S.  5"  I  Ch.  14'.     According  to  i  Ch.  22'  David  had 


I.  18-n.  17.]     PREPARATIONS   FOR   THE   TEMPLE 


321 


already  procured  an  abundance  of  timber  for  the  Temple. — 3  (4). 
The  Chronicler  thinks  of  the  Temple  chiefly  as  the  place  of  the 
ministration  of  the  priests  and  the  Levites,  cf.  i  Ch.  23^8  «•,  and 
avoids  the  thought  of  the  building  being  the  dwelling-place  of  God. 
He  enumerates  the  incense  of  sweet  spices  burned  every  morning 
and  evening  (Ex.  30' a),  the  perpetual  shew-bread  (Ex.  25'°),  the 
daily  morning  and  evening  sacrifices  (Nu.  28' -s),  and  the  extra 
offerings  of  the  Sabbaths  (Nu.  28^ ' ),  of  the  beginning  of  months 
(Nu.  28'! -'6),  and  of  the  set  feasts  (Nu.  28'«-29''). — Forever  this 
{i.e., such  service)  is  (binding)  upon  Israel].  Cf. Nu.  19'"  i  Ch.  23". 
— 4  (5).  Cf.  I  Ch.  29'  Ex.  18". — 5  (6).  The  heaven  of  heavens],  the 
highest  sphere  of  the  heavens,  cf.  6'8  i  K.  8". — But  to  offer  incense 
before  thee].  The  purpose  is  not  to  erect  a  dwelling-place  for  Yahweh, 
which  would  be  presumptuous,  but  merely  a  place  of  sacrifice,  i.e., 
worship. — 6  (7).  Kings  knows  of  no  such  request  for  a  workman,  but 
states  that  Solomon  sent  and  brought  such  a  skilled  metal-worker 
from  Tyre  (i  K.  7").  The  skill  in  weaving  and  engraving  is  an 
addition  of  the  Chronicler.  His  need  of  such  a  workman  is  shown 
in  I  Ch.  29=  (see  corrected  text). — With  the  wise  men,  etc.].  Cf. 
I  Ch.  2  2'\ — 7(8).  Cypress  and  algum  trees].  Only  cedar  trees  are 
mentioned  in  i  K.  520  («)  but  cypress  also  in  i  K.  52M10),  Since  the 
algum  trees  are  clearly  the  same  as  the  almug  trees  of  i  K.  10"^ 
i.e.,  sandalwood  or  ebony  (Bn.),  the  Chronicler  is  here  apparently 
involved  in  an  inaccuracy  in  deriving  them  a  product  of  Ophir, 
from  Lebanon  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Ba.,  Bn.,  Ki.). — And  my  servants, 
etc.],  taken  from  i  K.  ^'o'.<^\ — 9  (10).  In  the  message  of 
I  K.  no  compensation  is  specified  (i  K.  S'^"*^*)?  but  later  it  is  re- 
corded that  Solomon,  presumably  for  the  timber  received,  gave 
Hiram  yearly  for  his  house  20,000  cors  of  wheat  and  20  cors  of 
oil  (i  K.  52^f.  oof  )).  Here  the  gift  is  for  the  support  of  the  labourers, 
whether  yearly  or  simply  a  gross  amount  is  not  stated,  and  20,000 
cors  of  barley  and  20,000  baths  of  wine  are  added,  and  the  amount 
of  oil  is  increased  from  twenty  cors  to  20,000  baths;  or,  since  10 
baths  =  one  cor,  a  hundredfold  {(^  in  i  K.  has  the  same  amount); 
a  cor  represents  about  eight  bushels. 

10-15  (11-16).  The  answer  of  Hiram.— This  is  based  upon 
I  K.  52'-"  <'■»',  and  as  in  the  case  of  Solomon's  message  is  either 


322  2    CHRONICLES 

rewritten  or  taken  by  the  Chronicler  from  another  source  (Bn.,  Ki.). 
The  main  variation  is  the  reference  to  the  skilled  workman  sent 
agreeable  to  Solomon's  request  (vv."  '  <"  '  >)• — 10  (11).  Chronicles 
emphasises  the  fact  of  a  written  reply  from  Hiram,  which  is  not 
directly  stated  in  Kings. — 11  (12).  This  verse  comes  in  so  awk- 
wardly with  the  allusion  to  Solomon  in  the  third  person  instead  of 
the  second  as  in  the  previous  verse,  that  possibly  it  should  be  trans- 
posed with  V.  '°  <">  (Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.)  giving  the  reflection  of  Hiram 
on  receiving  the  request  from  Solomon  and  thus  introductory  to  the 
written  reply  and  parallel  with  i  K.  5'"".  The  avowal  of  Yahweh 
as  the  maker  of  heaven  and  earth  by  Hiram  is  a  noticeable  touch 
by  the  Chronicler,  who  has  no  difficulty  in  seeing  in  the  heathen 
king  a  reverer  of  Yahweh. — 12  (13).  Huram-abi],  the  name 
of  the  skilled  workman  in  i  K.  7"-  *"■  "  called  Hiram.  The  latter 
half  of  the  name  (abi)  should  be  rendered  as  a  title  of  respect  my 
father  (Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.),  or  better,  my  trusted  counsellor,  cf.  Gn. 
45»;  Seurepov  irarpo'^  ^  add.  to  Est.  3"  (v.*  of  add.);  rw  irarpi  1 
Mac.  ip2  (Tor.  AJSL.  Jan.  '09,  p.  172,  n.  17).— 13  (14).  In 
I  K.  7'*  the  mother  of  this  workman  is  a  widow  of  the  tribe  of 
Naphtali.  The  reading  of  the  Chronicler  may  have  come  from 
the  influence  of  Ex.  31%  where  Oholiab,  one  of  the  artificers  of 
the  tabernacle,  is  of  the  tribe  of  Dan.  Cf.  further  on  this  verse 
V.6  (7). — 14  (15).  Cf.  V.'  <'">.  The  expression  my  lord  puts  Hiram 
relatively  on  the  footing  of  a  vassal.  There  is  nothing  hke  this 
in  Kings. — 15  (16),  Yapho,  mod.  Yaffa,  the  port  of  Jerusalem, 
is  not  mentioned  in  Kings. 

16-17  (17-18).  Solomon's  workmen. — These  are  represented 
as  taken  after  a  census  from  the  aliens  in  Israel.  This  is  the  Chron- 
icler's adaptation  or  abridgment  of  i  K.  5""  (n-is)^  where  two 
levies  of  workmen  are  mentioned,  evidently  a  combination  of  two 
sources  (Kau.?  Ki.,  Bur.,  SBOT.).  The  first  levy  (vv.  ^■"-  <"f)), 
30,000  out  of  all  Israel,  sent  10,000  a  month  in  turn  to  Leba- 
non, is  entirely  passed  over  by  the  Chronicler.  The  second  levy, 
the  burden  bearers  and  hewers  and  overseers  (\^.  " '■  <"''),  the 
Chronicler  gives,  but  prefaces  the  list  with  the  statement  of  a  census 
taken  by  Solomon  of  all  the  aliens  in  Israel,  whose  number  exactly 
equals  that  of  the  workmen,  i.e.,  153,600  (v.  "  <"'),  and  whom 


I.  18-n.  17.]     PREPARATIONS   FOR   THE   TEMPLE  323 

Solomon  divides  and  sets  to  work  according  to  the  arrangement 
given  in  Kings  (v.  '^  ''*').  The  Chronicler's  motive  of  reconstruc- 
tion is  clearly  to  free  native  Israelites  from  the  stigma  of  hard, 
serf -like  labour.  This  burden  is  imposed  upon  foreigners. — 16  (17). 
With  which  David  his  father  numbered  them\  Cf.  i  Ch.  22-. — 
17  (18).  Three  thousand  and  six  hundred  overseers].  This  proba- 
bly was  the  original  reading  in  Kings  and  not  the  present  text, 
three  thousand  and  three  hundred. 

2.  iS'N^]  introduces  a  comparative  sentence  of  two  clauses  of  which 
the  second  member  is  wanting. — 3.  •'Jn]  (S  +  1J3. — d^uD]  spices,  used  in 
incense;  only  used  in  pi.  abs.,  cf.  13",  elsewhere  only  in  P. — nDnj;c] 
tech.  term  used  only  of  the  shew-bread,  cf.  Lv.  24^  '•  i  Ch.  9'^  23^3  28'^ 
2  Ch.  13"  29'^  Ne.  lo''.  Pi.  Lv.  24^  t-  See  also  13".  Here  along  with 
niS;?  governed  by  n^apn?  through  zeugma. — Tcr]  adv.  in  gen.  relation 
Koe.  iii.  §  3i8d.  The  idea  of  perpetuity  and  the  word  tdh  are  derived 
from  Lv.  248. — 5.  no  ixy  ici]  cf.  i  Ch.  29". — 6.  D:n]^  +  /cat  elddra,  cf. 
V.  '2. — JUIn]  late  form  of  isj">s  deep  red  purple. — S^cio]  crimson  only 
here  and  v.  '^  3"  prob.  a  Pers.  loan-word  (BDB.)  for  the  more  usual 
ija>  nySin  (Bn.). — nSo.n]  deep  blue  purple. — 'ui  oy]  modi6es  nia';;'?  and 
nnoS. — 7.  o\!:ij'?t<3  so  also  9>«',  the  latter  ||  to  i  K.  lo'if-  ducSn  f, 
form  dub. — 8.  l''3nSi]  1  explicative.  Behold  thy  servants  shall  be  -with 
my  servants  even  to  prepare,  etc.  (Ke.,  RV.),  but  Oe.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  begin  a 
new  sentence  (or  continuation  of  nSiy)  (Be.)  And  timber  in  abundance 
must  be  prepared  for  me.  Ges.  §  114/. — nSdh]  inf.  abs.  as  an  adv.  with 
adj.  force  Ges.  §  113)^. — 9.  "'nnj]  Ges.  §  106m. — ni3^]  i  K.  5=^  ,-iS3n=nSoND 
the  true  reading,  so  Vrss. — 11.  njoi  nir'x]  Heb.  tense  has  force  of 
subj.  Dr.  TH.  38  (iS).— 12.  ^rrhz']  Ges.  §  106^,  Dr.  TH.  10.— 
>3K  D-\inS]  *?  with  the  force  of  namely  BDB.  S  5  e  (d).  The  artisan's 
name  Huram  is  given  in  i  K.  7'^  as  Hiram. — 13.  p  nua  ja  r^z'tn  p]  i 
K.  7"  ''StaDJ  naca  Nin  njnSx  nrs  p,  v.  s. — a''X>'3i]  (S  -|-  Kal  vcpalveiv  = 
j'inSi  may  go  back  only  to  a  dittography,  but  notice  the  following  infini- 
tives.— 15.  13-ii']  l^s  air.  Aram.  cf.  Ecclus.  8'  -f  often. — .nnDsi]  rafts, 
i.ir.    etym.    doubtful,      i   K.   5=3   nnan    also   air. — 17.  ^20]   i   K.   52' 

III.  1-2,  The  place  and  date  of  the  building  of  the  Tem- 
ple.— 1.  Entirely  independent  of  Kings. — In  the  mountain  oj 
Moriah].  The  Temple  mount  in  Jerusalem  is  identified  with  the 
mountain  in  the  land  of  Moriah  where  Abraham  offered  Isaac 
(Gn.  2  2 2).  The  name  occurs  only  here  and  there  and  in  the  latter 
passage  it  may  represent  a  textual  corruption,  earlier,  however, 


324  2    CHRONICLES 

than  the  time  of  Chronicles. — Where  Yahweh  appeared  unto  David 
his  father  in  the  place  which  David  Jiad  prepared  in  the  threshing- 
floor  of  Oman  the  Jebusite*].  Cf  i  Ch.  2i"^«'.  After  the  reve- 
lation of  Yahweh  at  the  threshing-floor,  David  began  at  once  to 
prepare  to  build  there  the  Temple  (i  Ch.  22'-='). — 2.  The  date 
of  this  verse  is  taken  from  i  K.  6'  with  the  omission  of  "the  four 
hundred  and  eightieth  year  of  the  Exodus,"  and  likewise  the  name 
of  the  second  month,  "Ziv,"  given  in  Kings.  Solomon  came  to 
the  throne  about  977. — In  the  second  month].  Any  reference  to 
the  day  of  the  month  is  wrongly  in  the  te.xt  (y.  i.).  The  second 
month  was  approximately  from  the  middle  of  April  to  the  middle 
of  May. 

3-7.  The  general  dimensions  of  the  porch  and  the  holy  place. 
— Abridged  from  i  K.  6'  '■  '=^-'«  ='  "  omitting  entirely  the  matter  of 
vv.  ■'■8  in  Kings,  i.e.,  the  mention  of  the  windows,  the  side  chambers 
of  the  Temple,  its  method  of  construction,  and  the  side  door  and 
the  stairs. — 3.  And  these  are  the  foundations  which  Solomon  laid 
in  building  the  house  of  God]  i.e.,  this  is  the  ground  plan  of  the 
house.  The  reference  is  to  the  dimensions  immediately  given. — 
The  length  after  the  former  measure].  Before  the  exile  the  Hebrews 
used  a  cubit  longer  by  a  handbrcadth  than  the  one  in  use  after  the 
exile  (Bn.  Arch.  pp.  179/-)  and  the  dimensions  of  the  Temple,  says 
the  Chronicler,  were  according  to  this  earlier  measure.  The  two 
cubits  of  Egyptian  origin  were  in  the  ratio  of  7  to  6;  the  earlier  one 
was  527  mm.  (20.74  inches),  the  latter  450  mm.  (17.72  inches)  (Now. 
Arch.  p.  201).  The  height  of  the  Temple,  thirty  cubits,  given  in 
Kings,  is  omitted,  being  out  of  place  in  the  ground  plan,  cf.  v.'. 
— 4.  And  the  porch  which  was  in  front  of  the  house:  its  length  was 
twenty  cubits  before  {i.e.,  according  to)  the  breadth  of  the  house  and 
the  height  twenty  cubits*].  (Oe.,  Ki.)  Since  the  Temple  was  only 
tliirty  cul)its  in  height,  the  reading  of  i!^,  one  hundred  and  twenty 
cubits  for  the  height  of  the  porch,  is  universally  regarded  as  a  tex- 
tual corruption.  The  numeral  huiidredwas  probably  inserted  in  the 
text  by  some  one  who  was  thinking  of  Herod's  Temple,  the  porch 
of  which  was  100  cubits  in  height.  For  height,  thirty  cubits  have 
been  i)ref erred  to  twenty  (Be.).  For  another  rendering  see  below. 
The  overlaying  of  the  porch  with  gold  is  not  mentioned  in  Kings, 


m.  1-17.]  ARCHITECTURE   OF  THE   TEMPLE  325 

although  perhaps  imphed  i  K.  6^"-^^.  Such  overlaying  with  gold 
as  is  mentioned  here  and  in  vv.  '" •  probably  never  took  place,  since 
such  gold-plating  is  not  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  plunder- 
ing of  the  Temple  by  foes  (i  K.  14^'^  2  K.  14'^)  nor  when  stript  by 
King  Ahaz  in  financial  straits.  The  metal  covering  by  Hezekiah 
mentioned  in  2  K.  18"  was  probably  not  gold  (Bn.,  EBi.  iv.  col. 
4932). — 5.  And  the  greater  room  (Heb.  Jwiise)]  i.e.,  the  holy 
place. — With  cypress  wood].  In  Kings  only  cedar  is  mentioned 
except  for  the  floor  (i  K.  6'5-  '«). — Palms  and  garlands],  bas- 
relief  work  (cf.  I  K.  6'8-  29-  32-  3=)_ — g.  And  he  garnished  (Heb. 
overlaid)  the  house],  the  whole  Temple  (Be.  and  so  evidently 
most  comm.);  the  holy  place  (Kau.),  which  is  more  agreeable  to 
the  context. — With  costly  stones].  The  idea  evidently  is  of 
precious  stones  set  in  the  walls,  although  it  has  been  suggested 
that  they  were  costly  flagstones  for  the  floor  (Kau.). — Parwaim], 
apparently  the  name  of  a  gold-producing  place  conjectured  in 
Arabia  (BDB.),  yet  really  dubious.  Sprenger  {Die  alte  Geogr. 
Arabiens,  pp.  54  /.)  identifies  with  farwa  in  SW.  Arabia,  citing 
the  Arabian  historian  Hamdani  (r.  940  a.d.),  while  Glaser  {Skiz. 
pp.  347  ff.)  finds  Parwaim  in  el-farwain  mentioned  by  the  same 
historian  as  a  gold-mine  in  NE.  Arabia  (see  Guthe,  PRE.^  14, 
p.  705). — This  verse  has  no  parallel  in  i  K. — 7.  A  continuation  of 
the  description  of  the  holy  place. — A  nd  he  carved  cherubim  on  the 
wall],  an  inference  from  i  K.  6",  which  appears  to  conflict  with 
I  K.  6".  Cherubim  were  on  the  walls  of  the  Temple  described  by 
Ezekiel  (41'*). 

1.  (S  has  nini  as  subject  of  hnij.  and  (5,  B,  TJ,  the  order  fjn  itt-x  DipD3. 
This  gives  the  true  text  (Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.).  To  adhere  to  ^  gives  a 
very  harsh  reading,  viz.  Then  Solomon  began  to  build  the  house  of 
Yahweh  on  Mount  Moriah  where  he  [Yahweh]  appeared  unto  David 
his  father  which  [house]  he  [Solomon]  prepared  in  the  place  of  David 
[i.e.,  that  D.  had  appointed]  in  the  threshing-floor  of  Oman  the  Jebusite. 
,  See  RV. — 2.  utro]  wanting  in  three  mss.,  (&,  1,  and  to  be  omitted  as  a 
dittography  (Be.,  Ke.,  Oe.,  Zoe.,  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.).  "In  the  second  [day]" 
RV.,  would  naturally  be  expressed  by  •k:-'nS  D''J';'3.  Ges.  §  134/'. — 3.  nSs'i] 
looks  toward  several  following  subjects,  Koe.  iii.  §  349n. — nDin]  inf. 
used  as  a  subst.  Koe.  iii.  §  233a.  This  Hoph.  inf.  also  used  by  the 
Chronicler  of  the  founding  of  the  Temple  in  Ezr.  3"  f. — 4.  ^  is  mean- 


326  2    CHRONICLES 

ingless.  The  following  readings  have  been  proposed:  ■>2'N  oSinhi 
0'-\z'y  PEN  najni  r\-<2n  am  '»jd  *?>•  O't^'j?  ncs  13->n  r<3.-i  ■'jd  *:">•  (Oe.,  Ki.) 
after  (S  (which  has  n^'an  after  'J£3  *?>'  and  (S'^  twenty  cubits  for  the  height) 
and  I  K.  b'"  am  >jd  "^j?  id^n  hcn  ciry  n'3n  '^d'h  ^jd  ^y  o'^ixni.  The 
clause  Dnrj.'!  HND  najm  is  entirely  lacking  in  K.  hns  (i;.  j.)  is  plainly  a 
corruption,  since  a  porch  of  the  height  of  120  feet  would  be  a  V^J^  tower. 
Since  the  height  of  the  Temple  was  thirty  cubits,  some  prefer  to  read 
D>c.s-5,  P1-X  najm  (Be.)-  Also  <»  is  read  Try  n''3n  Vrn  'jb  Sy  ■>:;•«  oVisni 
Diitt'j;  nic«  n''3n  am  ■'jd  Sj?  tinhi  13m  n~N3  (Be.,  Kau.),  and  tJie  porch 
which  was  in  front  of  the  main  room  of  the  building  was  ten  cubits  broad 
and  the  length  according  to  [Heb.  before]  the  breadth  of  the  building 
twenty  cubits.  Since  a  statement  of  the  height  is  out  of  place  in  a  de- 
scription which  purports  to  give  the  ground-plan  {cf.  vv.  '  «  where  the 
Chronicler  omits  the  height  given  in  i  K.),  and  the  breadth  is  expected, 
this  reading  is  preferable.  More  likely,  however,  the  Chronicler  placed 
these  dimensions  in  the  order  in  which  they  appear  in  his  source  (i  K. 
63),  hence  we  prefer  niSN  P''2r\  am  •>j£3  ^y  •\-\nn  r^2n  •>:o  Sj?  nc-N  dSinhi 
"wy  mcs  amni  d^iu*;'  and  the  porch  which  was  before  the  house:  the  length 
according  to  the  breadth  of  the  house  was  twenty  cubits  and  the  breadth 
ten  cubits.  This  requires  the  least  number  of  changes  and  the  last  three 
words  could  easily  be  corrupted  into  D''i!:';'i  nxa  najni. — 5.  non]  late 
word  used  especially  in  Piel. — aia]  many  MSS.,  (6  "Mna. — v'^y  S^'m]  cf. 
BDB.  n*?;?  Hiph.  4,  used  of  ornamentation  howsoever  made  cf.  v.  '*. — 
D'lcp]  in  I  K.  629-  32-  35  736  rin::n. — m-m;-]  i  K.  7'",  in  description  of 
tabernacle  (Ex.  28><-  ^  39'0.  chains,  in  i  K.  6"  c^xs  ■"■naa  garlands 
of  flowers,  open  flowers,  RV.     See  "'■Jfl  BDB. 

8-9.  The  most  holy  place. — Greatly  condensed  from  i  K. 
5i6-2o_ — 8.  Cf.  I  K.  6".  The  third  equal  dimension  of  the  most 
holy  place  has  been  omitted  by  the  Chronicler. — Of  si.v  hundred 
ialenls],  a  particuhir  not  given  in  Kings.  According  to  the 
lightest  calculation  for  a  talent  (i.e.,  the  latest  Jewish  weight 
system  45  lbs.)  the  weight  would  be  27,000  lbs.  (DB.  iv.  906  a). 
The  more  usual  light  weight  given  for  a  talent  is  108.29  lbs. 
(BDB.);  that  would  give  64,974  lbs.  Both  amounts  seem 
incredible.  The  amount  is  doubtless  a  free  invention  of  the 
Chronicler.  Possibly  he  thought  of  fifty  talents  for  each  tribe, 
V.  I  Ch.  21". — 9.  TJie  nulls]  were  intended  to  fasten  the  sheets 
of  gold  on  the  wainscoting  (Ke.,  Zoc.,  Bn.). — Atid  the  weight  of 
the  nails  was  one  shekel  for  fifty  shekels  of  gold*].  Thus  read  after 
a  slight  correction  of  the  Heb.  text  underlying  (6  {v.  i.). — Upper 


m.  1-17.]  ARCHITECTURE   OF   THE   TEMPLE  327 

chambers],  not  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  description  of  the 
Temple  in  2  Ch.,  but  in  i  Ch.  28"  (q.  v.). 

8.  D^anpn  np  nu  pn].  In  i  K.  the  term  is  •\'2-\,  the  hindmost  cham- 
ber, I  K.  65-  '6  "'"'•,  also  in  2  Ch.  3'6  42"  from  i  K.  7^9  and  2  Ch.  5'-  « 
from  I  K.  86-  s.  a^ii'-ii-'n  B'-ip  also  appears  in  i  K  6i«  8'  (as  glosses  SBOT.) 
750  (a  late  Dtic.  passage). — 9.  3nr  cii'sn  D^SprS  nncDc"?  Sp!:'Ci]  a«(i 
</;€  weight  of  the  nails  fifty  shekels  of  gold,  i.e.,  a  little  less  than  two 
pounds  (avoirdupois)  of  nails  served  to  hold  over  thirty-two  tons  {v.  s.) 
of  gold  in  place.  This  is  clearly  impossible,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether 
even  the  Chronicler  would  make  such  a  careless  statement.  (&  adds  b\K^ 
ToxJ  iv6s  after  'DoS,  thus  making  each  nail  weigh  nearly  two  pounds;  so 
also  U.  This  equally  difficult  reading  (two-pound  nails!)  no  doubt  goes 
back  to  a  Heb.  original,  inx  Spii'n,  which  is  probably  a  corruption  of 
nnx  Spa'  (note  '^P'-'S  a  corruption  for  Spa*  in  2  S.  21'^,  v.  BDB.).  Hence 
we  render,  and  the  weight  of  the  nails  was  one  shekel  for  fifty  shekels  of 
gold  (i.e.,  for  one  mina),  which  gives  a  proper  proportion  and  one  which 
any  writer  might  propose. 

10-14.    The  cherubim.— Abridged  from  i  K.  6"-2«.— 10.  And 

he  made  in  the  most  holy  room  two  cherubim,  woodwork,*  and  he* 
covered  them  with  gold\,  a  combination  of  i  K.  6""  and  ^s.  In 
I  K.  6-^  the  wood  is  olive. — 11.  And  the  wings  of  the  cherubim  in 
their  length  were  twenty  cubits].  Each  wing  extended  five  cubits, 
and  since  they  stood  across  the  holy  place  with  wing  tips  against 
the  wall  and  with  tips  touching  one  another,  their  combined  length 
was  twenty  cubits,  the  breadth  of  the  room.  The  remainder  of 
the  verse  carries  out  this  description. — 12.  This  verse  describing 
the  position  of  the  other  cherub  shows  that  the  position  of  the  two 
cherubim  side  by  side  was  identical.  The  Chronicler  has  omitted 
from  I  K.  6"  the  height  of  the  cherubim,  ten  cubits,  and  their  iden- 
tity of  form  (i  K.  6^^). — 13.  And  their  faces  toward  the  house]  i.e., 
toward  the  holy  place.  They  had  clearly  only  single  faces  and 
not  the  composite  ones  of  Ezekiel's  cherubim. — 14.  The  veil  be- 
tween the  holy  place  and  the  most  holy  is  not  mentioned  in  i  K., 
nor  is  such  a  veil  described  in  Ezekiel's  Temple.  However, 
Zerubbabel's  Temple  probably  had  it,  though  this  is  not  certain. 
The  Chronicler  derived  the  description  either  from  the  Temple 
of  his  day  or  from  the  veil  of  the  tabernacle  Ex.  26"  (see  DB.  iv. 
p.  847).     On  the  colours  cf.  2^ 


328  2    CHRONICLES 

10.  O'i'i^x]  «"■.  images  BDB.  with  ncys  image  work,  B  opere 
slatuario  sculpture  work  (Ke.),  some  special  form  of  sculpture  (Be., 
Kau.)-  Since  i  K.  b"-^  has  pa*  'Xj?  (preferred  here  by  Oe.),  it  is  better  to 
follow  <&  ?|  ^uXwi'  and  read  D'S^'C  (Bn.)  of  wood. — idsm]  read  after  i  K.  6" 
and  (S  the  sing. — 11.  After  ^^N^  (gi- has  3113,  which  Bn.  would  supply 
according  to  the  parallel  in  v.  ''.  The  nyjc  and  yjs  should  change 
places,  the  masc.  form,  as  in  v.  ^^,  appearing  by  the  attraction  of  the 
nearer  noun  anDi. — 12.  This  verse  is  wanting  in  (6"  and  may  be  a 
dittography  of  the  preceding,  but  more  likely  the  verse  was  lost  from  the 
Vatican  text  by  homoeoteleuton,  a  common  error  in  this  MS. — 13. 
Since  ^-\s  is  used  transitively  (i  Ch.  28'8  2  Ch.  5*  i  K.  8')  either  'flJ3  is 
to  be  struck  out  (Be.)  or  D'B'i.?  is  to  be  read  (Bn.);  Ki.  BH.  retains  the 
text.  V.  '2"  reads  like  a  gloss.  Compared  with  i  K.,  especially  if  we 
omit  v.  '2  and  v.  '^a^  ^^g  have  a  beautifully  compact  and  intelligible 
description,  showing  skilful  abridgment. 

15-17.  The  two  pillars  before  the  Temple. — Abridged  from 
I  K.  7'^",  cj.  Je.  52-'.  The  Chronicler  has  omitted  in  his  descrip- 
tion their  metal,  brass;  their  circumference,  twelve  cubits  (i  K. 
7 '5);  the  checkerwork  of  the  capitals  (i  K.  7"),  and  the  lily  work 
surmounting  the  capitals  (i  K.  7"-  "). — 15.  Two  pillars].  Cf.  v.  '^ 
— Thirty-Jive  cubits  in  height].  In  i  K.  7'^  2  K.  25"  Je.  52='  the 
height  of  the  pillars  is  given  as  eighteen  cubits;  thirty-five  are  only 
mentioned  here  and  in  (S  of  Je.  522'.  This  latter  dimension  has 
been  explained  as  representing  the  double  length  of  the  two  pillars, 
assuming  that  each  was  about  seventeen  and  a  half  cubits  long 
(Mov.  p.  253),  or  as  a  reckoning  including  the  five  cubits  of  the 
capital  and  other  additions  in  their  construction  (Ew.  Hist.  III.  p. 
237),  or  as  a  misreading  of  the  numerical  sign  H^  (eighteen)  for  T\b 
(thirty-five)  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.)  (to  be  rejected  because  we  have  no  evi- 
dence of  the  use  of  such  signs  in  ancient  Hebrew  and  thus  OT.  writ- 
ing), or,  which  is  the  most  probable,  as  a  corruption  arising  from  the 
text  of  Kings  (""iw'J?  nii^w*  Hwri])  becoming  illegible  in  some  way 
and  thus  read  ']"iX  tt'Cm  n*\^b*\i?  (Be.)  or  something  similar  (Bn.). 
Possibly  the  Chronicler  read  a  text  of  i  K.  7''  in  which  2D^,  com- 
passed about,  had  become  illegible  (or  corrupted  to  flD'',  added),  in 
which  case  he  would  have  interpreted  the  twelve  cubits  of  circum- 
ference as  an  addition  to  the  height;  hence  his  35=18  +  12+5 
(capital).     From   the   description  given   in  i  K.  7"='  (with   v.'* 


in.  1-17.]  ARCHITECTURE   OF   THE   TEMPLE  329 

corrected  from  Je.  52")  and  omitted  by  the  Chronicler  (although 
a  partial  description  appears  in  4'2f),  they  were   hollow  bronze 
pillars  four  finger-breadths  in  thickness,  eighteen  cubits  (about  30 
ft.)  in  height,  and  twelve  cubits  (about  20  ft.)  in  circumference. 
Each  was  surmounted  (i)   by  a   molten  chapiter  or  capital   five 
cubits  in  height,  which  (2)  was  covered  with  a  bronze  network, 
and  (3)  over  the  network  hung  two  chains  in  four  loops  (Je.  52^') 
of   100  pomegranates  each   (v.  '«).     Each  capital  either  curved 
outward  at  the  top  in  a  lily  shape  or  was  surmounted  by  a  lily- 
shaped  ornament   (Bn.,   Sk.;  Bur.   rejects  the  lily  shape   alto- 
gether).— 16.  And  he  made  chains  like  a  necklace*].    The  read- 
ing in  the  oracle  (iif,  RV.,  etc.)  in  this  description  of  the  pillars  is 
clearly  wrong.  The  slightest  change  in  Hebrew  letters  of  similar  form 
(T'nnS  instead  of  ^^212)  gives  the  reading  above  (Bn.;  1^313  in- 
stead of  n^mn  on  a  ring,  on  the  edge  Be.,  Ki.).    Around  the  ball- 
shaped  or  rounded  cup-shaped  capitals  of  the  pillars  were  strung 
chains  upon  which  the  metallic  pomegranates  were  hung,  according 
to  I  K.  7=°  apparently  two  rows  of  100  pomegranates  each. — 17.  Cf. 
I  K.  7^'.    These  two  pillars  were  either  a  part  of  the  porch  support- 
ing a  lintel  (a  view  based  largely  on  Ez.  40^ «,  Now.  Arch.  II.  p.  33), 
or,  better,  free  on  either  side  before  the  porch  (as  is  suggested  by 
V. ''  and  this  verse).     These  pillars  were  in  Solomon's  Temple  be- 
cause they  were  a  usual  feature  of  Semitic  temples,  symbols  of  the 
deity,  a  survival  in  this  form  of  the  ancient  stone  pillars  the  Maz- 
zehoth  {cf.  14^)  (Bn.  EBi.  IV.  col.  4931  WRS.  Rel.  Sem.  p.  208). 
(The   bowls,  fitting  receptacles   for   sacrificial   fat,  on  the  tops 
also  suggested  to  WRS.  that  they  might  have  served  as  altars 
or  candlesticks,  op.  cit.  pp.  48S  /.).— J achin  means  "he  will  es- 
tablish," "the    Stablisher,"  an  appropriate   name   for  Yahweh. 
The  meaning  of  Boaz  is  not  so  clear.     It  is  usually  rendered 
"  In  him  is  strength,"  which  would  be  a  suitable  appellation  of 
Yahweh. 

15.  nijsni]  and  the  plated  capital  d-rr,  see  BDB.  Its  use  is  guar- 
anteed by  the  Aram.  xnos.  I  K.  y'^  has  m.n^.— 16.  -i>a-ia]  in  the 
oracle,  possibly  a  gloss  from  i  K.  621  (Ba.),  but  more  likely  a  corruption 
of  i>3-»  (with  prep.)  necklace  Gn.  41"  Ez.  1611.  *,  A,  construed  the  chains 
as  fifty  cubits  in  length,  extending  thus  from  the  most  holy  place  through 


--,Q  2    CHRONICLES 

the  holy  place  (forty  cubits)  and  the  porch  (ten  cubits). — 17.  i;'3]  per- 
haps originally  tj.'-^j?3  "  Baal  of  strength,  "  and  then  since  Baal  had 
become  opprobrious  as  a  name  of  Yahweh,  the  author  of  i  K.  made 
this  contraction  (Klo.)- 

IV-V.  1.    The  Furniture  of  the  Temple. 

1.  The  altar. — This  altar  of  bronze  is  not  given  among  the  fur- 
niture of  tlie  Temple  described  in  i  K.,  although  mentioned  in 
I  K.  8"  2  K.  i6"f-;  and  an  altar  which  Solomon  built  is  also  men- 
tioned I  K.  9". 

According  to  We.  {Prol.  p.  44,  n.  i)  and  Bn.  (Kom.  on  i  and  2  K.  p. 
47,  EBi.  IV.  col.  4937)  a  description  of  the  altar  stood  in  the  original 
text  of  I  K.  and  thus  supplied  the  Chronicler  with  his  information,  but 
later  was  struck  out  of  i  K.  by  an  editor  (R'*)  on  the  theory  that  the 
brazen  altar  of  the  Tabernacle  had  been  preserved  and  was  set  up  in 
the  court  of  the  Temple.  But  in  that  case  some  trace  of  the  missing 
passage  would  be  expected  in  the  ^^-  text  of  i  K.,  but  there  is  none 
(Bur.  p.  102).  The  failure  of  the  altar  to  appear  among  the  furniture 
has  been  also  explained  on  the  ground  that  the  two  pillars  as  receptacles 
for  the  sacrificial  fat  served  for  altars  {v.  s.  3"  WRS.).  But  this  is  very 
improbable.  More  likely  Solomon  used  the  bare  rock  for  his  sacrifice — 
the  great  rock  es  Sakhra  now  under  the  dome  of  the  Mosque  of  Omar, 
which  is  believed  to  have  stood  in  front  of  the  Temple  and  has  every 
indication  of  having  been  an  altar  {DB.  IV.  p.  696)  (Sk.  i  K.  8").  The 
reference  then  to  the  brazen  altar  in  i  K.  8"  may  be  a  late  addition,  and 
the  earliest  reliable  mention  would  be  in  the  story  of  Ahaz,  2  K.  16'* 
(GAS.  /.  pp.  64  /.).  The  question  remains,  however,  how  came  the 
brazen  altar  of  .\haz  if  not  built  by  Solomon. 

In  form,  accepting  the  measurements  of  the  Chronicler,  the  altar 
was  probably  like  that  of  Ezekiel's  Temple  (43'^'"),  i.e.,  a  series  of 
terraces  culminating  in  a  broad  {)lateau  or  tal)le.  The  base  then 
would  have  been  twenty  by  twenty  cubits.  If  the  dimensions  given 
by  Hecataeus  (in  Jos.  Apion,  I.  22)  are  correct,  the  Chronicler 
doubtless  took  his  figures  from  the  altar  of  Zerubbabcl's  Temple, 
i.e.,  the  Temple  of  his  day.  The  latter  was  made  of  unhewn 
stone. 

2-6.  The  brazen  sea  and  the  lavers. — The  description  of  the 
sea  is  taken  directly  from  i  K.  7-^=».  This  was  a  huge  cylindrical  or 
hemispherical  tank  resting  on  the  backs  of  twelve  oxen  facing  out- 
ward, three  each  toward  the  four  cardinal  points  of  the  compass. 


IV.  1-V.  1.]  FURNITURE  OF  THE  TEMPLE  031 

The  tank  stood  in  the  southeast  angle  of  the  court. — 2.  Molten  sea]. 
The  casting  of  such  an  immense  article  of  metalwork  in  one  piece 
has  been  questioned;  and  it  has  even  been  suggested  that  the  tank 
was  wooden  and,  since  the  ancients  preferred  hammered  work, 
plated  with  bronze  (Bn.  EBi.  IV.  col.  4340).  The  name  sea,  ac- 
cording to  Josephus,  was  given  from  its  size  (Ant.  viii.  3,  5), 
but  it  may  also  be  connected  with  the  symbolical  character  of 
the  basin. — Ten  cubits  from  brim  to  brim]  i.e.,  in  diameter.  The 
numbers  of  this  verse  are  only  approximate,  since  10  cubits  (17.22 
ft.)  in  diameter  would  give  a  circumference  of  31.4159  cubits 
instead  of  30  cubits  (51.66  ft.). — 3.  And  under  its  brim  were 
gourd-like  knops  encompassing  it  round  about  (ten  in  a  cubit?) 
encircling  the  sea  round  about.  In  two  rows  were  the  gourd-like 
knops,  cast  when  it  was  cast^].  Whether  this  encircling  garland- 
like ornamentation  was  of  the  fruit  or  the  flowers  of  the  gourd 
is  uncertain. — 5.  This  verse  in  (^^^  of  i  K.,  lacking,  however, 
the  statement  of  the  capacity  of  the  tank,  precedes  v.  ".  This 
is  the  natural  order. — Three  thousand  baths],  1  K.  y^'  "two  thou- 
sand baths."  Both  estimates  appear  too  large,  since  at  the 
smaller  figure,  reckoning  a  bath  at  65  pints  {DB.  IV.  p.  912)  or 
at  64.04  pints  {EBi.  IV.  col.  5997),  the  capacity  would  have  been 
16,250  or  16,010  gallons,  but  the  dimensions  10  cubits  in  diam- 
eter, 30  in  circumference,  and  5  in  depth  in  a  cylinder  give  only 
10,798  gallons  (figuring  with  the  long  cubit,  20.67  i^^-i  we  obtain 
about  15,000  cubits),  and  if  a  hemisphere  6,376  gallons  {EBi.  IV. 
col.  4340).  The  true  capacity  was  probably  somewhere  between 
these  figures. — 6.  The  full  description  of  the  bases  of  the  ten  lavers 
and  also  their  size,  given  in  i  K.  72? -39,  is  omitted  by  the  Chronicler. 
— To  wash  in  them].  This  is  the  Chronicler's  interpretation  of  the 
use  both  of  the  sea  and  the  lavers.  But  they  were  ill  adapted  for 
the  purpose  of  cleansing,  especially  the  sea,  unless  it  was  a  recep- 
tacle from  which  water  was  drawn,  although  it  received  this  mean- 
ing in  the  furniture  of  the  tabernacle  (Ex.  30' ^-^i).  Both  the  sea 
and  the  lavers  probably  had  a  symbolical  meaning  (an  interpreta- 
tion now  generally  adopted).  The  sea  represented  the  waters  or  the 
flood  upon  which  Yahweh  as  the  God  of  rain  was  enthroned  (Ps. 
29'"),  or  the  primeval  flood  or  deep  over  which  his  creative  power 


332 


2    CHRONICLES 


was  manifested  (f/.  Gn.  i'-  «• '  Ps.  24=  93').  The  lavers  with  their 
wheels  and  decorations  of  cherubim  (i  K.  7"')  not  inappropri- 
ately might  then  symbolise  the  clouds  (r/.  the  cherubim  of  Ezekiel 
and  cherub  of  the  storm  upon  which  Yahweh  rode  (Ps.  18"  <""))• 
The  bulls  probably  also  were  symbols  of  deity;  cf.  the  calf  of  the 
wilderness  (Ex.  32'")  and  those  set  up  at  Bethel  and  Dan  (i  K. 
12"'). 

2,  '^n]  2  K.  7=3  -1;. — 3.  mm]  wanting  in  i  K.  72^. — anpa]  ox^n;  i  K. 
D''}'pDi,  kuops  (gourds),  the  true  reading  although  (6  and  B  have  that  of  if. 
The  change  to  oxen  was  made  by  some  ignorant  copyist  who  thought  the 
oxen  were  here  mentioned. — iS]  i  K.  ins-*':',  needed  for  clearness  of 
meaning. — 2^20-]  wanting  in  K.  and  (S. — n-N3  t-v],  le>i  in  a  cubit  (Be., 
RVm.),  is  grammatically  inadmissible.  The  phrase  means  for  ten 
cubits  (13,  ^,  ®),  which  is  meaningless,  since  the  gourds  ran  around  the 
tank  for  thirty  cubits,  hence  probably  a  gloss  in  i  K.  by  some  one  who 
mistook  the  diameter  for  the  circumference  (St.  SBOT.,  so  essentially 
Bur.). — aoD  dm  n»s  O'si^pc]  is  wanting  in  <S>'*  of  i  K.,  and  may  be  re- 
garded there  as  a  gloss  (Bn.). — a':s']  i  K.  "'Jir. — ipa^]  i  K.  ovpO'i. — 
To  fit  the  oxen  misread  for  knops  (gourds)  in  this  verse  with  the  following 
verse  (^^  has  5vo  •yivri  ix^^vevaav  toi)s  fidcrxov^  iv  rfj  x'»"'C'^<''«  ai/rwi'  «> 
y  iwol7]<rav  avrotis  SwSe/ca  fxbaxovs.  (&^  agrees  with  ?l^. — 5.  OV^a  pMnO 
'^'3''  D'oSx  rtt''^-J']  I  K.  72*  ':"'3''  ni  d^d'^.s.  S-'S''  in  Ch.,  superfluous  after 
P^'tnc,  is  due  to  a  glossator  familiar  with  i  K.  (Be.,  Oe.,  Ki.),  or  simple 
pleonasm  (Ke.,  Zoe.).  Bn.  would  strike  out  either  p'lnc  or  S^ov  (&  has 
Kal  i^eTfKeffev,  i.e.,  ^3M. 

7  f.  The  candlesticks,  tables,  and  basins. — The  candlesticks 
(lampstands)  are  not  mentioned  in  i  K.  among  the  regular  furni- 
ture of  the  Temple,  but  only  incidentally  in  the  summary  of  golden 
articles (i  K.  7^'),  a  passage  recognised  as  of  late  origin  (St.  SBOT., 
Bur.).  They  do  not  appear  also  among  the  spoil  of  2  K.  25"", 
and  thus  their  appearance  in  the  parallel  Je.  52"  is  a  gloss.  Hence, 
ten  candlesticks,  though  regarded  as  historic  by  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe., 
Ba.,  et  al.,  are  probably  an  imaginary  product.  Some  light,  doubt- 
less, was  in  the  Temple  (cf.  i  S.  3'),  very  likely  one  lampstand,  pos- 
sibly not  unlike  that  of  the  second  Temple  and  the  tabernacle 
(cf.  the  vision  of  Zechariah  c.  4,  Ex.  25"" ),  but  if  elaborate  its 
omission  from  the  earliest  list  of  Temple  furniture  is  singular. 

On  the  other  hand  it  is  urged:  "There  must  have  been  some  ground 
for  the  tradition  of  ten  lampstands.     Probably  these  did  exist — but 


IV.  1-V.  1.]  FURNITURE   OF   THE   TEMPLE  ^.^ 

brazen,  not  golden  ones,  in  Solomon's  Temple,  or  they  were  added  soon 
after,  for  there  must  have  been  some  way  of  lighting  the  interior  of  the 
house.  They  would  be  kept  burning  day  and  night,  as  house  lamps  in 
the  East  are  at  the  present  day.  They  might  have  been  put  on  pedestals 
— the  Eastern  fashion — but  most  likely  they  were  set  on  the  ten  tables 
about  which  we  read  in  2  Ch.  4^  "  (W.  T.  Davies,  DB.  IV.  p.  701). 

7.  Cf.  V.  2"  I  K.  7". — According  to  the  prescription  concerning 
them]  i.e.,  the  prescription  in  reference  to  their  structure  (cf.  Ex. 
253'-"  37"  ff). — In  the  temple]  (^^Tl),  the  holy  place;  according  to 
I  K.  7"  they  were  before  the  most  holy  place.  Their  exact  position 
in  the  room,  if  there,  cannot  be  determined;  probably  they  extended 
down  its  sides. — 8.  Ten  tables].  Since  elsewhere  only  one  table  is 
mentioned  for  the  shew-bread  in  the  Temple  {i^^'^  2g^^  i  K.  6^" 
7<«),  likewise  alsoinEzekiel's  Temple  (41*2  f-  altar=table),  and  since 
the  position  of  these  tables  was  the  same  as  that  of  the  ten  candle- 
sticks (v.  '),  these  ten  tables  have  been  held  to  have  been  for  the 
support  of  the  ten  candlesticks  (Be.,  Zoe.,Bn.,  EBi.).  In  the  mind 
of  the  writer,  however,  they  were  doubtless  for  the  shew-bread  and 
in  reahty  an  exaggeration  like  the  ten  lampstands  {cf.  v.  "  i  Ch. 
28'^).  (Ke.  held  for  the  shew-bread;  Oe.  uncertain,  perhaps 
for  both;  Ba.  not  for  the  shew-bread.). — A  hundred  basins  of  gold], 
not  mentioned  in  i  K.  except  generally  (i  K.  7^");  their  use  is  im- 
certain,  probably  for  receiving  and  sprinkling  the  sacrificial 
blood  (Be.,  Ba.)  or  for  pouring  libations  {cf.  Am.  6«)  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.). 

9.  The  courts  of  the  Temple. — These  are  described  according 
to  the  arrangement  at  the  time  of  the  Chronicler,  when,  under  the 
influence  of  Ezekiel,  there  was  an  inner  court  restricted  for  the  use 
of  the  priests  and  an  outer  one  for  the  people.  The  inner  court  men- 
tioned in  I  K.  6^^  7 '2  is  the  court  of  the  Temple,  while  the  great 
outer  court  (i  K.  71=)  was  the  court  extending  around  all  of  Solo- 
mon's buildings  {cf.  GAS.  /.  ii.  p.  256).  The  term  here  used  for 
the  great  outer  court  (n"lTj;)  occurs  only  in  i  and  2  Ch.  and  Ez. 
The  doors  are  not  mentioned  in  i  K. 

10-18.  The  position  of  the  brazen  sea  and  the  works  of 
Hiram. — Taken  directly  from  i  K.  739b.47^  which  explains  the  awk- 
ward introduction  here  of  the  statement  respecting  the  place  of 
the  sea. — 11.   The  pots],  for  boiling  flesh,   an   ancient  way  of 


334 


2    CHRONICLES 


preparing  sacrificial  food  {cf.  i  S.  2"'). — Shovels]  utensils  for 
cleaning  the  altar  (Ex.  27'). — Basins\  used  for  catching  the 
blood  and  throwing  it  against  the  altar  {cf.  v.  »). — 12.  The  two 
pillars].  Cf.  3"". — The  two  bowls  of  the  capitals  which  were 
on  the  pillars*].  The  tops  of  the  pillars  were  either  open  and 
cup-like,  or  ball-like  and  closed.  The  absence  of  the  mention 
here  of  any  additional  lilywork  favours  its  rejection  (cf.  view  of 
Bur.  3"). — 13.  And  the  four  hundred  pomegranates,  etc.].  Cf. 
notes  on  3 '5 '.—14.  C/ v.^— 15.  C/.  v.'.— 16.  Cf.\.''.— The  flesh 
hooks]  (RV.)  i.e.,  sacrificial  forks  (v.i.). — 17.  In  the  plain  of  the 
Jordan],  lit.  in  the  oval  (valley)  of  the  Jordan. — Succoth  and 
Zeredah].  The  latter  of  these  names  is  the  Chronicler's  equiva- 
lent of  "Zarethan"  of  the  text  of  i  K.  (7^*),  also  mentioned  as 
near  the  city  Adam  (Jos.  3'^).  This  is  probably  the  mod.  ed 
Damieh  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Jordan,  twenty-four  miles  from 
its  mouth.  Succoth  on  the  east  bank  is  usually  identified  with  Tell 
Deir  'Alia,  about  one  mile  north  of  the  Jabbok  (GAS.  HGHL. 
p.  585). — Instead  of  in  the  clay  ground,  etc.,  the  passage  probably 
in  I  K.  originally  read,  at  the  ford  of  Adamah,  etc.  (v.  i.). 

10.  7  Mss.,  (&,  I  K.  7"  after  in^o  have  n^jn,  which  may  be  supplied 
here  (Bn.).  Retaining  the  present  text  of  Ch.  pijcn  is  an  example  of  an 
adj.  used  nominally  (Dav.  Syn.  §  32,  R.  5). — n^j:]  i  K.  3jj. — 11. 
mm'  and  2]_  Since  this  same  man  is  mentioned  in  v.  '•  and  2",  Ki.  reads 
ON  a-\in  (SBOT.),  yet  probably  the  Chronicler  followed  the  text  of 
I  K. — .nn^Dn]  i  K.  y*o  nn^on.  Text  of  Ch.  is  the  original  (so 
Th.,  St.,  Klo.,  Kamp.,  Bn.,  Ki.,  Bur.,  on  i  K.  7").— DviVxri  poj] 
I  K.  nini  no. — 12.  nnnam  niSjni]  i  K.  7<'  p^:^Dn  nVji  without  doubt  the 
true  reading  (adopted  by  Be.,  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.  Kom.,  BH.).  (S"  kolI 
iir'avTwv  yu\ad  t^  x'>'^*P^^-  ^^  follows  ?l^.— 13.  '1J1  niDD^]  in  i  K. 
7",  but  to  be  omitted  there  as  a  dittography  from  previous  verse  (SBOT. 
of  K.,  Ki.  BH.  of  K.);  the  Chronicler  reproduced  the  error  of  K. — 
'JD  Sjj]  in  I  K.  should  be  •'Jw'  *:•>,  <S'-,  or  D^'iicyn  cni  Sj,',  as  in  v.  " 
(Bn.,  Ki.,  Bur.),  but  the  Chronicler  probably  found  the  error  already 
in  I  K. — 14.  ri-^v  '  a"d  2]  i  K.  7"  t-'>  and  ms';'  the  true  reading,  and  the 
ten  bases  and  tlie  ten  lavers  upon  the  bases  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Kau., 
Ba.,  Bn.,  Ki.). — 15.  ins]  art.  to  be  supplied  as  in  i  K.  7". — vnnn] 
I  K.  D'H  nnn. — 16.  nuStsn]  sacrificial  forks,  cf.  Ex.  27'  38'  Nu.  4'< 
I  Ch.  28"  t,  I  K.  7"  nipnTD  "bowls."  The  reading  of  K.  is  preferred  by 
Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ki.,  while  Bn.  rightly  considers  that  of  Ch.  (retained  by 
Kau.)  the  more  original,  since  basins  have  already  been  mentioned  in 


IV.  1-V.  1.]  FURNITURE   OF  THE   TEMPLE  ^^^ 

I  K.  7". — ani'?3  So  pni]  i  K.  la's  Snxn  D'<^3ri  hz  nsi,  Qr.  nSsn  instead 
of  Shnh,  which  latter  gives  the  true  reading  (see  Bur.).  Be.,  Ke.,  Oe., 
prefer  n'^Krt  oiSon  ^73  nsi  as  the  true  reading  in  Ch.  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.,  ad- 
here to  the  present  text  as  the  Chronicler's  reconstruction  of  the  corrupt 
text  of  I  K.  This  latter  is  quite  likely. — nnSc'  ^'?c'?  vax  Dim]  Huram, 
the  trusted  counsellor  of  King  Solomon;  v.  s.  on  2'^,  and  on  construction 
cf.  Koe.  iii.  pp.  256/. — piic]  a  word  appearing  in  NH.;  i  K.  onos. — 17. 
•'jyo]  I  K.  7^^  na>C3.  (S  in  each  iv  rw  Trdxet,  "B  in  terra  argillosa,  hence 
RV.  ifi  the  clay  ground.  Be.  thought  of  the  hardened  earth  prepared  to 
receive  the  molten  metal,  the  clay  moulds,  a  rendering  followed  by  Oe., 
Kau.,  Ki.,  but  Moore  on  Ju.  722,  followed  by  BDB.,  Bn.,  emends  to 
nmN  m33?D3  at  the  crossing  of  Adamah,  regarding  Adamah  as  identical 
with  DIN  Jos.  3'6,  which  is  there  said  to  be  near  jnnx. — nn-nx]  i  K.  jmx.— 
18.  sj'yi]  (the  original  according  to  Bn.)  i  K.  y"  nri. — 3iS]  r  K.  3iD. — 
iNC]  repeated  in  i  K. — '3]  wanting  in  i  K.  Its  introduction  gives  a 
slightly  different  force  to  the  sentence.  In  K.  the  meaning  is  that  the 
vessels  were  too  numerous  to  be  weighed,  in  Ch.  that  the  number  was 
very  great  because  no  regard  was  had  to  the  amount  (weight)  of  brass 
used.     The  present  text  of  i  K.  is  harsh  and  probably  not  the  original. 

19-22.  The  golden  furniture  of  the  Temple. — Taken  from 
I  K.  7<8-so. 

This  passage  in  i  K.  has  been  regarded  as  a  late  addition  to  the  origi- 
nal account  of  the  Temple  furniture,  for  the  following  reasons:  (i)  the 
improbability  of  such  lavish  expenditure  on  articles  like  hinges,  etc.; 
(2)  the  mention  of  a  golden  altar  of  which  there  is  no  historical  evidence 
in  pre-exilic  times;  (3)  a  discrepancy  between  the  reference  to  the  cedar 
altar  for  the  shew-bread  in  i  K.  6'^°  and  the  reference  in  i  K.  7^''  to  the 
table  of  gold;  and  also  all  the  articles  mentioned  should  naturally  have 
been  given  along  with  the  cherubim  and  table  (altar)  of  cedar,  in  c.  6; 
(4)  the  mere  enumeration  of  the  articles,  when  the  brazen  furniture 
is  so  elaborately  described,  points  in  the  same  direction   (Bn.,  Sk.). 

The  Chronicler  has  tables  (v.  ")  instead  of  sing,  to  conform  with 
I  Ch.  28"  and  probably  with  v.',  and  the  doors  of  the  two  rooms 
are  of  gold  (v.")  instead  of  the  hinges  (i  K.  7="")  (but  v.  i.).  For 
brevity,  also,  the  Chronicler  has  omitted  the  position  of  the  golden 
candlesticks  (v.  =»  compared  with  i  K.  7*'). — 19.  The  golden  altar]. 
This  appears  later  in  the  altar  of  incense  of  the  tabernacle  (Ex. 
30'  '■),  but  it  is  lacking  in  the  Temple  of  Ezekiel,  and  probably 
had  no  place  in  Solomon's  Temple  (DB.  II.  p.  467). — The  tables], 


3:^6  2    CHRONICLES 

in  I  K.  7<«  "the  table."  The  Chronicler  has  pluralised  to  conform 
with  V.  8  q.  V. — 20.  And  the  candlesticks]  the  lampstands  {cf.  v. '). 
— According  to  the  prescription].  Cf.  v. '.  The  reference  here  is  not 
to  their  form,  but  their  use.  21.  And  the  flowers]  the  flower-like 
ornaments  of  the  stands  on  which  the  lamps  rested  {cf.  Ex.  25""  ). 
22.  The  snuffers,  etc.]  the  utensils  for  the  care  of  the  lamps  and 
of  the  golden  altar  of  incense. — And  the  hinges  of  the  temple  of  the 
inner  doors  of  the  most  holy  place  and  of  the  doors  of  the  temple,  that 
is  the  temple  room  (the  holy  place),  were  of  gold*].  This  is  the  true 
reading  (v.  i.).  The  corrupt  text  makes  the  entire  doors  plated 
with  gold.  According  to  i  K.  6''  '•  the  doors  were  of  ohve  wood, 
overlaid  with  gold. 

19.  The  original  of  i  K.  7"  may  have  been  and  Solomon  placed  (nn) 
all  the  vessels  which  he  had  made  ip'i^';)  in  the  house  of  Yahweh  (Bn.). 
SBOT.  has  still  a  diflerent  text;  but  our  present  te.xt  of  i  K.  was  before 
the  Chronicler. — aM'^sn]  i  K.  nin\— Dn>''>"i  pun'^rn  pni]  i  K.  1!:'n  jn'^s-n  tni 
vS;. — At  the  end  of  the  verse  i  K.  has  anr. — 20.  After  nnjcn  pni  i  K.  7" 
hdisfive  on  the  right  hand  and  Jive  on  the  left  and  lacks  Mflrsa  ai>'3S  Dn\'^nji. 
— a-(>'3S]  in  order  that  they  should  burn. — 21.  anr  ni^30  Nin]  probably  a 
gloss,  since  wanting  in  i  K.  7''  and  also  (6.  niSsa  air. — 22.  i  K.  7="i  has 
niDDHi,  "  the  cups,"  before  nnDtoni. — nvcjisn  vmn^T  n^an  ^^rD^]  1  K. 
■•D^jDn  n>3n  ninSn'?  mnsni.  Hence  read  >^i^  '>^h•\h^  oji  'SnS  n^an  nv-iiji  as 
the  most  probable  original  of  Ch.  (Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ki.,  Bn.).  Ke.  de- 
fends npo  and  as  regards  the  opening  (door)  of  the  house  its  door  leaves, 
etc.,  followed  essentially  by  Kau.,  RV.  Accepting  this,  the  Chronicler 
thought  of  the  entire  doors  as  plated  with  gold. 

V.  1.  The  completion  of  the  furnishing  of  the  Temple. — A 

copy  of  I  K.  7". — 1.  llie  tilings  that  David  his  father  had  dedicated]. 
Although  this  statement  is  in  i  K.  7",  the  books  of  i  and  2  S.  and 
I  and  2  K.  contain  no  record  of  such  dedication  by  David  before- 
hand of  utensils  directly  made  with  the  Temple  in  view.  It  has, 
therefore,  been  thought  that  the  word  vessels  (utensils)  might,  after 
its  common  meaning,  include  weapons  and  thus  the  spoil  of  war 
which  David  did  dedicate  to  Yahweh  {cf.  1  Ch.  18"  2  S.  8'" ) 
(Sk.). 

V.  1.  nry]  eleven  mss.,  r  K.  7"  +  n'^sn. — ir'a'^]  i  K.  n'3. — nm]  read 
after  i  K.,  (&^^,  ft,  B,  pn.  The  waw  has  been  drawn  from  V3N. — ^:)\ 
wanting  in  eighteen  MSS.,  (&^^,  ft,  i  K.  (Ki.  BH.\. 


V.  2-14.]      REMOVAL   OF   ARK   INTO   THE   TEMPLE  337 

V.  2-VII.  10.  The  Dedication  of  the  Temple. 

V.  2-14.  The  bringing  of  the  ark. — A  copy  of  i  K.  8'-"  with 
the  addition  of  a  notice  of  the  priests  and  the  Levites  and  their 
musical  service  (vv.  I'b-iS"),  In  i  K.  this  section  represents  an  old 
narrative  revised  especially  by  a  priestly  editor.— 2.  Then]  i.e., 
after  the  completion  of  the  Temple  and  all  its  furniture. — Even  all 
the  heads  of  the  tribes,  the  princes  of  the  fathers'  houses]  a  true 
description  of //te  eWer^. — Zion].  Cf.  i  Ch.  15'. — 3.  At  the  Feast] 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  the  harvest  festival  at  the  close  of  the 
ingathering  of  fruit  crops. — In  the  seventh  month].  Nothing  in 
the  narrative  of  the  Chronicler  is  at  variance  with  this.  In  i  K. 
it  must  be  reconciled  with  the  statement  that  the  Temple  was 
finished  in  the  eighth  month  (i  K.  6'*).  The  building  may  have 
been  finished  earUer  than  the  utensils;  hence  the  dedication  may 
have  been  in  the  next  year  (Sk.). — 4.  And  the  Levites  took  up 
the  ark].  According  to  2  K.  8^,  the  Chronicler's  source,  the 
priests  took  up  the  ark.  This  reflects  the  older  usage  {cf.  Jos. 
23.6  56.12  §33  (JE.).  The  Chronicler  changed  priests  into  Levites 
to  bring  the  action  into  conformity  with  the  regulation  of  P 
which  assigned  the  duty  of  bearing  the  ark  to  the  Levites  (Nu. 
3"  4'^);  yet  in  v.  ^  he  allowed  the  double  expression,  the  priests 
the  Levites,  to  stand,  possibly  because  certain  utensils  might  well 
have  been  borne  by  the  priests,  and  in  v.'  the  word  priests 
was  properly  retained  (from  2  K.  8«),  since  when  the  Temple 
was  reached  only  the  priests  could  lawfully  place  the  ark  in 
the  holy  of  holies  (cf.  Nu.  4^  ^•). — 5.  The  tent  of  meeting  and 
all  the  holy  utensils  that  were  in  the  tent],  the  Mosaic  taber- 
nacle and  all  its  furniture,  which,  according  to  the  Chronicler, 
was  at  Gibeon  (2  Ch.  i^  f );  or  the  tent  David  erected  for  the  ark 
(2  S.  6''  I  Ch.  15')  (Be.).  The  former  was  without  question 
in  the  mind  of  the  priestly  editor  of  i  K.  who  inserted  this  ref- 
erence, and  also  this  was  the  view  of  the  Chronicler.  The  term 
tent  of  meeting  is  only  used  of  the  tabernacle. — 6.  Sacrificing 
before  the  ark].  Cf.  the  numerous  sacrifices  by  stages  when 
David  brought  up  the  ark  (2  S.  6'^). — 7.  Cf.  v.". — 8.  The  exact 
position  of  the  ark  under  the  cherubim  is  carefully  defined. — 
9.  And  the  staves  were  long  so  that  the  ends  of  the  staves  were  seen 


338  2    CHRONICLES 

from  the  holy  place*  before  the  oracle].  One  standing  in  the  holy 
place  could  see  in  the  darkness  of  the  most  holy  place  the  pro- 
jecting ends  of  the  staves  by  which  the  ark  was  carried. — Bui  tJiey 
were  not  seen  without].  But  one  outside  of  the  holy  place  could  not 
see  them.  So  generally ;  v.  i.  This  is  better  than  the  interpretation : 
"But  did  not  extend  beyond  the  door  "  (Sk.). — And  thete  they  are* 
unto  this  day].  The  retention  of  this  clause  from  i  K.  8'  is  an  ex- 
ample of  the  Chronicler's  unconcern  at  times  to  harmonise  his  text 
with  actual  conditions,  since  the  ark  and  its  staves  had  been  long 
since  destroyed. — 10.  Now  there  was  nothing  in  the  ark  except 
the  two  tables].  The  form  of  expression  implies  that  other  things 
besides  the  two  tables  might  have  been  expected  in  the  ark.  A  late 
Jewish  tradition  placed  within  the  ark  a  golden  pot  of  manna  and 
Aaron's  rod  (Heb.  9*).  A  modern  view  is  that  the  ark  contained 
one  or  two  sacred  stones  (St.  Gesch.  I.  pp.  457/.;  Now.  Arch.  11. 
pp.  5/.;  TKC.  EBi.  I.  col.  307),  "a  fetish"  in  which  Yahweh  dwelt 
(Sm.  Hist.  p.  71).  But  if  Moses  gave  laws  to  Israel  and  brought 
the  people  into  covenant  relation  to  Yahweh,  then  two  stone  tablets 
containing  the  ten  words  are  reasonably  the  historic  contents  of  the 
ark  {DB.  I.  p.  151). — Horeb]  the  mount  of  Yahweh's  revelation 
in  the  wilderness,  in  E  followed  by  D,  while  Sinai  in  J  followed  by 
P. — 11.  Ajid  it  came  to  pass  when  the  priests  had  come  out  of  the  holy 
place].  This  statement  from  i  K.  (S'"*)  and  continued  in  the  words 
of  v.'"',  that  then  the  house  was  filled  with  a  cloud,  even  the  house  of 
Yahweh  (i  K.  8""'),  is  interrupted  by  the  Chronicler  with  the  inter- 
vening vv. '"^-''".  The  Chronicler  expands  the  allusion  to  the 
priests  (i)  by  mentioning  how  all  the  priests  took  part  in  the  ser- 
vice and  not  simply  those  to  whom  in  course  the  service  might 
have  fallen  (v.  •"•);  (2)  by  describing  the  musical  service  at  the  con- 
clusion of  which  the  house  was  filled  with  the  cloud  of  Yahweh 
(vv.  "■"»). — Now  all  the  priests  who  were  at  hand  had  sanctified 
themselves  without  keeping  (their)  courses].  Ordinarily  the  priests 
served  in  turn  in  twenty-four  divisions  (i  Ch.  24"),  but  on  this  oc- 
casion all  officiated  without  reference  to  their  turn.  This  was  the 
custom  at  the  three  great  annual  festivals  (Schiir.  Gesch.  pp.  279 
/".). — 12.  A  nd  the  Levites,  who  were  singers  all  of  them].  In  a  similar 
manner  with  the  priests,  all  the  Levitical  singers,  who  ordinarily 


V.  2-14.]      REMOVAL   OF   ARK   INTO   THE   TEMPLE  339 

served  in  turn  in  twenty-four  courses  (i  Ch.  25'-"),  took  part  in  the 
dedication. — Asaph,  Heman,  and  Juduthiin]  the  leaders  or  the 
representatives  of  the  three  Levitical  choirs  (cf.  i  Ch.  6'«ff-  "'«  > 
15''  25'-*). — With  cymbals,  psalteries,  and  harps].  Cf.  1  Ch.  i5'«. — 
A  hundred  and  twenty  priests  sounding  with  the  trumpets].  The 
blowing  of  the  trumpets  was  a  duty  of  the  priests.  The  hazozerah 
was  the  priestly  instrument  par  excellence  (DB.  iv.  p.  816).  The 
one  hundred  and  twenty  represent  five  taken  from  each  of  the 
twenty-four  divisions. — 13  f.  And  it  came  to  pass  when,  as  one 
person,  even  the  trumpeters  and  the  singers  were  causing  one  sound  to 
be  heard  to  praise  and  to  give  thanks  unto  Yahweh,  and  when  they 
raised  a  sound  with  trumpets  and  with  cymbals  and  with  the  instru- 
ments of  song  and  when  they  praised  Yahweh,  saying.  For  he  is 
good;  for  his  loving  kindness  endureth  forever :  then  the  house  was 
full  of  the  cloud,  the  house  of  Yahweh].  The  Chronicler  introduces 
the  appearance  of  the  cloud  coincident  with  a  great  burst  of 
music  and  praise,  while  the  simpler  narrative  of  i  K.  presents 
more  clearly  the  thought  that,  when  the  ark  had  been  placed  in 
the  holy  of  holies,  the  cloud  filled  the  holy  place,  as  visible  token 
that  Yahweh  had  taken  up  his  abode  in  the  new  Temple. 

2.  S^rii^^]  I  K.  8'  '^'^i"':. — After  Sx  and  before  D^Su'n^  i  K.  has 
r\vhv  ^'7D^  wanting  in  (8  of  i  K.  and  hence  a  gloss. — 3.  i  K.  8^  has  noStt' 
(a  gloss)  after  "iScn;  and  aunxn  nnia  before  Jn2  omitted  by  the  Chron- 
icler because  in  his  day  the  old  Canaanite  names  of  the  months  had  long 
since  been  dropped  and  numbers  were  used  in  their  place.  That  is  the 
seventh  month  is  an  addition  to  the  original  text  of  K.  (SBOT.,  Bur.). 
Kau.  holds  the  text  of  K.  the  true  one  for  Ch.  Certainly  the  retention  of 
that  is  the  seventh  month  is  awkward  without  the  retention  of  Ethanim, 
but  such  awkwardness  of  the  Chronicler  is  not  unknown  elsewhere 
(cf.  I  Ch.  i4<  "in  Jerusalem  ")•— 4.  Q^Sn]  i  K.  8^  D'jnon.— 5.  |nNn] 
1  K.  8<  +  nin\— iSj?n]  i  K.  iS^^i.— a^iSn]  i  K.  D>iSm  also  (S,  H,  &.  The 
omission  of  the  1  is  perhaps  due  to  a  copyist  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Bn.,  Ki.). 
Since  iSjjn  is  in  Ch.,  it  is  probable  that  v.  ^^,  recognised  as  a  gloss  in  i 
K.  S*  (St.  SBOT.,  from  R.^,  Bur.,  since  wanting  in  (&^^^),  was  introduced 
into  I  K.  from  Ch.  (Bn.,  Ki.).  Yet  dmSh  D^jnjn  appears  also  in  23'8 
30";  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  Chronicler  and  his  readers 
through  their  familiarity  with  Deuteronomy  laid  any  stress  upon  pre- 
cision of  statement  in  the  use  of  the  phrase  the  priests  the  Levites ;  the 
two  classes  were  perfectly  distinct  in  their  own  mind,  as  much  so  as  if 
the  conjunction  and  had  been  used  between  them. — 6.  v'^j?]  i  K.  8'  H- 


340 


2    CHRONICLES 


inN. — 7.  D^jnan]  cf.  v.  <.  Here  the  Chronicler  retains  t]ie  priests. 
— 8.  'd-i  vn-i]  I  K.  8'  'rn  '2.— iddm]  i  K.  i:om.  Be.,  Ke.,  preferred 
the  latter  as  the  original  after  i  Ch.  28'*  Ex.  25-"  37',  but  Bn.  regards  the 
former  as  the  original  in  i  K.  on  the  basis  of  <&  irepieKdXvn-Tov.  This 
is  uncertain,  since  irepiKaXvirTU)  is  not  used  elsewhere  to  render  either 
verb  (Trom.  Concord.). — 9.  jnNn  p]  copyist  error;  yet  possibly  an 
intentional,  though  clumsy,  change  of  the  Chronicler,  who  did  not  wish  to 
think  of  the  ark  as  visible  from  the  holy  place,  cf.  3".  It  is  generally 
read  after  i  K.  8«,  (6^  and  some  Heb.  MSS.  cipn  jd  (Be.,  Ke.,  2k)e.,  Ki., 
Bn.).  Other  emendations:  oipn  Klo.,  Dipsn  Kamp.  (S^  combines 
both  readings. — '."I'l]  copyist  error  for  v.ti,  the  text  of  i  K.  and  (S 
(Be.,  Ki.). — 10.  PinSn]  i  K.  8'  D'jasn  mnS. — j.ij]  i  K.  njn  +  d^'. — 
After  3nn  both  here  and  in  i  K.,  Bn.  and  Ki.,  following  (&  in  K.,  supply 
nnan  nmS;  but  while  without  them  the  construction  is  awkward,  it 
does  not  seem  necessary  to  supply  them  (Bur.).  SBOT.  on  K.  regards 
'ui  ma  "yva,  owing  to  the  lack  of  connection,  as  a  gloss. — ansso]  i  K. 
onxD  v»NS. — 11.  '3]  here  introduces  an  e.xplanatory  clause  descriptive 
of  the  priests. — iidb'S  px]  Ges.  §  1146;  Dav.  Syn.  §§  94,  95  {h). — 
12.  oninNSi  .  .  .  oSaS]  S  of  specification,  even. — nnjoi]  governed  by 
preposition  with  previous  word,  cf.  Ges.  §  iighh;  Dav.  Syn.  §  loi. — 
onDj?]  to  be  taken  as  the  predicate. — 13.  tiii]  properly  a  resumption  of 
>n>i  in  V.  ". — a''isxnrS]  S,  and  with  following  word,  of  specification 
to  lifit  or  even. — p^c^'nS]  Ges.  §  114/.— SSn*^]  S  of  purpose. — anna  and 
SSna]  appear  correlative  with  yca'nS. — n'^o  n^am]  then  the  house  was 
filled,  cf.  Dr.  TH.  §  128,  i  K.  S'"  with  same  construction,  nSd  jjjrni 
mni  n-'a  pn.  Ki.  after  (6^  reads  riyn^  iiaa  ]y;  nSo  n>an.  Be.,  Kau.,  re- 
gard nini  n^a  as  a  gloss,  explanatory  of  n^'an  and  introduced  from  K. 
Bn.,  on  the  other  hand,  regards  the  text  of  Ch.  as  a  correction  from  K. 
of  one  who  held  n'^c  to  be  intransitive. — 14.  a'nSxn]  i  K.  8"  rl^7y\ 

VI.  1^2.  Solomon's  address  to  the  people  and  dedica- 
tory prayer. — Taken  (save  vv. '=■  ^' '  )  with  almost  no  variation 
from  1  K.  8'=^° '.  In  the  addition  in  v.  ••''  is  given  an  interpretation  of 
the  statement  that  Solomon  .stood  before  the  altar  (v.  '=)  (before  which 
properly  it  was  lawful  only  fc^r  the  priests  to  stand).  The  interpre- 
tation shows  that  he  did  not  really  stand  before  the  altar,  but  upon 
some  sort  of  a  brazen  improvised  pulpit  not  mentioned  elsewhere. 
In  vv.  ^' '  a  new  and  by  far  more  beautiful  conclusion  is  given  to  the 
prayer,  taking  the  place  of  i  K.  8"  (v."  and  portions  of  vv.  ">  " 
are  also  omitted). 

1-3.  Introduction. — 1.  Yahwcli  hath  promised  to  dwell  in  thick 
darkness  (cloud)]  cither  a  reference  to  the  cloud  which  had  filled 


VI.  1-11.]  SOLOMON'S    ADDRESS  341 

the  Tcmj)le  indicating  that  Yahweh  had  taken  up  his  abode  in  the 
newly  buih  Temple  (Be.);  or  to  be  understood  through  the  missing 
line  (v.  i.)  The  sun  hath  Yahweh  set  in  the  heavens.  The  passage 
then  means  that  Yahweh,  instead  of  confining  himself  to  the  realms 
of  light,  or  in  contrast  to  the  realms  of  light,  which  are  subordinate 
to  him,  dwells  in  the  thick  darkness  or  cloud,  and  hence  says 
Solomon,  I  have  built  him  a  Temple  whose  dark  inner  shrine  may 
fitly  serve  as  his  dwelling-place. — 2.  But].  This  antithesis  arises 
from  the  Chronicler's  change  of  the  text  (v.  i.).  The  change  is  un- 
fortunate. It  emphasises  Solomon's  building  of  the  Temple  in- 
stead of  the  fact  that  the  Temple  had  been  built  agreeably  to  the 
nature  of  God,  which  seems  to  be  the  meaning  of  i  K.  8'^,  which 
reads  /  have  surely  built  thee  a  lofty  mansion. — And^  wanting  in 
I  K.  {v.  i.). — 3.  And  the  king  turned  his  face  about\  The  writer 
thought  of  the  previous  words  uttered  by  Solomon,  with  his  face 
toward  the  Temple  and  his  back  to  the  assembled  people,  whom 
he  now  blessed  and  addressed.  In  i  K.  these  words  mark  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Deuteronomic  section,  embracing  the  speech  and 
prayer  of  Solomon. 

1.  These  vv.  ''•  appear  in  (8  of  i  K.  after  S'^-^'  with  the  following 
additional  words  D"'DB'a  |^3n  B>ca',  which  furnish  the  additional  line 
(■y.  s.)  which  is  incorporated  into  the  text  of  i  K.  as  original  by  We.,  Ki., 
Bn.,  Bur.,  Sk.,  et  al,  but  M  is  adhered  to  as  the  original  by  St.  SBOT. 
except  iDNH  instead  of  nnx.  JH  was  the  text  of  the  Chronicler. — 2. 
ijxi]  I  K.  813  nj3. — pDCi]  I   K.  poD. 

4-11.  Solomon's  address  to  the  people. — A  statement  of  the 
reasons  which  led  to  the  building  of  the  Temple,  based  largely 
upon  2  S.  y*"-. — 4.  And  hath  with  his  hands  fulfilled  it\  Yahweh 
had  promised  the  building  of  the  Temple  and  had  through  Solo- 
mon fulfilled  this  promise. — Saying\  The  promise  is  now  intro- 
duced.— 5.  Cf.  for  the  first  part  2  S.  7M  Ch.  17'.  The  turn,  how- 
ever, is  different  here.  There  the  thought  is  that  Yahweh  had 
only  dwelt  in  tents  and  did  not,  therefore,  care  for  a  "house  of 
cedar  ";  here,  that  hitherto  no  place  had  been  chosen  nor  yet 
person  to  carry  out  his  design. — That  my  name  might  be  there]. 
Where  Yahweh  dwelt  there  was  his  name,  a  term  expressive  of  the 
divine  nature  and  almost  if  not  quite  equivalent  to  person,  cf.  Dt. 


342  2    CHRONICLES 

12'  "  14"  i6'- «  "  26^ — 6.  Under  David  both  the  place  and  the 
dynasty  were  chosen. — 7.  David  cherished  the  design  of  building 
the  Temple,  but  it  was  overruled  (2  S.  7' «  i  Ch.  17'  '■). — 9.  Cf.  2 
S.  7"  I  Ch.  17'^ — 11.  Wherein  is  the  covenant]  i.e.,  the  tables  of 
the  covenant  {cf.  5'"). 

4.  v-i^3i]  I  K.  8'5  iTai. — 5.  ■'?:;•]  i  K.  18"  +  SN->ri  pn. — B'-ixs  }'-\n~] 
I  K.  onxcD,  cf.  51". — 'ji  ipnnj  h'^\\  wanting  in  i  K. — 6.  DC  .  .  .  nn3Ni] 
wanting  in  i  K.  and  (&^  of  Ch.,  but  given  in  (6^  of  K.,  which  is  fol- 
lowed by  Kau.,  Ki.,  Bn.,  but  not  by  St.  SBOT.—^.  'a]  i  K.  S"  cm  ^a. 
— 11.  jnNH  pn]  I  K.  82'  jnNS  oipD. — Sniso  •'ja  Dj?]  i  K.  wxina  ij'PaN  0;; 

CIXD  |nN3  DPN. 

12-42.  Solomon's  prayer  of  dedication. 

12-13.  The  position  of  Solomon. — 12.  Before  the  altar]  the 
great  altar  which  was  in  the  court  (</.  4'). — And  he  stretched  forth 
his  hands]  the  universal  attitude  of  prayer  (E.\.  g-^- "). — 13. 
This  verse  is  from  the  Chronicler.  The  narrative  of  i  K.  does  not 
mention  any  structure  upon  which  Solomon  knelt,  nor  yet  his 
kneeling  posture.  The  notion  of  the  structure  may  have  arisen 
from  the  desire  to  remove  Solomon  from  before  the  altar  as  a  place 
sacred  for  the  priests  (We.  Prol.  p.  186,  Bn.).  This  view  is  re- 
jected by  Oe. 

14-17.  Prayer  for  keeping  the  promise  to  David. — Ac- 
knowledged as  relatively  fulfilled  in  Solomon  and  the  Temple 
(v. "),  but  a  larger  fulfilment  is  desired  (v. "). — 14.  The  incom- 
parableness  of  Yahweh  as  a  covenant  God  is  described,  cf  Dt.  3" 
7'. — That  walk  before  thee  with  all  their  heart].  With  such  the  cov- 
enant is  kept. — 15.  As  it  is  this  day].  Solomon,  David's  promised 
son,  was  reigning  and  the  Temple,  the  promised  house,  had  been 
buiU  (2  S.  7'2  '■  I  Ch.  17"  ' ).— 16.  There  shall  not  be  cut  off,  etc.]. 
Cf.  7"  I  K.  2*  Je.  3321.  The  conditional  character  of  this  promise 
is  worthy  of  notice. 

18  21.  Prayer  for  answers  at  this  house. — Expressing  in 
general  terms  the  burden  of  all  the  following  seven  specific  petitions 
which  are  that  Yahweh  will  hear  (i)  the  oath  of  ordeal  (yv. " ' ),  (2) 
prayer  under  defeat  (vv.  "  ' ),  (3)  prayer  for  rain  (vv.=« ' ),  (4)  prayer 
under  various  calamities  (w.  "-"),  (5)  the  prayer  of  the  stranger 
(w.  «  ' ),  (6)  the  prayer  of  the  army  (vv. '< ' ),  (7)  grayer  in  cap- 


VI.  12-42.]  PRAYER   OF   DEDICATION 


343 


tivity  (vv.  36-39). — 18.  With  men]  an  addition  of  the  Chronicler; 
a  possible  softening  of  the  cruder  conception  of  mere  dwelling 
on  earth  with  the  thought  of  spiritual  communion. — 20.  Yahweh 
is  conceived  as  being  away  from  the  Temple  to  which  he  is 
asked  to  look  day  and  night,  and  yet  his  name  dwells  in  the  Tem- 
ple. He  is  both  present  and  absent. — 21.  When  thou  hearest,  for- 
give]. Every  answer  to  prayer  includes  the  forgiveness  of  sin  (Sk.). 

22  f.  The  oath  of  ordeal. — When  one  is  charged  with  crime 
and  made  to  affirm  his  innocence  by  taking  an  oath  of  curse,  or 
having  one  invoked  upon  him  by  the  priest,  Yahweh  is  asked  to 
decide,  by  fulfilling  the  curse  if  he  is  guilty,  or  leaving  him  un- 
harmed if  innocent  (r/.  Ex.  22'-i2  Nu.  5"-"). 

24  f .  Prayer  in  defeat. — If  the  people  are  defeated  in  war  Yah- 
weh is  asked  in  view  of  their  supplication  to  forgive  them  and  estab- 
lish them  in  their  land.  The  phrase  and  bring  them  again  into  the 
land  has  been  thought  inconsistent  with  prayer  in  this  house,  and 
hence  the  text  by  slight  emendation  has  been  made  to  read  and 
cause  them  to  remain  in  the  land  (Klo.,  Bn.).  But  this  is  not  nec- 
essary. Such  a  slight  inconsistency  does  not  affect  the  clear  mean- 
ing of  the  petition. — And  if  thy  people  Israel  be  smitten  down 
before  the  enemy,  because  they  have  sinned  against  thee].  That  de- 
feat in  battle  was  evidence  of  Yahweh's  displeasure  caused  by 
previous  sin  against  him  is  frequently  taught  in  the  OT.  {cf.  Jos. 
7»ff-  I  Ch.  21'*).  Beginning  with  the  belief  that  God  caused  the 
righteous  to  prosper  and  brought  misfortune  upon  the  wicked 
{cf.  Ex.  23201  •  Lv.  26,  Dt.  28),  the  ancient  Hebrew  also  inverted 
the  doctrine,  beheving  that  prosperity  proved  previous  righteous- 
ness and  adversity  antecedent  sin.  Thus  a  natural  catastrophe  not 
only  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  a  man's  property,  but  ruined  his 
reputation  as  well. 

26  f.  Prayer  in  drought. — Cf.  Dt.  1 113-17  28^^.  Drought  was  in- 
terpreted as  a  divine  punishment  for  sin,  v.  s.  vv.  24  f^  cf.  i  K.  17/ — 
Which  thou  hast  given  to  thy  people  for  an  inheritance].  Cf.  v." 
which  thou  gavest  to  them  and  to  their  fathers,  and  v.  "  which 
thou  gavest  unto  our  fathers.  The  land  was  considered  a  sacred 
gift  to  Abraham,  and  a  holy  inheritance  of  his  seed  after  him, 
cf.  Gn.  12^  et  al. 


344  2    CHRONICLES 

28-31.  Prayer  in  various  calamities. — This  covers  every  case 
of  misfortune  (</.  v.  "). — 28.  Caterpillar]  "consumer"  (EVs.), 
properly  a  kind  of  locust  (c/.  Jo.  i<). — In  the  land  of  their  gates]  i.e., 
cities.  The  gates  were  considered  sacred,  which  perhaps  accounts 
for  the  use  of  "gates"  for  "cities"  (r/.  Dt.  i2'2  et  at.,  v.  EBi.  II.  col. 
1645). — 29.  Who  shall  know  every  man  his  own  plague  and  his  own 
sorrow]  i.e.,  let  Yahweh  hearken  unto  every  suppliant  who  has  rec- 
ognised that  his  misfortunes  are  a  just  divine  punishment. — 30. 
According  to  all  his  ways]  does  not  mean  that  God  should  recom- 
pense him  according  to  his  acts,  for  he  has  just  suffered  punish- 
ment on  their  account;  rather,  may  Yahweh  render  according  as 
he  perceives  the  sincerity  of  the  sinner's  repentance. — For  thou, 
even  thou  only,  knowest  the  hearts  of  the  children  of  men].  Yahweh's 
recompense  is  just  even  if  it  may  not  appear  so,  for  he  only  is  able 
to  perceive  man's  true  condition. 

32  f.  Prayer  of  the  foreigner. — No  condition  is  placed  upon 
the  foreigner.  Thus  the  teaching  here  is  broader  than  that  of 
the  promise  of  Is.  56^ ' ,  which  requires  of  the  foreigner  the  keep- 
ing of  the  Sabbath  day  as  a  condition  of  being  heard  by  Yah- 
weh.— 33.  For  thy  name  is  called  upon  this  house].  The  name 
of  Yahweh  was  pronounced  upon  the  house,  i.e.,  the  house  was 
called  by  his  name  and  he  became  its  owner.  This  involved 
responsibility  for  its  welfare  on  the  part  of  Yahweh  (cf  EBi.  III. 
col.  3266). 

34  f.  Prayer  in  war. — This  petition  is  parallel  to  vv.  ««  '•,  but 
there  the  prayer  is  for  aid  against  an  enemy  which  has  been  vic- 
torious because  of  Israel's  sin,  while  here  the  writer  is  thinking  of 
a  petition  for  aid  when  Yahweh  shall  send  Israel  forth  in  a  right- 
eous war.  With  the  following  petition  it  is  usually  regarded 
as  an  exihc  addition  in  i  K.  (i.e.,  D-)  (so  Kau.,  St.  SBOT., 
Sk.). 

36-39.  Prayer  in  captivity.— C/.  Dt.  30"  Lv.  26"  «'.  This 
petition  in  i  K.  8  is  considerably  longer  (vv. "  'P").  The  Chron- 
icler substituted  a  more  beautiful  ending  to  the  prayer  in  vv. "". 

40  42.  The  conclusion  of  the  prayer. — Written  by  the  Chron- 
icler. This  differs  widely  from  the  conclusion  given  in  i  K.  8"-", 
where  the  pica  for  a  hearing  of  prayer,  after  Dt.  9-'  ",  is  based 


VI.  12-42.J  PRAYER   OF   DEDICATION  345 

upon  Yahweh's  possession  of  Israel  through  their  redemption  from 
Egypt.  Here,  on  the  other  hand,  with  customary  post-exilic  forms 
of  invocation,  the  plea  rings  with  greater  exultation  in  the  thought 
of  the  Temple  being  the  resting-place  of  Yahweh,  the  abode  of 
his  ark  and  of  his  priests,  and  in  remembrance  of  the  good  deeds 
of  David  or  (better)  the  divine  covenant  with  him. — 40.  Let  thine 
eyes  be  opened].  Cf.  v.  2°  7'^  i  K.  8"-  "  Ne.  i«  Dn.  9'^. — And  thine 
ears  attentive].  Cf.  7'*  Ne.  i«"  Ps.  130% — The  prayer  of  this 
place]  i.e.,  the  prayer  directed  toward  this  place,  cf.  v."  (Be.), 
rather  than  in  this  place  (Ke.,  RV.). — 41.  Parallel  with  Ps.  132% 
from  which  it  was  probably  taken. — Arise  Yahweh]  the  first 
words  of  the  ancient  song  of  the  ark,  Nu.  lo'^ — For  thy  resting, 
etc.].  Yahweh  and  his  ark  had  hitherto  had  no  permanent 
dwelling-place  in  Israel. — Be  clothed  with  salvation].  Attributes 
are  represented  in  the  OT.  as  clothing  put  on  (cf.  Jb.  29"  Ps. 
93'  104'  Is.  1 1 5).  Salvation  is  equivalent  to  righteousness. — A  fid 
let  thy  pious  ones  (those  devoted  to  the  service  of  Yahweh)  re- 
joice in  prosperity. — 42.  Turn  not  away  the  face  of  thine  anointed] 
i.e.,  hear  his  prayer.  The  anointed,  then,  is  Solomon.  The 
words  are  from  Ps.  132'". — Loving  kindnesses  of  David]  either 
shown  to  David,  especially  the  promises  made  to  him  {cf.  Is. 
55')  (so  RV.,  Be.,  Kau.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ki.),  or,  less  good,  after  32^2, 
the  good  deeds  of  David  (RVm.,  Ke.). 

12.  -\ci"i]  I  K.  822  -I-  nnSty. — vflD]  i  K.  -f  o-'Ctr-n,  with  which  this 
final  clause  of  v.  ^-  is  repeated  at  the  end  of  v. ''. — 13.  Sxia"^  .  .  .  nt'];  'o 
wanting  in  i  K. — iro]  elsewhere  a  pot  or  basin,  hence  the  platform  may 
have  been  round-like  in  structure  (BDB.),  but  it  is  better  to  read  fV3  from 
\\D  (formation  like  iisS  from  isS,  etc.)  {cf.  Am.  526?)  platform,  cf.  (&  ^dan 
(Klo.,  Oe.). — '1JI  tf\s''i]  repeated  from  end  of  v.  '2. — 14.  }nN3i  cca'a]  i  K. 
8"  nn.-iD  Y^an  Sp  Sjjcd  a>vv2. — 16.  'mina]  (an  interpretation  of)  i  K.  S^^ 
'JB*?. — 17.  nin>]  wanting  in  i  K.,  but  given  in  some  MSS.  and  in  C5,  &,  TS,  of 
I  K.,  hence,  as  usage  in  this  chapter  shows,  is  to  be  received  into  the  text  of 
I  K.  (Ki.  BH.,  St.  SBOT.).—]T:i<>]  4  mss.,  i  K.  82«  -I-  nj.— n^iS]  i 
K.  ON  nn. — 18.  mxn  pn]  wanting  in  i  K.  8",  though  given  in  (B  of  K., 
and  thus  accepted  by  Klo.,  Bn.,  Bur.,  but  not  by  St.  SBOT.— 19.  At 
the  end  of  the  verse  after  y:s^  i  K.  8=*  -I-  Dvn  given  also  in  C5. — 20. 
nS'»'?i  DDr]  I  K.  829  qvi  nS>S,  (g,  &,  in  i  K.  agree  with  Ch. — oa*  ^DB'  dib''^] 
I  K.  829  a!j>  ictt*  n>rt\ — 21.  >jijnr]  i  K.  S'"  njnn. — D'nB'n  p  nnas'  Dipcc] 
a  direct  change  by  the  Chronicler  from  O'DSTi  Sn  "jnaa'  oipc  Sn  of  i  K. 


346  2   CHRONICLES 

8'°,  making  an  easier  construction  (Sn  denoting  in  or  at  is  not  common). 
— 22.  dh]  I  K.  8"  n::'^  pn,  a  change  by  the  Chronicler  for  an  easier  con- 
struction.— nS>s  Nji]  <S  here  and  in  K.  has  n?t<i  n3i  and  he  comes  and 
swears,  which  is  preferred  by  Kau.,  Ki.,  Bn.,  and  Bur.  on  K.,  but 
SBOT.  and  Ki.  on  K.  have  nSxa  Nai  after  Ne.  lo". — 23.  a^rrn  jc]  i  K. 
§32  a>2!t'n  simply  ace.  of  place.  The  Chronicler  has  similarly  inserted 
?2  before  B''=i:'n  in  w.  ^s-  'o. — y^jnS  yi'r\'^]  read  after  i  K.  8"  and  <S 
j'ttn  y^cnnS  demanded  by  the  parallelism  of  the  following  clause  (Ki., 
Bn.). — 24.  HJJ' 0!<>]  I  K.  8"  f)Jjn3. — >3]  i  K.  ->rN. — na-i]  i  K.  4-  I'Sn 
although  wanting  in  (&,  which  is  followed  by  SBOT.,  but  since  the 
phrase  to  turn  unto  Yahweh  is  very  frequent  Bur.  prefers  to  retain  it. 
The  pronoun  is  certainly  understood. — TJdS]  i  K.  i^Ss. — 25.  js]  cf. 
V.  «. — 1  on?]  wanting  in  i  K.  8»<. — 26 .  Supply,  after  i  K.  8«,  i  before 
DDNDnc. — OJV'"^]  to  be  vocalised  ZiXjr  after  (6  in  i  K.  855  (S  (Oe.,  Kau., 
Bn.,  Ki.,  also  AV.,  RV.).  Ba.  prefers  (with  RVm.  and  &)  ffl  because 
thou  answerest  them. — 27.  Note  O'sa'n  without  the  J3,  cf.  vv.  '^  ^  ">. 
Ki.  inserts,  after  (&,  B. — 28.  n-n''  13  3>-\]  an  order  of  words — subject,  con- 
junction, and  verb — not  infrequent  in  P  (Lv.  i^  2'  4'  5'  <,  et  al.,  also 
Is.  28'8  Mi.  5'  Ps.  62")  (see  Bur.  i  K.  8")-— The  i's  before  rp->>  and 
S>Dn  are  wanting  in  i  K.  8". — v3''n]  (8,  i  K.  13'n. — yixa]  read  inNJ  after 
(6  of  K.  (Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.).  Oe.  reads,  after  B,  v■\•;^~•2^  ixin3.  (6  has 
Karhavri  tGiv  wdXeojv.  Ba.  suggests  |no3  by  making  a  breach  in  his 
gates.  This  verse  breaks  off  abruptly  without  final  verb — aposiopesis 
(Ges.  §167). — 29.i3N3;:i  lyjj]  i  K.  828133'?  j-jj. — 30.  O'ss-n  p]  cf.  v.  23. — 
After  nnSoi  i  K.  8"  has  n-'S-yi. — 33*^]  manyMSS.,  i  K.  +  S3. — 31.  nsSS 
T3-\i3]  wanting  in  i  K.  8". — 32.  i-ojn  '^s  sji]  ^bl  ,-,-jn  S3  without  Sn,  a 
reading  followed  by  Klo.  in  i  K.  8". — After  ncc  i  K.  8'=  has  pycs'^  ^3 
"IDS'  PN,  which  seems  to  have  been  omitted  through  an  oversight  by  the 
Chronicler  or  by  a  copyist  by  homoeoteleuton. — 33.  n,-iNi]  1  wanting  in 
I  K.  8",  but  there  in  <S. — O'ss-n  p]  cf.  v. "-';  similarly  i  K.  8"  has  ]^2r) 
instead  of  p3CD. — 34.  V3'n]  i  K.  8"  la-N. — ^^S^•]  i  K.  mn^  Sn.  The 
former,  required  by  the  person  of  the  verbs,  may  be  the  original  (St. 
SBOT.,  Bur.).— PNtn  -t^yn]  i  K.  n^n.  The  Chr6nicler  has  added  the 
pronoun  for  the  sake  of  clearness. — 35.  D''ca'n  jc]  cf.  v.  ". — 36.  After 
V^N  I  K.  8"  has  3MNn,  but  ^  of  i  K.  also  omits  it,  and  the  lack  of  the 
article  with  nrnpi  and  n2^•^p  shows  that  the  word  is  an  insertion  (St. 
SBOT.).— 37.  D>3r]  I  K.  8"  anor.  The  reading  of  Ch.  is  probably 
correct  (Bur.),  but  St.  SBOT.  retains  1^. — ij>'i-ii  inyn]  i  K.  in;'ni 
M';v\.  1  should  go  with  both  verbs  (SBOT.,  ft)  or  be  rejected  before 
both  (Bur.  after  (S,  "0,  QI  of  i  K.  andCgof  Ch.).— 38.  D'3S'].  Connection 
requires  after  (&  cnoc  (Ki.,  Bn.).  i  K.  8*'  has  Dn>3iN. — dpn  13'^  icn] 
wanting  in  (6"-^,  but  not  in  (6^. — After  iSSdphi  i  K.  has  yhn. — n^ym]  ^  is 
wanting  in  i  K. — PoSi]  i  K.  P^3ni  which  Bn.  reads. — 39.  p3=r  O'cm  p] 
cf.  V.  ". — on'Pjnr]  i  K.  8«»  opjnn. 


Vn.  1-22.]  CONCLUSION   OF   DEDICATION  347 

VII.  1-22.  The  closing  events  following  the  prayer  of  dedica- 
tion.—In  I  K.  8=^-9 » the  first  of  these  events  is  Solomon's  blessing 
of  the  people  (vv. ''-''),  which  is  entirely  omitted  by  the  Chronicler, 
perhaps  because  he  had  already  removed  Solomon  in  a  sense  from 
his  position  before  the  altar,  placing  him  upon  a  brazen  pulpit  (6"), 
and  perhaps  because  he  regarded  such  a  blessing  as  the  especial 
function  of  a  priest,  or  perhaps  simply  because  he  thought  tradi- 
tion had  supplied  a  better  conclusion  in  the  story  of  fire  descending 
from  heaven  which  he  narrates.     This  story  certainly  enhanced  the 
importance  of  the  occasion  and  testified  that  the  divine  approbation 
was  given  as  clearly  at  the  completion  of  the  Temple  as  at  the  time 
of  the  original  selection  of  its  site  (i  Ch.  2i^«).    The  statement  that 
with  the  descent  of  the  fire  the  glory  of  Yahweh  filled  the  house 
and  that  the  priests  could  not  enter  (v.=),  is  most  natural  in  this 
connection.     Yet  since  the  cloud  had  also  manifested  itself  before 
Solomon's  prayer,  according  to  the  narrative  given  in  i  K.  8'°  '-and 
reproduced  in  5'%  it  has  been  assumed  that  here  another  written 
source  was  used  by  the  Chronicler  (Bn.,  Ki.),  yet  the  Chronicler 
could  have  invented  this  narrative  even  as  he  added  the  miraculous 

fire  in  i  Ch.  2i''«. 

1.  NowwkenSolomonhadtnadean  end  of  praying].  Thesewords 

are  from  i  K.  S^*.— The  fire,  etc.].  Cf.  i  Ch.  2i«  i  K.  i8-'«  and 
especially  for  this  and  the  following  verse  Lv.  9"  ' .  That  offerings 
were  at  hand  on  the  altar  for  sacrifice  after  the  prayer  of  dedication 
is  most  natural;  hence  the  omission  of  any  reference  to  their  prepa- 
ration is  not  striking  (cf.  also  s^-— 2.  Cf.  5-  Ex.  40-'  —3.  The 
pavement]  clearly  a  marked  feature  of  the  court  of  the  Temple 
(cf.  Ez.  4o>'  '•).  <these  verses  show  how  the  narrative  of  P  con- 
cerning the  appearances  of  Yahweh  in  connection  with  the  taber- 
nacle, influenced  at  the  time  of  the  Chronicler  the  story  of  Solo- 
mon's Temple. 

4-7.  The  sacrifices  of  the  King  and  people.— Taken  from  i  K. 
8«-«S  with  the  addition  of  the  musical  service  of  the  priests  and  the 
Levites  mentioned  in  v.«. — 5.  Twenty-two  thousand  oxen  and  a 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand  sheep].  The  correctness  of  these 
figures  cannot  be  tested  because  the  number  of  persons  present  at 
the   dedication   is   difficult   to   estimate.     The   number    120,000 


348 


2    CHRONICLES 


(10,000  for  each  tribe)  appears  to  be  artificial.  In  Roman  times 
256,500  paschal  lambs  are  said  to  have  been  slaughtered  in  a  few 
hours  (Jos.  BJ.  vi.  9,  3). — 6.  According  to  their  offices]  i.e.,  in  their 
appointed  positions  {aiij  ihren  Posten,  Kau.).  The  Levites  also 
stood  in  similar  stations  with  the  musical  instruments  designed 
for  sacred  service  which  David  had  made  (cf.  i  Ch.  23'  .\m.  6')  to 
give  thanks  unto  Yahweh  (for  his  loving  kindness  endureth /orCT^er) 
when  David  praised  through  their  ministry  (lit.  their  hands).  The 
emphasis  is  on  the  fact  of  the  Levites  using  instruments  "  which 
David  had  introduced  when  he  praised  God  by  the  playing  of  the 
Levites  "  (Ke.). — And  the  priests  sounded,  etc.].  Cf.  5'^ — 7.  More- 
over, Solomon  halloiced  the  middle  of  the  court  that  was  before  the 
house  of  Vahweh].  This  statement,  taken  substantially  from  i  K. 
8",  purports  to  be  the  description  of  a  temporary  altar,  but  prob- 
ably preserves  the  memory  of  the  real  and  only  altar  of  Solomon's 
day,  viz.,  the  top  of  the  rock  in  front  of  the  house,  cf.  note  on  4'. 
— Because  the  brazen  altar  which  Solomon  had  tnade  was  not  able  to 
receive,  etc.].  The  glossator  who  introduced  the  brazen  altar  into 
I  K.  8«<  probably  thought  of  a  smaller  structure  than  that  which  the 
Chronicler  describes  (4'),  hence  this  remark  is  less  appropriate 
here  than  in  i  K. 

8-10.  The  feast. — Taken  from  i  K.  8" ' ,  with  the  following 
notable  modifications.  In  the  original  text  of  Kings  the  feast,  pre- 
sumably that  of  the  Tabernacles,  lasted  seven  days,  and  on  the 
eighth  day  the  people  were  dismissed  to  their  homes.  This  duration 
of  the  feast  is  in  accordance  with  the  Deuteronomic  law  (Dt.  16"). 
In  Chronicles  we  have  not  one  festival,  but  two;  first  that  of  the 
Dedication  of  the  Altar,  seven  days,  and  secondly  that  of  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles,  seven  days.  This  first  appears  in  i  K.  8«'  in  the  and 
seven  days  even  fourteen  days,  but  those  words  are  wanting  in  C5^^, 
and  the  way  in  which  the  next  verse  commences  with  reference  to 
the  eighth  day  shows  that  they  formed  no  part  of  the  original  text, 
but  have  crept  in,  probably  through  the  influence  of  Chronicles 
or  the  tradition  which  Chronicles  represents  (Ki.,  Bn.,  Bur.,  550  J"., 
el  al.).  The  Chronicler  seems  to  have  taken  exception  to  the  use  of 
the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  which  served  for  a  special  purpose,  for 
the  dedication  of  the  Temple,  and  makes  the  King  therefore  cele- 


Vn.  1-22.]  CONCLUSION   OF   DEDICATION  349 

brate  a  double  feast:  the  dedication  of  the  Temple  from  the  eighth 
to  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  seventh  month,  and  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles from  the  fifteenth  to  the  twenty-second  day,  the  people  being 
dismissed  on  the  twenty-third  (v.  '»)  {SBOT.  on  K.).    He  also  in- 
troduces on  the  eighth  day  of  the  second  festival  a  holy  assembly 
(v.  9)  after  the  law  of  P,  which  added  this  to  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles (Lv.  23'«),  and  thus  his  day  of  dismissal  is  the  ninth  day,  the 
twenty-third  day  of  the  seventh  month  (v. '»).     (The  Feast  of  Tab- 
ernacles commenced  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  month  and  its  last 
day  was  the  twenty-first  day;  the  following  day  of  holy  convocation 
was  the  twenty-second,  and  the  day  after  that  the  twenty-third.) 
—8.  So  Solomon  held  the  feast  at  that  time  seven  days]  i.e.,  the  Feast 
of  Tabernacles  from  the  fifteenth  to  the  twenty-first  of  the  seventh 
month  (v.  s.).—From  the  entrance  of  Hamath  unto  the  brook  of 
Egypt]  the  extreme  northern   and  southern  boundaries  respec- 
tively, cf.  I  Ch.  135.    The  brook  of  Egypt  is  usually  identified  with 
mod.  Wddy  el  Artsh,  south-west  of  Palestine  in  the  wilderness  of 
Paran  (cf  EBi.  II.  col.  1249;  DB.  I.  p.  667).— 9.  On  the  eighth 
day]  the  twenty-second  of  the  seventh  month.— The  dedication  of 
the  altar  seven  days]  from  the  eighth  to  the  fourteenth  (v.  s.). 
—10.  Unto  their  tents]  not  unusual  for  homes,  cf  Ps.  91 '»  Ju.  19' 
et  al. 

11-22.  The  vision  in  answer  to  Solomon's  prayer.— Based 
upon  I  K.  9'-%  yet  containing  the  independent  vv.  '^t^-'s. 

This  new  matter,  from  the  common  expression  my  ears  shall  be  at- 
tentive (marp  >jrN),  seems  akin  to  the  new  ending  to  the  dedicatory 
prayer,  and  hence  the  entire  paragraph,  since  the  text  of  i  K.  also  in 
other  points  is  not  always  closely  followed,  is  held  by  Bn.  and  Ki.  to 
have  come  from  another  source  than  i  K.,  but  there  is  really  no  reason 
why  the  Chronicler  need  not  have  written  it. 

12.  For  a  house  of  sacrifice].  This  phrase,  while  in  full  accord 
with  the  Deuteronomic  idea  of  the  choice  of  the  sanctuary  as  a 
dwelling-place  of  the  divine  name  (given  in  i  K.  9'  and  v.  '«),  yet  ex- 
presses more  distinctly  the  priestly  idea  of  the  Temple  as  the  place 
of  sacrifice.— 13.  This  and  the  two  following  verses  in  their  con- 
dition and  promise  are  parallel  with  the  form  of  Solomon's  prayer 
in  the  previous  chapter  (cf  6"-»'-  "-").— 14.    My  people  upon 


o^O  2    CHRONICLES 

whom  my  name  is  called].  This  idiom  means  that  they  belong  to 
Yahweh,  hence  Yahweh  owes  them  protection,  cf.  6". — 15.  Cf. 
6*0. — 20.  A}id  I  ivill  make  it  a  proverb  and  a  by-word  among  all 
peoples]  the  Deuteronomic  punishment  for  disobedience,  cf.  Dt. 
28",  also  Jc.  24». 

1.  ncSs'  mSaDi]  i  K.  8"  '1J1  ^nn. — -n^  vn7^^]  Dr.  TH.  §  128,  p.  89  f.n.; 
Ges.  §  1 1 16. — 3.  pmni]  Ges.  §  1132;  Ew.  §  351  c.  Such  a  form  of  the 
inf.  abs.  is  not  entirely  unknown  elsewhere,  cf.  Ges.  §§  JSn.ff.,  1133c. 
— 4.  Di'n  S3i]  I  K.  8"  1CJ?  Sn->s»  Sai. — 5.  iScn]  wanting  in  i  K.  8", 
though  there  in  (5.— i  K.  after  nat  has  nin^S  na?  -wh  o-'cSs-n  and  ipa  in- 
stead of  "^p^n  in  Ch.  Kau.  prefers  ipa  as  the  necessary  correlative  form 
with  INS.— O'hSn]  I  K.  nin\ — ayn]  i  K.  hn-\-^^  'J3. — 6.  ann-:'^s  S*]  (S  inl 
rds  0i/Xa/cds.  B  /«  suls  officiis,  Be.  t'or  //zrew  Geschdften,  Oe.  wfcfr  //:re« 
Ohliegenlieilen,  Ki.  6e/  f/:r<j«  Dienstverrichtungen. — ■'Mt  nc;?  -\s',s]  (gBA 
ToO  Laveib. — aio  T'n  SSna]  (&  iv  \jfivois  Aavel8  dia  xf'P^s  avrQu,  "B  hymnos 
David  ca)ientes  per  maniis  siias,  approved  by  Be.,  Zoe.,  and  Oe.,  who 
translates  mil  dent  Hallel  Davids  von  ihnen  vorgetragen,  and  Kau. 
indent  sie  so  den  Lob  pre  is  Davids  vortrugen,  and  Ki.  mil  dem  von  ihnen 
angestimmten  Lobgesang,  yet  the  view  of  Ke.,  given  above,  is  to  be  pre- 
ferred.—onxsnc]  cf.  I  Ch.  15'-^— 7.  Instead  of  nc'^^' !:'-<,-i''i  i  K.  86<  has 
"iScn  Bnp  Ninn  mo. — m^yn]  i  K.  has  sing,  followed  by  nnjsn  pki. — 
D^aSpn  nxi  nnjcn  pni  7\hj:n  ph  SthS  hD'  nS  no'i'i'  n-^-y  •\Z'ti]  1  K.  has  "«»« 
D'oSirn  >3^n  n!<i  nnjcn  pni  nSi>'^  r^  S^ana  P|i  nin^  •'jdS.  The  Chronicler 
introduces  the  altar  as  Solomon's,  in  view  of  its  size,  i  K.  mentions  no 
such  great  altar  {cf.  4'). — 8.  In  i  K.  S"  N'nn  nya  precede  jnn  and  njjau' 
0'D>  followed  by  the  gloss  {v.  s.)  Dv  ib'?  nyaiN  D>a^  nj;as'i  close  the  verse, 
but  between  onxs  and  0''n^  nyaa*  i  K.  has  the  words  irnSs  nin'  ^jdV. — 9. 
This  verse,  save  in  the  words  ''J''2S'n  ova,  is  entirely  independent  of  i 
K.  8««. — 10.  In  I  K.  8'5«  the  dismissal  is  on  the  8th  day  (of  the  feast)  in- 
stead of  the  2yd  of  the  month  of  the  seventh  month.  And  instead  of  sim- 
ply an^Sns'?  ayn  pn  h'tb',  i  K.  has  an^Sn^S  i^S^i  I'^sn  pn  laian  aj:n  pn  nS-;-. — 
naron  S']  some  mss.,  1  K.  'n  Sa  Sy.— i^n'-]  i  K.  -f-  na?.— ns'-f'^i]  an 
addition  of  the  Chronicler.— 11.  p>a  px  ns'-c  Sa^]  i  K.  9'  Pi':'aa 'no 
pua*?  ncSc — pia-yS  ncSr  aS  Sj?  Nan  Sa  pni]  i  K.  fon  irN  na^'S'  r''"n  Sa  pni 
Pitt'i'S.  The  remainder  of  the  verse  is  wanting  in  i  K.— 12.  nS'Sa]  want- 
ing in  I  K.  9*  or  represented  in  p''JB*,  which  is  followed  by  vSn  hnij  ns'xa 
pj?aja,  entirely  omitted  in  Ch.  After  "icnm  i  K.  9'  has  nin>  and  also  vSn 
instead  of  iS.  The  new  matter  in  Ch.  follows  in':'OP,  commencing, 
however,  with  a  parallel  to  /  have  sanctified  this  house  in  the  statement 
I  have  chosen  this  place  for  myself,  etc.— 16.  The  text  of  i  K.  g^'fi  *>  is 
now  resumed  and  introduced  with  Mina  npjj  of  v.  "b,  and  ^  is  placed 
before  vsnpn  and  npja  t;*n  is  omitted  after  ntn,  and  pvn^  jg  read  in- 
stead of  aiu'':'.- 17.  After  i^n  i  K.  9*  has  tsr^ai  aa*^  ara.— Pic-y'^i]  1  is 


Vm.  1-18.]  VARIOUS   ACTS    OF   SOLOMON  -^-j 

wanting  in  i  K.,  and  should  be  struck  out  (Be.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Ki.),  yet  may 
be  retained  and  inf.  construed  as  a  continuation  of  iSn,  cf.  Dia>Si  i  S. 
8'2  3ii:'i  2  Ch.  3o9,  Dr.  TH.  §  206,  Ges.  §  114/).— 'pm]  i  K.  \-'n,  but 
<S,  B,  &,  have  ■'pm. — 18.  ^n1oSD]  cf.  i';  i  K.  qs  ^n^SDD  followed  by 
dS;?'?  '^Nns''  Sy. — T'n'?  imo]  i  K.  nn  Sy  ■•mai.  With  iniD  one  would  ex- 
pect nna  (yet  c/.  5'°),  but  probably  ^mo  in  Ch.  has  come  into  the  text 
by  copyist  glancing  forward  to  niDi  nS  (Be.). — Snt^'U  Sitid]  i  K.  ndo  S:?d 
Sniu'v  Be.  thought  the  change  in  Ch.  due  directly  to  the  remembrance 
of  Mi.  5'.  ^  in  I  K.  has  this  reading  of  Ch. — 19.  The  introductory 
1  is  lacking  in  i  K.  9^  and  before  "[mirn  i  K.  has  3ia'  inf.  absoL,  and  after 
DHN  has  nnNO  D3''J31  and  ncs-n  n'^i  instead  of  onaryi,  and  the  next  two 
words  are  transposed. — 20.  •'naiN  Sj?d  D^-ia'nji]  i  K.  9'  Ssna^  pn  '•moni 
nmNn  ^Jo  Syn.  In  i  K.  nm  after  n-an  is  wanting,  and  instead  of  T'StS's 
cast  out,  it  has  nSfx  ^ewi  oj<<,  and  Snt^''  n-m  instead  of  ujhki. — 21. 
yvSy  nin  icn]  i  K.  98  yrSp  n\n\  The  text  of  Ch.  is  an  endeavour  to  con- 
strue the  predicate  of  nrn  r\^iT\  as  a  relative  and  thus  make  sense  with 
the  adj.  jv*^]?.  The  true  reading  in  i  K.  was  D^^y  ruins  instead  of 
Ii'''?JJ  (after  "-^'x^  desolate  of  ^,  Ki.,  Bur.,  SBOT.,  et  al.)  and  this  house 
shall  be  ruins:  everyone  who  passes  by,  etc. — So'^]  on  the  subj.  intro- 
duced by  S  cf.  Ges.  §  143?.  i  K.  has  '^o. — After  Dir'i  i  K.  has  pna'i. — 
nD3  ncxi]  I  K.  has  no  hy  ncs'i. — 22 .  oninas  >nSN]  i  K.  9*  D^^^'7^t. — DN''Xin] 
I  K.  anjN  rx  Nixin. — After  N''2n  i  K.  has  nin\ 

VIII.  1-18.  Various  Doings  of  Solomon. — Taken  with 
some  changes  from  i  K.  9'"=". 

1-2.  The  exchange  of  cities  with  Hiram. — I  K.  9'"  ".  This 
transaction  has  been  given  an  entirely  different  appearance  by  the 
Chronicler.  According  to  the  narrative  of  Kings,  Solomon  gave  the 
King  of  Tyre  twenty  cities  (towns  or  villages)  in  payment  for  timber 
and  gold,  and  Hiram  was  displeased  with  them,  although  he  seems 
to  have  annexed  them  under  the  name  Cabal  to  his  kingdom.  But 
according  to  the  narrative  of  Chronicles,  Solomon  received  the 
cities  from  Hiram  and  rebuilt  or  embellished  or  fortified  and  colo- 
nised them  with  Israelites.  The  two  statements  have  been  har- 
monised (i)  by  the  assumption  that  Solomon  first  ceded  the  twenty 
cities  to  Hiram,  who,  because  they  were  in  bad  condition  or  of  little 
worth  (cf.  I  K.  9'2), restored  them  to  him,  whereupon  Solomon  built 
them  up  (Jos.  Ant.  viii.  5,  3,  Seb.  Schmidt,  Starke,  Dahler,  Ke.); 
(2)  by  the  assumption  that  Solomon  gave  Hiram  twenty  Israelitish 
cities  for  which  the  latter  gave  him  twenty  Phoenician  cities,  and 
that  Kings  refers  to  the  former  gift  and  Chronicles  to  the  latter 


352 


2    CHRONICLES 


(Kimchi  and  other  Jewish  commentators).  In  reality,  however,  the 
Chronicler  has  remodelled  the  statement  of  Kings  (Be.,  Oe.),  the 
thought  being  probably  offensive  to  him  that  Solomon  should  part 
with  any  of  his  territory  to  Hiram,  or  incredible  that  the  rich  and 
glorious  Solomon  should  have  been  so  pressed  for  money  that  he 
would  sell  a  portion  of  his  territory,  hence  the  passage  was  changed 
to  convey  the  opposite  meaning.  That  the  passage  in  Chronicles 
is  directly  dependent  upon  that  of  Kings  and  not  a  free  composi- 
tion is  seen  in  the  parallelism  between  the  introductory  verses. — 1. 
Twenty  years\  Seven  years  were  spent  in  building  the  Temple  (i 
K.  6'*)  and  thirteen  in  building  the  palace  (i  K.  7'). — 2.  Built] 
with  the  force  of  rebuild  or  enlarge  (BDB.  HjZ  1  i.)  or  fortify 
(Bn.,  Ki.);   so  also  built  in  the  following  verses. 

3-6.  The  store  and  military  cities  which  Solomon  built. — 
Taken  with  considerable  variation  from  i  K.  9"  ■".  The  Chronicler 
has  entirely  omitted  the  contents  of  i  K.  9" '  which  speak  of  Solomon's 
levy  caused  by  a  number  of  building  operations,  and  of  his  acquisi- 
tion of  Gezer  through  Pharaoh  his  father-in-law;  and  omitting  the 
reference  to  Gezer  in  v.  ■',  he  has  rearranged  the  contents  of  the 
verse  and  given  also  a  new  introduction  to  the  paragraph  in  the 
statement  of  a  campaign  not  mentioned  elsewhere  against  Ha- 
math-zohah,  probably  with  reference  to  Tadmor,  which  the  Chron- 
icler has  constructed  out  of  Tamar  (v.  i.). — 3.  Ilamath-zobah].  Cf. 
I  Ch.  18'.  This  campaign,  since  it  is  not  mentioned  in  i  K.,  is 
generally  entirely  ignored  in  histories  of  Israel  or  Solomon.  Neither 
Bn.  nor  Ki.  discusses  its  historicity.  Certainly  it  is  very  doubtful; 
yet  Winckler  thinks  it  not  at  all  incredible  (Gesch.  Is.  II.  p.  266, 
KAT.^  p.  239). — 4.  Tadmor]  in  the  text  of  i  K.  9'^  is  Tamar  (icn), 
but  the  Qr.  or  margin  has  Tadmor  ("'il^in).  This  is  followed  by  all 
versions  ("H  Palmyram)  and  was  formerly  accepted  as  the  true  read- 
ing of  I  K.  Tadmor  was  the  later  Palmyra  situated  north-east  of 
Damascus;  but  the  other  towns  mentioned  in  i  K.  9"  '•  are  all  in  S. 
Palestine,  and  in  Ez.  47"  48''«  a  Tamar  (ll-n)  is  placed  in  the  ex- 
treme south;  hence  the  te.xt  of  i  K.  seems  to  be  the  true  reading  and 
the  reference  is  to  Tamar  in  S.  Judah  (Bn.,  Ki.,  Bur.,  et  al.),  but  the 
Chronicler  has  glorified  this  obscure  southern  city  into  the  Tadmor 
of  the  north,  and,  as  mentioned  above,  comj^osed  v.'  as  an  introduc- 


Vm.  1-18.]  VARIOUS   ACTS    OF   SOLOMOxN  353 

tion. — And  all  the  store  cities  which  he  built  in  Haniath].  This 
statement  has  no  parallel  in  i  K.,  but  is  simply  the  Chronicler's 
completion  of  the  reference  to  Tadmor  as  one  of  a  line  of  fortified 
posts  on  the  northern  frontier  of  Solomon's  kingdom. — 5.  In  i  K. 
9''  only  the  lower  Beth-horon  is  mentioned.  Upper  Beth-horon  and 
fortified  cities  with  walls,  doors,  and  bars  are  an  addition  of  the 
Chronicler.  On  the  location  of  the  Beth-horons  cf.  i  Ch.  6"  <"«'. — 
6.  Bd'alath]  Jos.  19^^  i  K.  9'8  f,  not  clearly  identified. 

7-10.  Solomon's  bond-servants. — Taken  from  i  K.  92°-". — 8. 
Whom  the  children  of  Israel  consumed  not].  The  reading  of  i  K. 
9=1  "whom  the  children  of  Israel  were  not  able  utterly  to  destroy" 
was  an  unpleasant  admission  to  the  Chronicler,  hence  this  change. 
— Of  them  did  Solomon  raise  a  levy].  According  to  the  clear  im- 
plication of  I  K.  5" -so  ('3-16)^  at  least  the  levy  of  30,000  men  for  work 
in  the  Lebanons  was  composed  of  Israelites,  and  probably  also  the 
levy  of  150,000  men.  The  revolt  under  Rehoboam  (i  K.  12)  was 
based  upon  this  oppressive  measure.  This  passage  (from  a  late 
addition  to  i  K.)  is  merely  an  attempt  to  rescue  the  reputation  of 
Solomon.  (Cf.  Sm.  Hist.  pp.  iSjf-)- — 10.  Even  two  hundred  and 
fifty]  is  at  variance  with  the  number  in  i  K.  9"  "five  hundred  and 
fifty"  {v.  i.). 

11.  The  house  of  Pharaoh's  daughter. — Rewritten  from  i  K. 
9".  According  to  i  K.  3 '  Solomon  brought  Pharaoh 's  daughter  on  her 
marriage  into  the  city  of  David  until  the  completion  of  his  palace, 
when  he  made  also  a  house  for  her  (i  K.  y*),  and  according  to  i  K. 
92^  she  moved  from  the  city  of  David  into  this  house.  The  Chron- 
icler passes  over  entirely  the  first  statement  and  interprets  the  re- 
moval as  caused  by  Solomon  from  a  religious  motive.  The  city  of 
David  the  Chronicler  interprets  as  the  holy  precincts  where  the  ark 
had  been  brought  and  where,  after  the  notion  of  Ezekiel  (44'),  the 
presence  of  Solomon's  foreign  wife  might  be  regarded  as  a  sacrilege. 
In  I  K.  92^  it  is  also  stated  that  Solomon  then  built  Millo.  This  is 
entirely  omitted  in  Chronicles  (an  evidence  according  to  Bn.  of  the 
use  here  of  another  written  source  than  K.,  but  such  omission  is  en- 
tirely agreeable  to  the  Chronicler's  handling  of  the  text). 

12  f .  Solomon's  ministrations  at  the  altar  of  the  Temple. — 
Rewritten  from  i  K.  9".   According  to  this  verse  in  Kings,  Solomon 


354 


2    CHRONICLES 


offered  burnt-offerings  and  peace-offerings  three  times  in  a  year, 
clearly  on  the  three  annual  feasts  commanded  by  the  legislation  of 
JE  (Ex.  23"-"^)  and  of  D  (Dt.  16'-").  This  ministration  the  Chron- 
icler retains,  mentioning  also  the  feasts  by  name  (%'.'"•),  but  in  addi- 
tion to  these  annual  services  the  weekly  Sabbatical  and  monthly 
ones  are  added  (v."")  and  thus  the  ministrations  of  the  King  are 
made  to  conform  more  with  the  fully  developed  ritual  of  P  (Lv. 
23'-").  All  trace,  also,  of  any  service  at  the  altar  of  incense  (men- 
tioned in  I  K.  9"),  which  would  be  an  unlawful  act  {cf.  26"),  has 
been  removed  by  the  clear  definition  of  the  altar  as  the  one  which 
he  [Solomon ]//<;(/  built  before  the  porch,  i.e.,  the  great  brazen  altar  of 
burnt-offering  (4')- — 12.  Then]  after  the  dedication  of  the  Tem- 
ple when  this  service  of  Solomon  commenced. — 13.  The  command- 
ment of  Moses]  a  comprehensive  expression  for  the  legislation 
given  in  the  Pentateuch.  Sabbaths,  months,  and  seasons  or  set 
feasts  cover  the  fixed  times  when  extra  ceremonies  in  the  ritual 
of  offerings  were  required.  These  were  the  weekly  Sabbaths  and 
the  beginnings  of  each  month,  including  the  Feast  of  Trumpets, 
and  the  three  great  festivals  with  their  associated  days  of  wave- 
sheaf  (with  the  Passover)  and  atonement  (in  the  same  month 
with  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles)  {cf.  Lv.  23'"  Nu.  28=-29").  On 
these  days  it  is  implied  that  the  King  himself  took  part  in  some 
direct  way  in  the  sacrificial  services. 

14-16.  Solomon's  appointments  for  service  in  the  Temple 
and  its  completion. — A  continuation  of  the  elaboration  of  i  K.  9^, 
parallel  only  in  v.  '«'>  with  i  K.  9"»>. — 14.  For  David's  order 
for  the  divisions  of  the  priests  and  the  Levites  and  the  gate-keepers 
cf.  I  Ch.  23-26. — 15.  The  king]  David. — The  treasures]  i.e.,  the 
furniture  of  the  Temple  and  the  stuff  contributed  for  its  services 
and  support,  the  provision  for  its  ministers  (cf.  i  Ch.  26"«»). — 
16.  The  final  summary:  And  all  the  work  of  Solomon  was  accom- 
plished from  the  day  of  the  foundation  of  the  house  of  Yahweh  unto 
the  completion  of  the  house  of  Yahweh  through  Solomon*  (Bn.,  Ki.). 

17  f.  Solomon's  trade  at  Ophir.— Taken  with  some  changes 
from  I  K.  9-'".  According  to  i  K.,  Solomon  builds  ships  at  Ezion- 
geber  and  Hiram,  King  of  Tyre,  provides  him  with  sailors  that  go 
with  the  servants  of  Solomon  to  Ophir.     According  to  Chronicles, 


Vm.  1-18.]  VARIOUS   ACTS    OF   SOLOMON  355 

Solomon  went  to  Ezion-geber,  where  Hiram  sent  him  both  ships  and 
sailors.  This  discrepancy  has  been  reconciled  on  the  supposition 
that  the  sending  of  ships  was  only  the  sending  of  material  for  their 
construction  (Ke.,  Zoe.);  or  an  identity  of  meaning  has  been  found 
by  following  (^,  ^,  in  striking  out  io  him  {^b),  i.e.,  Hiram  sent  like- 
wise to  Ophir  ships  from  a  harbour  on  the  Red  Sea  or  Persian  Gulf 
where  the  Phoenicians  might  have  had  a  trading-post  (Oe.).  But 
the  discrepancy  is  real  and  probably  arose  through  the  Chronicler's 
careless  reading  of  the  text  of  i  K.,  unless  one  may  assume  such  a 
lack  of  geographical  knowledge  that  he  really  thought  ships,  as  well 
as  sailors,  could  be  sent  from  Tyre  to  Ezion-geber.  According  to 
Chronicles  450  talents  of  gold  were  brought  back,  while  according 
to  Kings  only  420. — Ezion-geber  and  Eloth].  These  two  places  were 
near  together  at  the  northern  extremity  of  the  Gulf  of  Akabah. 
The  exact  site  of  the  former  is  unknown;  on  the  supposition  that  the 
gulf  extended  formerly  further  inland,  Robinson  identified  it  with 
Ain-el-Ghudyan,  fifteen  miles  north  of  the  present  head  of  the  gulf. 
Elath  or  Eloth  is  the  mod.  'Akabah  at  the  head  of  the  gulf. — 
Ophir].  The  exact  locality  is  unknown.  It  has  been  placed  on 
the  eastern  coast  of  Africa,  in  India,  and  in  south-eastern  Arabia. 
The  latter  is  the  most  hkely  (cf.  i  Ch.  i"). 

1.  on-i-y]  Kau.,  Ki.  SBOT.,  Kom.,  both  here  and  in  i  K.  9'°  prefix 
the  article,  '>'n,  after  Klo. — After  nsSu'  i  K.  has  D\-i3n  -j-i*  pn. — ^r^2  nxi] 
I  K.  iSm  no  nxi. — 6.  After  nSya  pni  this  verse  corresponds  with  i  K. 
9",  with  variation  only  of  So  inserted  before  the  second  ''ly  and  before 
prn. — 7 .  The  Chronicler  has  departed  from  i  K.  9-"  only  in  transposing 
ncNH  and  ''nnn  and  in  the  use  of  the  copulative  (i),  which  i  K.  has  only 
with  'DU'n,  and  in  the  omission  of  'J3  before  Sx"ity\ — 8.  jc]  wanting  in 
&  and  I  K.  9^',  appears  contrary  to  all  lite  people  (v, '),  hence  is  to  be 
struck  out  (Be.,  Ki.;  retained  with  partitive  force  by  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.). — 
Sxityi  ■'J3  Di'?D  nS]  is  a  neat  abbreviation  of  the  text  of  i  K.  'n  iSo'  nS 
DDnnnS  Sxtz-v — After  DcS  i  K.  has  laj?  which  was  struck  out  evidently  be- 
cause regarded  as  superfluous. — 9.  nifx]  wanting  in  i  K.  9-,  some  MSB., 
and  (S,  U,  S»,  is  defended  by  Be.  as  an  Aramaism,  but  is  rightly  struck  out 
by  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Ki. — iponS^'?  D^-iayS]  i  K.  ia;\  The  Chronicler's 
additions  are  for  clearness.— niin'^::]  in  i  K.  followed  by  v^3Jn.— vtt"''^imri] 
to  be  read  after  i  K.  and  ($  vs'iS:;m  i>t^i. — 10.  iSnS]  i  K.  9='  noNSnn  SjJ. 
The  reason  of  this  change  is  not  clear  unless  for  brevity. — B'PNDI  D'rcn] 
I  K.  niND  B'om  D^a'Dn.     The  smaller  number  of  Ch.  is  due  probably  to  a 


356  2    CHRONICLES 

copyist's  oversight.  Bn.,  Ki.,  find,  however,  in  this  evidence  for  another 
copy  than  i  K.  before  the  Chronicler. — i  K.  has  nostra  wv'jn  at  close 
of  verse  after  sy2. — 11.  non]  pi.,  perhaps  after  the  analogy  of  the  plurals 
of  place  or  spatial  extension. — 13.  orj  av -\3i3i].  The  same  phrase 
wanting  the  3  with  ijt  occurs  in  Lv.  23".  To  omit  3  gives  an  easier 
reading,  but  all  mss.  have  it  (Be.);  3  essenticB  (Ke.,  Zoe.);  (S  apparently 
-^3^3  (Oe.). — niSi'n^]  instead  of  inf.  abs.,  Ew.  §  280  d  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.). 
Cf.  I  Ch.  925  1^*  152  Ges.  §  114^  (?)  (1.  129).— '1J1  Jn3]  c/.  Dt.  16".— 
14.  nDj;^]  cf.  I  Ch.  6i«  ""  (1.  89).— asjc'ca]  cf.  1  Ch.  15".— rip':'ns]  cf.  i 
Ch.  23"  (1.  42). — onnss-:;]  cf.  i  Ch.  9". — i;'S'i  ■>37S'S]  at  every  gate  (1. 
124). — 15.  niXD]  retained  by  Ke.,  Zoe.,  cf.  Ew.  §  282  a;  read  with 
p  (.niX22)  Be.,  Kau.,  Ki.  Kom.;  pi.  (pix?:)  (6,  19,  Oe.,  Ki.,  SBOT.— 16. 
orn  ^i']  unto  the  (this)  day,  i.e.,  the  day  on  which  after  the  consecration 
of  the  completed  Temple  the  regular  public  worship  was  commenced  in 
it  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.).  Now  all  the  work  of  Solomon  was  prepared  until  this 
day,  the  foundation  of  the  house  until  its  completion  :  the  house  of  Yahweh 
was  finished  (Ke.).  pdnSo  is  taken  as  explained  by  "'Dii.  Dr.  TH. 
§  190  Obs.  suggests  that  ovn  is  a  case  of  apposition.  But  this  rendering  of 
Ke.  and  that  of  AV.  are  harsh;  better  after  <S,  U,  &,  read  Bvs/row  the  day 
of  the  foundation  (Oe.,  Ki.).  <$  read  also  nin>  n^3  ncSc  ni'^3  i;-.  This 
(given  above)  is  preferred  by  Bn.,  Ki.  Kom.  (&^  has  this  and  also 
inSj  ^J;.  Bn.  regards  the  conclusion  as  from  the  uncanonical  source. 
Much,  however,  is  in  favour  of  nin^  n'3  oSc  coming  from  i  K.  9=^,  and 
in  noway  being  a  corruption. — 17.  niS'S ''Nn3J  |Vi-;'S  ns"^-'  -\^n  tx]  r 
K.  g^  niSiN  n«  nrs  i3J  |vs;'3  ncSs'  I'^cn  n^r-j;  -jni. — a^'n]  i  K.  mo  a*. — 18. 
I*:-]  wanting  in  i  K.  9". — an3j,*i  nvjis  vi3y  t3]  i  K.  '"^jn  vi3J'  ns  'jn3 
nvjN. — 0']  I  K.  0^"l. — The  Chronicler  has  transposed  ncSs'  '-13;'  oy,  and 
1N3M  of  I  K.  g"-"-«. — D'-^'cni]  i  K.  92'  an-.:-;,*!. — i  K.  has  2nr  before  y3iN. 

IX.  1-12.  The  visit  of  the  Queen  of  Sheba.— Taken  with 
almost  no  variations  from  i  K.  10  '-'\ — 1.  Slichj]  the  land  of  the 
Sabeans,  often  mentioned  in  the  OT.,  cf.  1  Ch.  i'  ".  Since  Sheba 
was  famous  for  its  trade  (Ez.  27"-  ")  and  costly  wares  (Ez.  38"),  its 
Queen  could  well  have  heard  of  Solomon  and  his  lu.xurious  court. 
In  Is.  6o«  its  inhabitants  are  represented  as  about  to  bring  gold  and 
frankincense  as  tribute  to  Israel  and  to  pay  homage  to  Yahweh. — 
Hard  qiieslions]  (riTT^n).  This  word  is  used  in  the  sense  of  dark, 
obscure  sayings,  or  riddles  to  be  guessed  (as  in  the  Samson  stories, 
Ju.  14),  or  simply  perplexing  questions,  the  probal)le  meaning  here 
(BDB.).  The  Queen  of  Sheba  with  costly  gifts  came  to  test  the 
report  of  Solomon's  wisdom  and  glory,  of  which  she  had  heard  in 
distant  Arabia.— 2.  After  she  had  tested  the  King's  wisdom  and,  3, 


IX.  1-12.]  VISIT   OF   QUEEN    OF   SHEBA  357 

had  observed  the  house  that  he  had  built — i.e.,  either  the  Temple 
or,  what  is  more  hkely,  the  palace  (cf.  v. «),  or  all  his  buildings  con- 
sidered as  one  structure — and,  4,  the  luxurious  appointments  of  his 
servants,  there  was  no  more  spirit  (breath)  in  her,  she  being  quite 
overcome  by  astonishment.  Cf.  Jos.  2"  5',  where  the  phrase  is 
used  for  the  loss  of  breath  through  fear. — And  his  ascent  by  which 
he  went  up  unto  the  house  of  Yahweh]  AV.,  RV.,  but  read  rather 
with  RVm.  of  i  K.  lo*  and  his  burnt-offering  which  he  offered  in 
the  house  of  Yahweh  {v.  i.). — 6.  The  Chronicler  emphasises  that 
Solomon's  wisdom  rather  than  his  wealth  causes  the  great  aston- 
ishment of  the  foreign  queen  by  adding  to  the  account  in  i  K.  the 
words  the  greatness  of  thy  wisdom. — 8.  The  words  his  ( Yahweh's) 
throfK  (i  K.  ID'  on  the  throne  of  Israel)  to  be  king  for  Yahweh  thy 
God  (an  addition  of  the  Chronicler)  show  in  a  striking  way  the 
theocratic  stand-point  of  the  Chronicler,  cf.  i  Ch.  28^  29". — 9.  A 
hundred  and  twenty  talents  of  gold']  a  sum  equivalent  to  more  than 
three  and  one-half  millions  of  dollars. — 10.  Algum-trees].  Cf. 
27(8)_ — 12.  Besides  that  which  she  had  brought  unto  the  king]. 
This  text  of  Chronicles  implies  that  Solomon  gave  the  Queen 
of  Sheba  all  her  desire  besides  the  equivalent  of  that  which  she 
had  brought  to  him  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.).  This  notion  may  have 
arisen  from  the  thought  that  Solomon  should  in  no  way  be  indebted 
to  the  Queen.  B  renders  et  multo  plura  quam  attiderat  ad  eum.  Ber- 
theau  would  read  besides  that  which  the  king  (of  his  free  will)  gave 
to  her  (i'?Dm  rh  ^'^1'r\).  The  text  of  i  K.  10",  besides  that  which 
he  gave  her  according  to  the  hand  of  King  Solomon,  means  that 
Solomon  gave  to  the  Queen  of  Sheba  gifts  commensurate  with  his 
own  wealth  and  power  (SBOT.). 

1.  njjcr]  I  K.  10'  nynsr. — After  nnSir  i  K.  has  nin''  o\ifh,  a  phrase  of 
much  difficulty.— nnSc  pn  pidjS]  i  K.  ^P0:^.  The  Chronicler's  text  is  more 
definite,  cf.  v.  =. — nSs'n'a]  i  K.  lo^  nnSam''  Nam. — z-ih]  i  K.  ind  an. — 
iD>]  I  K.  vSx. — 2.  nnSu'D  -\2-\  oSyj  nSi]  i  K  id'  ^Sdh  p  shy:  -\3t  n>n  nS. 
— 3.  noon  ns]  i  K.  10^  nnjn  S3  nx. — 4.  onifiaSm^]  wanting  in  i  K.  lo*, 
though  given  in  &. — in>S>»i]  i  K.  in'^yi.  The  former  with  the  meaning 
and  his  ascent  with  which  he  used  to  ascend  to  the  house  of  Yahweh  is  pre- 
ferred by  Ke.,  and  the  rendering  of  AV.,  RV.,  both  here  and  in  i  K.,  but 
since  n^'^j;  means  upper  chamber,  and  since  05,  U,  &  have  rni'^j?  his  offer- 
ings, this  is  preferable  (Be.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.)   (cf.  RVm.  in  K.). 


■^^S  2    CHRONICLES 

The  last  clause  in  (S  here  and  in  i  K.  is  Kal  i^  eavrrji  iyivero.  (6^ 
here  has  this  and  also  Kal  ovk  ^v  iv  avry  en  wveu/ia. — 5.  After  rts  i  K. 
io«  has  n\-i. — 6.  onnjiS]  i  K.  lo'  a'-\aT?. — inron  noic]  wanting  in  i 
K.,  an  addition  of  the  Chronicler  for  clearness,  taking  the  place  of 
3101  nD3n,  which  in  i  K.  follows  r^DO\  written  rsDin.  Instead  of  '"'y  i  K. 
has  Sn. — 7.  I'rjs]  (g,  B,  &  of  I  K.  lo'  have  y"i,  preferred  there  by 
Klo.,  Kamp.,  Bn.,  Ki.  SBOT.,  Bur.,  and  here  by  Kau.,  Ki.,  Bn.  (B^  has 
this,  but  <S^  follows  M. — 8. 1ND3]  i  K.  lo'  ''i<^y<  H02. — I'h^n  mn'S  -|^sV] 
wanting  in  i  K. — T'nSN]  i  K.  nin\ — iT'cj-n':']  wanting  in  i  K.;  a  more 
directly  Messianic  thought,  keeping  in  view  the  future  of  Israel. — iJn^i] 
I  K.  iciyi. — an>S>']  wanting  in  i  K.;  must  refer  to  Israel. — 9.  3"iS]  i 
K.  lo'"  n2-\n. — n^n]  1  K.  Na. — After  Nin  i  K.  has  aiS  iiy. — 10.  OJI 
iN'3n  nrN  nnS-j'  •«i3j?i  OT'n  najj]  i  K.  10"  nvi  tj'n  OTin  >j8<  dji.  The  Chron- 
icler puts  the  activity  here  of  Solomon  or  his  servants  on  a  par  with  that 
of  Hiram  or  his  servants. — a'!;ij'7N]  i  K.  □■'jriSx,  so  also  v.  ",  cf.  2*.  Here 
I  K.  adds  1ND  na-\n. — 11.  o^cuSsn]  see  v.  '". — ni^D-:]  i  K.  lo'^  i;'Ds, 
dr.,  a  word  whose  precise  meaning  is  dubious  (BDB.),  interpreted  as 
raised  walk,  floor,  or  pavement  of  some  sort  with  which  niSo^  would 
agree  (Raschi,  Be.,  Zoe.),  or  more  generally  as  a  support,  a  railing  or 
buttress,  (6  viroa-TrjplyfjMTa,  B  fulcra  (Bur.),  then  niVD3  is  an  error 
(BDB.)  or  a  misinterpretation.  Yet  both  may  represent  supports,  eleva- 
tions in  the  shape  of  some  sort  of  a  platform  or  estrade  designed  for  the 
dishes  or  utensils  of  the  Temple  and  palace  (Paul  Haupt  in  SBOT.  on 
K.).  (Kau.  [Kamp.]  and  Ki.  both  represent  the  word  with  a  lacuna  in 
their  translations  of  K.  and  Ch.). — nii.T  v"'!<2  2'jdV  dhd  in-\j  nSi]  i  K. 
njn  oiin  ij?  ^!<"'J  ^<'^^  omoSn  'xy  p  n3  nS.  The  phrase  in  the  land  of  Judah, 
instead  of  in  the  latui  of  Israel,  shows  that  the  Chronicler  wTites  as 
one  of  his  own  age  (Ba.). — 12.  '[Qnrw  iVon  Sn  hnoh]  i  K.  id'* 
IBPi  nnStt'  iSdh  T3  nS  jnj;  hdh  in  Ch.  is  simply  a  synonym  for  nje  in  K. 

13-28.  Thewealthof  Solomon.— Taken  from  I K.  10"  =8«.  The 
variations  are  very  slight. — 13.  Six  hundred  and  sixty  six  talents 
of  gold]  i.e.,  about  twenty  millions  of  dollars,  constituted  the  regular 
annual  income. — 15.  Each  of  the  two  hundred  bucklers  contained 
nearly  22  pounds  (avoirdupois)  of  gold,  worth  nearly  6,000  dollars, 
and,  16,  each  of  the  three  hundred  shields  contained  half  this 
amount.  The  reading,  three  maneh,  in  i  K.  10"  is  incorrect  (y.  i.). 
— 17.  Ivory]  was  secured  by  Solomon's  navy,  cf.  v.  ='. — 21.  Ac- 
cording to  Chronicles  the  fleet  of  Solomon  went  to  Tarshish. 
That  this  view  was  incorrect  is  seen  from  the  products  of  the  East 
brought  back  by  the  vessels  and  by  the  reference  in  i  K.  22' Mo 
Jehoshaphat's  ships  of  Tarshish  which  were  stationed  at  Ezion- 


IX.  13-28.]  WEALTH   OF   SOLOMON 


359 


geber  on  the  Gulf  of  Elah  to  go  to  Ophir.  The  Chronicler  mis- 
understood in  both  of  these  instances  the  phrase  ships  of  Tarshish, 
which  described  a  class  of  vessels  such  as  were  used  by  the  Phoeni- 
cians in  their  voyages  to  Tartessus  in  Spain,  and  not  their  destina- 
tion as  he  supposed.  The  accuracy  of  his  statement,  however,  has 
been  absurdly  defended  on  the  supposition  that  the  vessels  made  a 
circuit  of  Africa  to  Spain  (see  Eng.  Trans,  of  Zoe.  Com.  in  Lange 
Series,  pp.  28 /.).— 25-28.     Cf.  i"-". 

13.  D^tt'S'i]  1  is   wanting   in    i    K.    10".— nsa]    i    K.    133.-14.  naS 
Dnnn  •'t'jND].     Since  these  words  appear  in  i  K.   lo's,  they  represent 
the  original  text  of  Ch.  (cf.  (g  tQv  dvdpuv  also).     In  their  source,  i  K., 
they  are  usually  regarded  as  a  corruption,  and  the  emendations  suggested 
are  numerous.     Since  C5  has  x^pis  tQv  <p6pwv  tuv  vTroTerayp.ivfav,  and 
m-;=  (Popov  in  (gL  2  K.  23",  Boe.  read  'ui  >-^r;-a  na^  Thenius  the  'same 
with  DMinn  "the  subject  people  "  for  a>-inn,  and  SBOT.  (on  K.)  with 
onjnn  for  Dnnn.     Ki.  Kom.  reads  there  and  here  a>-i;'n  tj-nd  12'?  after 
&,  which  has  "cities"  for  cnn.    Kau.  following  Kamp.  .  .  .  n3  t^xd  nas 
Abgeschen  von  dem  was  einkam  von  .  .  .  Bn.  suggests  (Dn;-?)n  -\yi'n-a 
'•a  b:>^  D>-inDni  ungerechnet  die  Abgaben  der  (Stadte   ?)  tind  der  Handler 
und  der  Konige,  etc.— 3^;]  Arabia  i  K.  2^^yr^.     The  former  is  read  in 
I  K.  by  Bn.,  Ki.,  SBOT.  (notes),  et  a/.— d^nod  onnom]  i  K.  o-ibin  inDDi. 
—'v^  3nr  d>n>3d]  an  addition  of  the  Chronicler.— 15.    oini'^]  wanting 
in  I  K.  io>6.— 16.  niND  e^hz']  i  K.  iC'  d^jd  ra^hz'.     The  text  of  Ch.  is 
correct,   as   the   foregoing   hind  a^Z'   shows.      Gold   was   reckoned   in 
shekels  (Bn.).— 17.  nine]  substituted  as  more  familiar  for  tdid  in  i  K. 
iQis.— 18.  DnnxD  ND3'?3nr3  tt'33i]  i  K.  zo'^  mnxD  nooS  Sup  b-nii.     The 
original  text  of  K.  as  seen   in  (S  was  probably  innNn  ND3S  o-h;y  ^b-nii 
(SBOT.)  and  the  throne  had  at  its  back  the  heads  of  bulls  (calves). 
So  essentially  Ki.,  Bn.,  et  al.,  after  Geiger,   Urschrift,  p.  343.     The 
change  in  K.  to  round  top  was  made  because  calves  were  offensive  as 
symbols  of  Yahweh.     In  Ch.  "lambs"   (i:-33)  was  substituted,  which 
later  was   read  footstool   (uo3)    (BDB.)   and   innxD  was   read   a^nxn 
(Hoph.   part.).     (g^A  ornj^s  the  clause,   though   retained   in  05S     Kal 
vwoiroSiov  virie-rjKev  iv  xpv<^V  rQ  Opdvcp.—ld.  njScD]  i  K.  1020  nisScD. 
—20.  1D3]  I  K.  1021  +  n'-.— 21.  onin  nay  oj?  s^^znn  niaSn  ^':'c'?  nrjN  >3] 
I  K.  1022  Di^n  >:h  ay  d>3  i'^dS  a^^z'-\D>iti  13.— nrjx  n:Ni3n]  i  K.  ^jn  ni3.-i. 
— niKB'j]  I  K.  nNtt'j.— 22.  n-^ni]  i  K.  10=3  noanSi.— 23.  '3^d]  wanting  in 
i|  of  I  K.  lo^S  but  given  in  <S,  and  hence  to  be  read  (Bn.,  Bur.,  but  not 
Ki.  and  SBOT.).~25.  On  vv.  25-28  cf.  114-17.     Before  >nM  i  K.  1026  has 
D^cnoi  331  nc^B'  noN^i,  which  the  Chronicler  omits  here,  but  uses  else- 
where, cf.  I'^- .ni33-101  .  .  .  Tin]  I  K.  331  niNc  ysiNi  t^<H  ^h  M^i.     The 
text  of  Ch.,  and  Solomon  had  four  thousand  stalls  of  horses,  is  that  of 


360  2    CHRONICLES 

(6  in  K.,  and  according  to  Bur.  was  probably  the  original  there,  but 
ni3oiDi  was  laoicV,  yet  (ft  of  K.  may  be  suspected  of  having  come  under 
the  influence  of  Ch.  Moreover,  close  verbal  agreement  shows  that  the 
Chronicler  here  followed  i  K.  56,  ^22-\^o^  o^DiD  nns  i':'n  o^aiN  nsSa'S  ■■nn, 
as  his  source  {v.  notes  on  i'<-'").  This  reading,  except  in  the  final  pron. 
suf.  (nainS),  has  the  support  of  (6^^  (certainly  original  <B),  the  under- 
lying Heb.  of  which  was  doubtless  the  original  of  Ch.,  and  should  be 
rendered,  and  Solomon  had  40,000  stalls  0/  horses  for  the  chariots. — 
Dn>jM]  I  K.  io»  an:>i.  The  former  has  the  support  of  all  Vrss. — 26. 
wanting  in  Heb.  of  i  K.,  but  present  there  in  (8.  The  verse  is  taken 
either  from  a  different  text  of  r  K.  10,  or  from  i  K.  5'*  (4^")  with  the 
subject  omitted  (i  K.  n>n  na'^e^i  for  >n>i)  and  o^a'^cn  the  kings  sub- 
stituted for  maS'Ton  the  kingdoms. — 28.  naStt''?  onxsc  d^did  D'n^xici]  i  K. 
io28  DnxDD  ns'^r'^  ns'N  d^didh  nxisi.  The  final  phrase,  pix->Nn  ^2r:\  is 
the  Chronicler's  happy  generalisation  of  the  somewhat  obscure  passage 
in  K.  (see  I'^b). 

29-31.  The  final  summary  of  the  reign  of  Solomon. — Taken 
with  variations  from  i  K.  ii*'-".  The  variations  are  as  follows: 
The  acts  are  called  the  first  and  the  last,  which  qualifying  phrase  is 
added  frequently  by  the  Chronicler  to  the  summaries  taken  from 
Kings  {cf.  i2'5 16"  20"  252«  26"  28"  35").  Their  written  source  is 
not  "  the  book  of  the  acts  of  Solomon,"  the  one  given  in  i  K.  11*', 
but  the  acts  of  Nathan  the  prophet,  the  prophecy  of  Ahijah  the 
Shilonite,  and  the  visions  of  Iddo  the  seer  concerning  Jeroboam  the 
son  of  Nebat.  These  sources  were  not  independent  works,  but  were 
either  sections  of  the  canonical  books  or  of  the  Book  of  Kings 
mentioned  elsewhere  (see  Intro,  p.  22).  Nathan  the  prophet  appears 
at  the  beginning  of  Solomon's  reign  (i  K.  i),  Ahijah  near  its  close 
(i  K.  ii"ff ),  hence  in  the  acts  or  history  of  Nathan  and  in  the 
prophecy  of  Ahijah  wc  probably  have  references  to  i  K.  Whether 
this  is  so  in  the  vision  of  Iddo  the  seer  is  more  doubtful.  This  may 
refer  to  the  Chronicler's  other  source  {cf.  12"  13");  yet  the  un- 
known prophet  of  i  K.  13  is  called  by  Joscphus  Jadon,  a  name 
equivalent  to  Iddo  {Ant.  viii.  8,  5),  and  he  may  thus  have  been 
known  at  the  time  of  the  Chronicler. — 31.  Slept  with  his  fathers] 
part  of  the  regular  formula  with  which  the  compiler  of  i  and  2  K. 
closes  his  account  of  the  reign  of  each  king,  denoting  either  nothing 
more  than  that  one  had  died  as  his  fathers  had,  or  more  likely  im- 
plying association  with  his  fathers  in  the  realm  of  the  dead  and 


IX.  29-31.]  END    OF   SOLOMON'S   REIGN  361 

thus  some  condition  of  future  life. — And  was  buried  in  the  city  0/ 
David].  Cf.  i  Ch.  15",  This  phrase  is  also  a  part  of  the  formula 
just  mentioned. 

29.  nj,"]  Kt.  il>;.;;,  Qr.  np^, — 30.  nnStr  iScm]  for  the  longer  text  of 
I  K.  II"  nn'^ty  -fiD  liVN  D^D'ini. — 31.  imaiM]  Pi.  instead  of  Niph.  '\2^•'^  in 
I  K.  II". 


X-XXXVI.     THE  HISTORY   OF   JUDAH  FROM  REHO- 
BOAM  UNTIL  THE   EXILE. 

In  contrast  with  the  author  of  i  and  2  Kings,  the  Chronicler 
ignores  the  N.  kingdom  and  confines  his  narrative  to  the  fortunes 
of  Judah.  His  most  noteworthy  additions  to  the  earhcr  history 
are  the  introduction  of  prophets  and  Levites.  The  former  utter 
discourses  of  warning  and  admonition,  and  the  latter  are  promi- 
nent in  events  concerning  the  Temple. 

X-XII.  The  Reign  of  Rehoboam  (c.  937-920  b.c). — The 
Chronicler  has  incorporated  into  his  narrative  the  entire  account  of 
this  reign  given  in  i  K.  i2'-'3-  -'-^*  i42'-29^  with  the  exception  of 
142'-",  omitted  owing  to  its  unfavourable  view  of  the  religious  con- 
dition of  Judah  under  Rehoboam.  Chapter  10  is  almost  a  verbatim 
duplicate  of  i  K.  i2'-'9.  The  Chronicler's  additions  to  his  material 
from  I  K.  in  c.  11  are  accounts  (a)  of  Rehoboam's  fortifications 
(ii5-'2),  (b)  of  the  immigration  from  the  N.  tribes  (11"-"),  and  (c) 
of  the  royal  family  (ii'^  ");  (b)  appears  to  be  based  upon  i  K.  12", 
but  (a)  and  (c)  are  independent  of  i  K.  and  may  represent  other 
sources.  In  c.  12  the  Chronicler  gives  much  fuller  detail  re- 
specting the  invasion  of  Shishak — first,  in  reference  to  its  cause,  the 
religious  defection  of  Rehoboam  and  his  people  (12' ' );  and  sec- 
ondly, in  giving  an  account  of  the  invading  host  (12');  and  thirdly, 
in  introducing  a  prophetic  admonition  whereby  through  the  humilia- 
tion of  Rehoboam  and  the  people  the  wrath  of  Yahvveh  is  averted 
(126-S.  ij).  The  picture  thus  given  of  the  reign  of  Rehoboam  is 
strikingly  different  from  that  of  i  K.  There  the  people  are  repre- 
sented as  exceedingly  apostate  (i  K.  i4«-")  and  nothing  good  is 
said  of  Rehoboam.  The  Chronicler,  on  the  other  hand,  magnifies 
Rehoboam  as  a  builder  of  cities  and  as  a  ruler  of  ardent  worshippers 
of  Yahweh,  only  forsaking  the  law  of  Yahvveh  when  he  was  strong, 

36a 


X.  1-19.]  REJECTION   OF   REHOBOAM  363 

a  supposition  necessary  to  explain  the  invasion  of  Shishak,  from 
whom  the  land  was  correspondingly  delivered  upon  the  humiliation 
of  the  King  and  his  princes. 

X.  Rehoboam's  rejection  by  Israel  at  Shechem. — An  almost 
verbatim  duplicate  of  i  K.  12'-". — 1.  Shechem]  mod.  Nablus, 
lying  under  the  north-east  base  of  Mt.  Gerizim  (Baed.<  pp.  215  ff.), 
mentioned  frequently  in  the  early  narratives  of  Israel  (Gn.  i2« 
2i2>^^  35^  37'^^'  ^^  '^^O-  The  assembly  of  tribes  here  shows  that  in  spite 
of  the  intervening  reign  of  Solomon  the  N.  tribes  held  still  to  their 
ancient  right  of  choosing  their  sovereign,  exercised  in  the  case  of 
Saul  and  David  (i  S.  ii*  2  S.  5'  i  Ch.  11'). — 2.  This  verse,  already 
dislocated  in  Kings,  properly  precedes  v. '  {v.  i.).  The  Chronicler 
mentions  Jeroboam  without  introduction,  assuming  his  readers 
acquainted  with  the  particulars  of  i  K.  ii^s  «-,  which  he  has  omitted 
(y.  V.  •«).  The  report  which  Jeroboam  heard  was  of  the  death  of 
Solomon. — 3.  And  they  sejit  and  called  him]  (wanting  in  (5  of  i  K. 
1 2 3)  a  necessary  connecting  gloss  for  the  present  arrangement  of 
the  verses  in  i  K.  12' -3. — 4.  The  service  and  the  yoke  were  the  re- 
quired revenue  (i  K.  5^  (4"))  and  the  forced  labour  (i  K.  5"ff- 
csff)),  neither  of  which  is  mentioned  in  Chronicles. — 10.  My  little 
finger,  etc.].  This  proverb-like  expression  and  that  of  the  following 
verse  mean:  I  have  the  will  and  the  power  to  oppress  you  more 
severely  than  my  father  did. — 11.  Whips].  The  whip  was  in  Egypt 
an  emblem  of  royalty  {EBi.  IV.  col.  5300). — Scorpions]  probably 
the  name  given  to  a  whip  whose  lash  was  furnished  with  sharp 
pieces  of  metal. — 13.  And  the  king  answered  them  roughly].  Such 
folly  shows  how  thoroughly  Rehoboam  was  permeated  with  the 
feelings  of  an  Oriental  despot,  and  how  little  he  understood  the 
weakness  of  the  hold  of  the  house  of  David  upon  the  N.  tribes. — 

15.  His  word  which  he  spake  by  Ahijah].  Cf.  i  K.  i  !=« «  ,  a  narra- 
tive not  given  in  Chronicles,  and  yet  thus  assumed  to  be  known. — 

16.  We  have  no  share  in  David,  and  no  part  in  lessees  son:  each  to 
thy  tents,  O  Israel,  now  see  to  thy  house,  David].  This  same  cry, 
with  the  exception  of  the  last  line,  was  raised  by  Sheba  in  his  short- 
lived rebellion  against  David  (2  S.  20'). — To  their  tents]  not  to 
their  homes,  but  to  their  places  of  encampment  at  Shechem. — 

17.  A  verse  anticipating  subsequent  action  and  thus  clearly  out 


364  2    CHRONICLES 

of  place  (wanting  in  (8  of  i  K.  12),  either  a  gloss  in  Kings  or  to 
be  placed  after  v. '». — 18  f .  Adoniram*\  C/.  i  K.  4"  5='  <■«>.  This 
officer  of  Solomon's  reign  probably  had  quelled  dissatisfaction 
before,  but  this  time  he  failed. — Unto  this  d<iy\  in  the  narrative 
of  the  Chronicler  an  anachronism  {cf.  5').  The  Chronicler  at 
this  point,  because  he  is  narrating  only  the  history  of  the  S.  king- 
dom, omits  verse  20  of  i  K.  12,  which  contains  the  statement 
that  Jeroboam  was  made  king  by  the  N.  tribes. 


1.  nDair]  I  K.  12'  Dau'. — is<3]  i  K.  na. — 2,  In  <&^^  of  K.  this  verse  is 
found  in  I  K.  II  between  v.  "•  and  v.  """j  with  the  addition  in  (&^,  "he 
returned  (?)  and  went  to  his  city  Sareira  which  is  in  Mt.  Ephraim." 
Hence  as  it  now  stands  it  should  precede  v. '  (Bur.),  and  is  so  printed  in 
St.  SBOT.  After  sin  i  K.  12^  has  mv. — anxcD  .  .  .  ar^]  i  K. 
3nxD3  .  .  .  au-M^  The  former  is  the  true  reading  (Ki.  BH.). — 3. 
SN-\!f>  Sa]  I  K.  12'  Vwna'^  ^7\p  Sj. — 4.  Before  nnj;  i  K.  12*  has  nnn. — 
6.  Before  ny  i  K.  12'  has  ^:h,  which  after  (8  should  be  inserted  (Ki. 
BH.).  Instead  of  iV".  ■'i'  the  Vrss.  in  both  K.  and  Ch.  read  i>!. — 6. 
nin  0;'^]  I  K.  i2«  nin  n^n  px. — 7.  Before  nTin  <&  and  i  K.  12'  have  ovn, 
which  should  be  inserted  (Ki.  BH.). — aia'^]  i  K.  -^2-;. — Zi-;rh]  retention 
of  n  of  article  {cf.  Ges.  §  35")'  other  examples  251"  29". — an^xii]  i  K. 
on^jpi  Di-n3j?i. — 8.  I  K.  128  has  wrongly  is'n  before  ancyn  {cf.  St. 
SBOT.,  Bur.).— 10.  v-iN']  I  K.  i2'»  vSn.— ay':']  i  K.  +  njn.— icnp'] 
I  K.  131.1. — 'jopt] ''?a|i  Ki.  BH.,  Ges.  §  939.  {cf.  Bur.  i  K.  i2>''). — 
n3>']  I  K.  i2'»  Dt.  32'5  t- — 11'  D>cyn]  in  BDB.  corrigenda,  p.  11 26 
{^^o^). — On  the  art.  in  a^ovio  and  a''3-»|->y3  cf.  Dav.  Syn.  §  21  {d). — 
ONi^]  I  K.  12"  +  D3,-iN -iD'-N. — 12.  N3''i]  I  K.  12"  erroneously  13>1. — 
13.  'n  Dj;'>i]  I  K.  12"  oyn  pn  ^':'C^  jy>i. — na'p]  harsh  response,  cf.  Gn. 
42'-  '"  (pi.)  I  S.  20"". — a>'3n-\  I'^cn]  wanting  in  i  K. — After  a^jprn  i  K. 
has  inxy  irs. — 14.  1^331  ■'3N]  thus  Ki.  BH.  after  the  Bomberg  Bible, 
a  reading  confirmed  by  ($-^^^,  B.  Ginsburg  and  Baer  and  Delitzsch  have 
T33N  after  many  MSS.  The  sense,  the  parallel,  and  v.  '»  require  the 
former. — vSy]  i  K.  12'*  bj'^j?  Sj,'. — After  ^jn  i  K.  has  as.iN  id>n. — 15. 
n3Dj  f]  I  K.  12"  .130  f.  In  late  Rabbinic  Hebrew  nap  =  cause 
(Bur.). — a^nSxH]  i  K.  r\^7y\ — mn>  in  1  K.  is  wanting  after  B'p.-i,  but 
appears  after  i3n. — 16.  In  i  K.  12"  the  verse  commences  with  Ss  nim 
instead  of  '^31,  and  has  an^N  instead  of  an^.  After  I'^sn^  i  K.  has  i3"i. 
— '.^'.s]  wanting  in  i  K.,  perhaps  a  dittography  from  the  preceding  'U'\ — 
Sa^]  wanting  in  i  K. — 17.  St<iw*>  >jai]  casus  pendens  before  waw  consec. 
{cf.  I  K.  920' )  (Dr.  TH.  127  (a),  Dav.  Syn.  §  49  {b),  Ges.  §§  iiiA, 
i43(i). — 18.  B-nn]  i  K.  i2'8  ant<,  but  (S"^'-,  &,  have  bi'jin,  given  also  in 
I  K.  4'  5",  hence  without  doubt  correct  (Ki.  HB.). — 'e*'  'ja]  i  K.  Sa 


XI.  1-23.]  VARIOUS   ACTS   OF   REHOBOAM  365 

'!j„._The  Chronicler  omits  i  K.  1220,  since  he  does  not  write  of  the 
fortunes  of  the  N.  kingdom. 

XI.  1-4.  Rehoboam  dissuaded  from  attacking  Israel.— 

With  very  slight  variations  from  i  K.  12=' -2^,  which  belongs  to  the 
latest  strata  of  the  book.— 1.  A  hundred  and  eighty  thousand]  a 
small  number  compared  with  those  elsewhere  in  2  Ch.  reckoned  to 
the  S.  kingdom:  under  Abijah  400,000  (13=),  under  Asa  580,000 
(i4'(8)),  under  Jehoshaphat  1,160,000  (17'^").— 2.  Shemaiah] 
mentioned  also  in  12=  ^  giving  a  reproof  and  a  promise  of  deliver- 
ance in  connection  with  the  invasion  of  Shishak;  and  his  words 
in  12'=^  as  a  source  of  the  history  of  Rehoboam. 

1.  n>2  pn]  I  K.  12='  no  Sd  ns.— pD'j3i]  i  K.  i'c>:2  oaf  pni.— 
Skib-^]  I  K.  hn-\'Z'>  no.— n3*^Dcn]  i  K.  n^iSnn. — oyamS]  followed  in 
I  K.  by  rtnhv  p. — The  Chronicler  has  thus,  without  impairing  the  narra- 
tive, shortened  this  verse  by  the  omission  of  five  words. — 2.  nin^]  i  K. 
1222  a^n':'vsn,  but  some  MSS.  and  the  Vrss.  have  nini  in  i  K.,  preferred  by 
Ki.  BH.,  St.  SB0T.—3.  '2  Vxitt'i  S3]  i  K.  12=3  min^  no  So.  The 
Chronicler  frequently  uses  the  term  Israel  in  reference  to  the  S.  kingdom, 
cf.  i2i«  15''  2i2'»  28"- 27. — ]-'D>oi]  I  K.  +  ayn -inM. — 4.  s^^nvt]  i  K. 
J 224  +  S{<-\r^  'J2. — oya-T'  Sx  naSc]  i  K.  nin>  nans  nsSS. 

5-23.  Rehoboam's  prosperity. — This  section,  independent  of 
I  K.,  falls  into  three  well-defined  paragraphs  all  of  which  are  either 
from  the  pen  of  the  Chronicler  (H-J.)  or  from  three  sources 
(Bn.,  Ki.). 

Vv.6-'2  rnay  be  regarded  as  either  from  the  Chronicler  (Kau.,  H-J.) 
or  from  an  uncanonical  source  (Bn.),  the  Chronicler's  pre-midrashic  fore- 
runner annotated  in  v.'"  by  the  insertion  of  in  Judah  and  Benjamin 
(Ki.).  These  words,  since  all  the  cities  enumerated  are  in  Judah  {cf.  in 
Judah  in  \^),  if  the  material  is  older  than  the  Chronicler,  are  a  gloss. 
Benjamin  did  not  historically  belong  to  the  S.  kingdom,  but  through  the 
incorporation  of  its  territory  into  the  S.  kingdom  after  the  fall  of  Samaria 
the  tribe  was  later  reckoned  as  having  originally  sided  with  Judah,  and 
this  view  appears  in  i  K.  ii''  (not  =2)  1221-  23.  Linguistically  these  verses 
belong  to  the  Chronicler  and  he  may  well  be  regarded  as  their  author. 
This  likewise  is  true  of  the  remainder  of  the  chapter,  although  xv.  "23 
are  assigned  by  Ki.  to  another  source  representing  material  of  historical 
worth.  For  marks  of  the  Chronicler  cf.  i^yi  i^j? 'roi  (1.  124)  nannS  (1. 
134)  v.  12;  B'^JD  (1.  20),  mr  Hiph.  (1.  30)  v.  »;^3y  Hiph.  (1.  89)  vv. 
16.  22  J  aS  jnj  (1.  78)  V.  16;  NU'j?  (1.  76)  vv.  21.  23;  construction  of  sen- 
tence (11.  117,  129)  v.  22;    3lS  (1.  105)  V.23. 


366  2    CHRONICLES 

5-12.  Rehoboam's  fortification  of  cities. — These  cities  were 
on  the  roads  to  Egypt,  or  on  the  western  hills  of  the  Judaean 
Shephelah,  and  hence  were  fortified  as  a  protection  against  Egypt, 
and  in  view  of  the  invasion  of  Shishak  the  record  of  their  fortifica- 
tion may  well  have  historical  foundation.  Compared  with  the 
frontier  cities  fortified  by  Solomon  (i  K.  Q'sb.w  is)^  they  illustrate 
the  shrunken  condition  of  Rehoboam's  kingdom  (GAS.  /.  II.  p. 
89).  Winckler  (KAT.^  p.  241)  holds  that  their  building,  i.e., 
rebuilding,  was  occasioned  through  their  destruction  in  insur- 
rections at  the  time  of  Rehoboam's  accession.  6.  Beth-Iehem]. 
Cf.  I  Ch.  2^'.— £/(?;«].  Cf.  I  Ch.  4\—Tekoa].  CJ.  i  Ch.  4^— 
7.  Beth-zur].  Cf.  i  Ch.  2*K—Soco].  Cf.  28"  Jos.  15"  i  S.  17'. 
A  town  in  the  Shephelah,  mod.  esSiiiveke,  south-southeast  from 
Beth-shemcsh  (Rob.  BR.^  I.  p.  494,  n.  7;  Buhl,  GAP.  p.  194; 
BDB.),  to  be  distinguished  from  the  Soco  of  i  Ch.  4'8. —  Adiillam] 
the  fortress  mentioned  in  the  history  of  David  (i  S.  22'),  clearly 
in  the  Shephelah  (Ne.  ii'"  Mi.  i'^),  conjectured  the  hill  'Aid- 
el-ma  off  the  Wady  es  Sur  (GAS.  HGHL.  p.  229),  otherwise 
not  identified. — 8.  Gath].  Cf.  i  Ch.  18'.  Gath  can  scarcely 
have  belonged  to  Judah  at  the  time  of  Rehoboam,  since  at  the 
time  of  Solomon  it  had  its  own  king  (i  K.  2"),  and  it  probably 
remained  Philistine  until  its  destruction,  c.  750  (Am.  6'),  occasioned 
not  unlikely  by  Uzziah  (266),  but  whoever  wrote  9='  had  placed 
Philistia  under  Solomon. — Mareshah].  Cf.  i  Ch.  2". — Ziph\ 
Cf.  I  Ch.  2<'.  9.  Adoraim-\]  mod.  DUra  west  of  Hebron. — 
Lachish]  a  notable  frontier  town  frequently  mentioned  {cf  Jos. 
10  Mi.  I''  2  K.  18'^),  mod.  Tell-el-Hesy,  recently  excavated, 
thirty-three  miles  south-west  from  Jerusalem,  and  east  from  Gaza 
(Bacd.<  p.  118). — 'Azckah]  Jos.  lo'"  '•  i5'«  i  S.  17'  Je.  34'  Ne. 
ii'"  f,  not  identified. — 10.  Zore'ah]  Jos.  15"  i9<'  Ju.  13'"  16" 
18'  «  "  Ne.  ii"t,  mod.  Sara,  fifteen  miles  west  of  Jerusalem 
(BDB.).— Aijalon].  Cf  i  Ch.  6"  ^''\— Hebron].  Cf  i  Ch.  3' 
640  (6s)  12  (67)  III — jfi  Judah  and  in  Benjamin].  All  of  the  above- 
mentioned  cities  are  in  Judah,  except  Zorah  and  Aijalon,  which 
were  in  the  territory  of  Dan  (Jos.  19*'');  hence  it  has  been 
assumed  that  these  later  came  into  the  possession  of  Benjamin 
(Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.),  but   the  words  are  a  comprehensive   term  for 


XI.  1-23.]  VARIOUS   ACTS    OF   REHOBOAM  067 

the  S.  kingdom.  They  are  held  by  some  to  be  a  gloss  (v.  s.). — 
11  f.  This  picture  of  fortresses  victualled  and  garrisoned  through- 
out the  land  seems  to  imply  that  they  were  intended  to  keep  Judah 
in  subjection  (y.  s.  Winckler)  and  to  justify  the  rendering  of  the 
last  clause  and  so  Judah  and  Benjamin  became  his  (Ba.),  but  we 
prefer  the  view  that  they  were  fortified  as  a  protection  against 
Egypt. 

6.  p''i]  in  the  meaning  of  rebuilt,  fortified  (cf.  i  Ch.  11'). — 10. 
nmsD  nj)]  cities  of  ramparts,  walls,  in  v. "  12*  21',  sg.  14^,  without  "^V 
ii'i  and  Is.  293  Na.  2'  (=)  ?  -]•. — n.  nnSNi]  a  construct  governing  the 
three  following  nouns.  For  example  of  two  nouns  cf.  i  Ch.  13'. — 12. 
i^yi  ■f;?  Sdoi]  idiomatic  with  the  Chronicler.  Cf.  1  Ch.  26'3  Ges.  §  123c 
(1.  124). — nND  n^in'^]  Ges.  §  iiT,k. 

13-17.  The  immigration  to  Judah. — 13.  And  the  priests  and 
Levites  that  were  in  all  Israel  coming  out  of  all  their  territory  took 
their  stand  with  him].  Faithful  servants  of  Yahweh,  from  the 
Chronicler's  point  of  view,  would  necessarily  side  with  Rehoboam. 
— 14.  Their  open  lands]  the  land  round  the  Levitical  cities  in 
which  the  community  had  common  rights  and  which  according  to 
P  was  never  to  be  sold  (Lv.  25'^  Nu.  35^-^  cf.  i  Ch.  6'"'  '")). — And 
their  possessions]  i.e.,  their  other  landed  property  in  cities,  includ- 
ing houses,  which  also  were  an  inalienable  possession  of  the  Le- 
vites, although  not  of  other  Israelites  (Lv.  25" -3^).  The  priests  and 
Levites  thus  appear  making  full  sacrifice  in  leaving  their  former 
homes. — For  Jeroboam,  etc.].  This  fact  is  stated  negatively  in  i  K. 
125',  a  passage  which  may  have  suggested  this  entire  paragraph. 
The  emphasis  appears  to  be  on  unto  Yahweh,  which  is  entirely 
wrong  from  the  historical  point  of  view,  since  Jeroboam  did  not 
repudiate  the  worship  of  Yahweh. — His  sons]  i.e.,  his  successors 
(Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.). — 15.  The  Chronicler  regarded  the  schism  of  Jer- 
oboam in  the  worship  of  Yahweh  as  an  entirely  idolatrous  move- 
ment. A  polemic  against  the  Samaritans  and  the  newly  founded 
temple  at  Gerizim  has  been  seen  in  this  passage  (Tor.  AJSL. 
XXV.  1909,  p.  201).— The  high  places]  (^\^J22)■  The  word  primarily 
meant  "  heights,"  any  conspicuous  elevation  of  the  country  or  land- 
scape (cf.  Dt.  32>3  Is.  58"  Am.  4'3  Mi.  i^),  then  (both  sing,  and  pi.) 
a  place  of  worship,  of  Yahweh  as  well  as  other  gods  (r  S.  9' 


U2-26 


368 


2    CHRONICLES 


lo'- "  I  K.  3«  22"  2  K.  15");  after  the  Dcuteronomic  reform  high 
places  came  to  mean  not  only  an  unlawful  place  of  worship, 
but  one  entirely  dedicated  to  the  service  of  other  gods.  The 
Chronicler  probably  thus  used  the  word  here  and  elsewhere  (cf. 
i^su).  4(5)  j^i7  176  20"  21"  28*"  31'  32'«  ss'-^''-^^  34'). — And  for 
the  he-goais]  (Wl'^y^J)  a  term  applied  to  the  demons  (Arabic 
jinn)  popularly  believed  to  inhabit  desert  and  waste  places,  not  as 
pure  spirits,  but  in  corporeal  form,  ordinarily  represented  as  hairy 
(hence  goat-like)  (WRS.  Religion  of  the  Semites,^  p.  120)  {cf  Is. 
13-'  34'*  Lv.  17').  The  epithet  applied  by  the  Chronicler  in  re- 
proach to  Jeroboam's  innovations  has  the  stigma  of  our  term  devils. 
A  connection  with  an  Egyptian  god  Pan  and  a  borrowing  from 
Egypt  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  H-J.)  are  not  probable. — And  the  calves]  the  two 
golden  calves  set  up  by  Jeroboam  at  Bethel  and  Dan  as  symbols  of 
Yahweh  (i  K.  12'*-  ^■).  This  symbolism  probably  was  derived 
from  the  Canaanites,  among  whom  the  bull  was  the  symbol  of  Baal 
(Bn.  EBi.  I.  col.  632). — 16.  All  who  were  loyal  to  Yahweh  in  the 
N.  kingdom  are  represented  as  having  followed  the  example  of  the 
priests  and  Levites  in  going  to  Jerusalem,  not  simply  to  sacrifice, 
but,  as  the  strengthening  of'the  kingdom  shows,  to  remain  perma- 
nently.— 17.  Three  years].  The  reason  of  this  limitation  is  due  to 
the  invasion  of  Shishak  in  the  fifth  year  of  King  Rehoboam  (cf. 
12^  I  K.  14").  This  invasion,  from  the  Chronicler's  point  of  view, 
must  have  been  caused  by  some  religious  delinquency  of  Reho- 
boam and  his  people  (cf.  12'),  and  this  delinquency,  introducing  at 
once  a  weakening  of  the  kingdom,  naturally  falls  in  the  fourth  year 
of  Rehoboam  immediately  preceding  the  invasion,  and  thus  only 
three  years  are  left  for  obedience  and  increase  in  strength. — In  the 
way  of  David  and  of  Solomon].  The  Chronicler  ignores  completely 
the  apostasies  of  Solomon.  In  i  K.  1 1*-»  Solomon  is  placed  in  con- 
trast to  David. 

14.  on'^jn]  in  Hiph.  only  in  Ch.  with  meaning  io  reject,  1  Ch.  2S'  2  Ch. 
29"  (1.  30).  ifT'jiKn  with  meaning  to  give  a  slettch  (Is.  19')  is  probably 
from  another  root,  though  of  same  radicals  (BDB.). — 17.   loSn]  ($  sg. 

18-23.  The  royal  family. 

This  section  is  entirely  independent  of  i  K.  and  its  source  and  histor- 
ical value  are  necessarily  entirely  conjectural.     Bn.  assigns  it  aus  dcr 


XI.  18-23.]  REHOBOAM'S    FAMILY  ^5g 

andern  Vorlage  von  Chronislen,  and  Ki.  to  the  ancient  material  "  for  the 
most  part  of  good  historical  value."  It  is  extremely  probable  that 
Rehoboam  was  of  luxurious  habits  and  that  he  followed  his  father  in  the 
possession  of  a  considerable  harem.  The  memory  of  this,  with  the  names 
of  some  of  his  wives  and  children,  may  have  long  continued  and  been 
recorded,  or  the  names  may  have  been  invented  by  the  Chronicler. 

18  f.  And  Rehoboam  look  to  himself  a  wife,  Mahalath  the 
daughter  of  Jerimoth  the  son  of  David,  and*  of  Abihail  the  dmighter 
of  Eliab  the  son  of  Jesse]  (v.  i.). — Jerimoth]  not  mentioned  among 
the  sons  of  David's  wives  {cf.  2  S.  3=-^  5'^'^  i  Ch.  3'-'  14^-'),  hence 
either  the  son  of  a  concubine  or  possibly  Jerimoth  (mO''"!"')  is  a 
corruption  of  Ithre  am  (Dj?"in''),  who  was  one  of  the  sons  of  David 
(i  Ch.  y). — Abihail]  not  mentioned  elsewhere;  for  other  occur- 
rences of  the  name  cf.  1  Ch.  2". — Eliab]  David's  eldest  brother 
(i  S.  i6«  i7'0- — 19*  These  three  sons  are  not  mentioned  again. — 
Jeush].  Cf.  I  Ch.  7'". — Shemariah].  Cf.  1  Ch.  12^. — Zaham-\]. — 
20.  Maacah  the  daughter  of  Absalom]  probably  granddaughter, 
since  Tamar  is  mentioned  as  his  only  daughter  (2  S.  14").  Cf 
13%  where,  according  to  the  true  text,  Ma  acah  is  called  the 
daughter  of  Uriel. — Of  the  three  sons,  except  in  the  case  of  Abijah 
{cf.  i2'«)  and  the  daughter,  nothing  further  is  known.  The  name 
Altai  appears  among  the  descendants  of  the  Judahite  Sheshan 
(i  Ch.  2")  and  a  Gadite  (i  Ch.  12"). — Ziza]  the  name  also 
of  a  Simeonite  (i  Ch.  4"t),  probably  a  childish  reduplicated 
abbreviation  or  a  term  of  endearment  (Noeldeke,  EBi.  III.  col. 
3294). — Shelomith]  apparently  also  a  son,  since  the  name  oc- 
curs of  men,  Levites  (i  Ch.  2352^-"  26"Qf-28);  head  of  a  post- 
exilic  family  (Ezr.  S'");  of  women,  the  mother  of  a  blasphemer 
(Lv.  24"),  a  daughter  of  Zerubbabel  (i  Ch.  3''). — 21.  Sixty  con- 
cubines] thirty,  according  to  (^  and  Josephus,  Ant.  viii.  10,  i. 
This  is  preferred  as  original  by  Bn. — 23.  And  he  dealt  wisely]  in 
the  policy  which  he  pursued  of  scattering  his  sons  and  giving  them 
an  abundant  maintenance  and  also  a  considerable  number  of 
wives.  This  would  be  conducive  to  their  contentment  and  a 
preventive  of  rebellion  against  their  brother  (but  the  text  may 
not  be  sound,  v.  i.). 

18.   p]  read  na  with  Qr.,  (&,  H. — S^n>3N]  read  S^noNi  after  <5*  (so 
Be.,  Ke.,  et  at.  generally),  since  only  one  wife  of  Rehoboam  is  meant,  as  is 


370  2    CHROXICLES 

shown  by  the  sing,  nt- n  and  ith  of  v.  ". — 21.  az'i]  late  usage,  cf.  i^^ 
24'  Ezr.  9'  «  10"  Ne.  13M  Ru.  i<  (BDB.)— 22.  iD'^icnS  >3]  either  an 
example  of  a  peculiar  sentence  without  verb  (1.  117),  or  more  probably 
the  verb  given  in  (&  Sl€vo€7to  (3'J'n)  has  been  omitted  from  the  text,  and 
should  be  restored  (Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.  HB.,  el  al.  generally). — 23.  p'l] 
wanting  in  (&. — 1'">d'i]  from  I'^fl  with  the  doubtful  meaning  of  to  distrib- 
ute (BDB.),  (6-^'^,  Kal  T}ii^ridT),  as  though  I'lfl  had  here  the  meaning  to 
spread  abroad,  increase  {cf.  i  Ch.  4'*).  (&^  conflates  two  renderings  and 
introduces  a  subject  koX  rii^-^dr)  A/3ia  Kal  St^/co^e.  B  renders  'ui  p'l 
quia  sapientior  fuit  et  potentior  super  omnes  filios  ejus  connecting  with 
the  preceding  verse. — •'ly  Sd'^]  <g  >i;f  SsSi,  so  Ki.  SBOT.,  Kom.,  BH. 
— ccj  tmn  '?»sr'>i]  F.  Perles,  Analekten  Textkritik  des  ATs.  p.  47, 
D''i:'j  onS  NLT"!.  This  emendation  is  accepted  by  Ki.  BH. — The  text  of  these 
verses'"  23)  is  certainly  doubtful.  Winckler  reconstructs  them  {KAT.* 
pp.  241  /.),  v.  22  r:3  ^Di2  iD^'^cnS  nsys  p  ^^^N  r.snS  iCi"M,  .4?z<f  /ze  ap- 
pointed Abia  tlie  son  of  Ma'acah  chief  in  order  to  make  him  king  from 
among  all  his  sons.  As  C'nt  hecui  of  the  family  (BDB.  S'nt  3.  f), 
Abijah  is  appointed  during  the  life  of  his  father  his  successor  on  the 
throne.  (It  is  not  necessary  to  look  to  the  Assyrian  vn-\  reitu  as  Winck- 
ler does  to  draw  this  conclusion.)  The  words  vnto  n>jjS  are  a  gloss. 
The  meaning  of  v.  23,  according  to  Winckler,  has  been  distorted  through 
the  insertion  from  v.  "  of  vj3  '^dh.  It  properly  belongs  with  vv.  '-'2. 
Winckler  renders  Und  er  baule  und  zerstorte  in  alien  Gebieten  Judas 
und  Benjamins  (alle)  die  festen  Stddte  tend  er  tat  hinein  Vorrdte  in 
Menge.  The  last  clause  of  v.  ^,  d^-'J  p:;n  Sn';"i,  speaks  of  the  King's 
own  wives  and  goes  with  v.  ='.  On  the  whole,  however,  it  is  better  to 
accept  the  emendation  of  Perles. 

XII.  1-12.  The  invasion  of  Shishak. — An  enlargement  of  the 
narrative  of  i  K.  i4"-2s.  The  additions  are  \-A-.i-2b-8- u  (v.  s.). 
(These  additions  are  marked  by  Ki.  as  from  a  Midrash,  yet  it  is 
allowed  that  they  may  have  been  written  by  the  Chronicler.). — 
1.  When  the  kingdom  of  Rehoboam  was  established  and  he  was 
strong]  i.e.,  during  the  first  three  years  of  Rehoboam's  reign  (cf. 
II"),  he  forsook  the  law  of  Yahweh].  This,  from  the  Chronicler's 
point  of  view,  was  a  necessary  antecedent  to  the  invasion  of  Shishak. 
— And  all  Israel].  Cf.  ii''. — 2.  Shishak]  Shoshenk,  the  first 
Pharaoh  of  the  twenty-second  d}Tiasty.  The  results  of  this  invasion 
are  inscribed  on  the  temple  at  Karnak,  where  a  list  of  some  one 
hundred  and  eighty  towns  captured  by  Shishak  is  given.  These 
belong  to  northern  Israel  as  well  as  Judah,  showing  that  he 
exacted  tribute  there  even  if  he  only  used  violence  in  the  king- 


Xn.  1-16.]  INVASION   OF   SHISHAK  371 

dom  of  Rehoboam  (Max  Muller,  EBi.  IV.  col.  4486).  The 
occasion  of  this  invasion  was  probably  the  weakened  condition 
of  Israel  through  the  disruption  of  the  kingdom;  and  Jero- 
boam, since  he  had  sought  refuge  in  Egypt  (i  K.  11"),  may 
have  directly  solicited  such  an  interference  against  Judah. — For 
they  had  transgressed  against  Yahweh]  an  addition  to  i  K.  14", 
and  a  characteristic  touch  of  the  Chronicler,  who  thus  accounts 
for  the  invasion.  Cf.  i  Ch.  lo^s. — 3.  With  twelve  hundred  chariots 
and  sixty  thousand  horsemen;  and  the  people  were  without  number]. 
These  statements  are  of  the  magnifying  character  of  the  Jewish 
Midrash.  Kings  gives  no  such  detail.  For  similar  exaggerations 
cf.  13'  14'  17'^  ff-. — Lubim]  the  Libyans  of  northern  Africa, 
west  of  Egypt.  They  repeatedly  invaded  Egypt  and  mingled 
with  the  people  and  supplied  the  Pharaohs  with  a  militia.  Shishak 
was  of  this  race.  They  are  also  mentioned  in  16*  Na.  3^  Dn.  11" 
and  (C;"'?)  Gn.  10"  i  Ch.  i". — Sukkiyimif]  not  yet  satis- 
factorily explained.  (^,  U,  have  Troglodytes,  cave-dwellers,  hence 
probably  the  cave-dwellers  of  the  mountains  on  the  west  coast  of  the 
Red  Sea  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.  ?);  from  derivation  from  booth, 
"dwellers  in  booths"  (Ki.).  Spiegelberg  {^gyptolog.  Rand- 
glossen  z.  AT.)  identifies  them  with  the  Tktin,  who  were  used  as 
police  troops  in  the  nineteenth  dynasty. — And  Cushites]  the 
Ethiopians,  the  inhabitants  of  Cush,  a  general  name  for  the  dis- 
trict lying  south  of  Egypt  proper,  cf.  Am.  9^  The  Libyans  and 
Cushites  are  mentioned  among  the  allies  of  Egypt  in  Na.  3'. — 4. 
The  fortified  cities].  Cf.  ii^s-. — 5.  Shemaiah  the  prophet].  Cf. 
1 1" «-.  This  episode  is  not  mentioned  in  Kings. — You  have  forsaken 
me  and  I  indeed  have  forsaken  you  in  the  hand  of  Shishak].  Cf.  15". 
— 6.  Humbled  themselves]  i.e.,  they  fasted  and  put  on  sackcloth; 
cf.  I  K.  21"-  29 — Princes  of  Israel]  in  v.  ^  princes  of  Judah. — 
Righteous  is  Yahweh].  Cf  Ex.  9"  Dn.  9'^ — 7.  In  a  short  time]. 
Thus  t3J?I33  is  to  be  rendered  (RVm.,  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.,  Ki.), 
and  not  sofne  or  small  deliverance  (RV.,  Kau.). — And  my  wrath 
shall  not  be  poured  out  upon  Jerusalem]  i.e.,  the  city  shall  not  be  de- 
stroyed, cf.  34". — 8.  But  they  will  be  his  servants]  in  contrast  to 
the  destruction  which  they  will  escape.  This  service  will  be  of 
short  duration  (v.'). — That  they  may  know,  etc.]  i.e.,  that  they  may 


372  2    CHRONICLES 

distinguish  between  the  two  services  and  recognise  that  the  service 
of  Yahweh  is  not  so  oppressive  as  that  of  foreign  kings  (Be.,  Ke., 
Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.).  The  lands  here  refers  to  foreign  countries. — 
9-11.  The  narrative  from  i  K.  14" «  commenced  in  v.'  is  now 
resumed. — 9.  Shields  of  gold].  Cf.  9'". — 10.  Guard]  literally 
runners ;  a  term  applied  to  a  body-guard  {cf.  i  S.  22 'M  K.  i')  and 
hence  to  the  royal  guard  connected  with  the  palace  and  the 
Temple. — 11.  The  purpose  of  the  shields  made  by  Solomon  is  here 
explained. — 12.  This  verse  is  from  the  Chronicler,  an  echo  of  v. '. 
The  good  things  which  were  found  in  Judah  are  piety  and  fidelity 
to  Yahweh,  on  account  of  which  Judah  was  not  destroyed  {cf.  19'). 

1.  3r>"]  simple  perf.  after  a  clause  or  expression  of  time,  cf.  w.  '•  " 
I5«»  20'  21''  24<-  "^  Ne.  i<  Zc.  7'  Ez.  i'  20'  26'  29"  302"  et  al.  Koe.  iii. 
§  370b. — 2.  nSy]  cf.  V.  '. — ps^c]  so  also  Qr.  in  i  K.  i4»  but  Kt.  pvw, 
also  (&  "LovffaKiin.  This  latter  is  without  doubt  correct  after  the 
Egyptian  Soieuq. — 5.  ■■narp]  prophetic  pf.,  Dr.  TH.  13.— 7.  .  .  .  niNiai 
n^n]  ^nn  might  be  expected  in  one  clause  or  the  other,  cf.  v.";  see 
Dr.  TH.  p.  157  f.n.,  Ges.  §  iiib. — nta^SoS]  ace.  with  ^,  Ges.  §  ii-jn. 
— 9.  Sj;m]  a  modification  of  n'^j:  in  v. '  i  K.  14=^  agreeable  to  the  con- 
text.— ■'JJ3  ns]  I  K.  1426 'd -"a  nx. — 10,  11.  The  rendering  of  10^  and 
1 1  >>  in  (5  is  singular  and  without  ready  explanation,  Kal  Kar^ffrijffev  iv^ 
airrbv  "LovaaKiitJ.  6.pxovTa%,  eic,  (li'')  eijfiropevovTO  ol  (pvKaaaavre^  Kal 
oi  ira.paTpix'^vTes  Kal  ol  iiriffrp^ipovTei  eU  airavTrjcriv  tQv  ■n-apa.Tpex(>vTwv. 
(&^  follows  1$  in  lob  and  has  both  ®  and  the  addition  'ui  dinb'ji  in  11"^. 
— 11.  awi'ji  D^snn  1N3]  i  K.  1428  o^x-in  dink". — 12.  Cf.  for  constr.  v.  '. 
— n^nrn'']  inf.  continuing  finite  verb,  Ges.  §  ii^p,  Ew.  §  351  c  at  end. 

13-16.  The  chronology  and  sources  of  the  reign  of  Reho- 
boam. — 13.  And  King  Rehoboam  strengthened  himself  in  Jerusalem 
and  reigned].  These  words  from  the  Chronicler  indicate  Reho- 
boam's  recovery  of  authority  after  the  invasion  of  Shishak. — 14. 
Because  he  did  not  set  his  heart  to  seek  Yahweh].  This  phrase  from 
the  Chronicler  occurs,  in  the  positive  form,  of  Jehoshaphat  19'  and 
of  Hezckiah  30",  and  of  Ezra  with  the  law  as  the  object  Ezr.  y". 
— 15.  A  modification  of  i  K.  14='  after  the  usual  manner  of 
Chronicles,  cf.  9"  i  Ch.  29". — The  words  of  Shemaiah  the  prophet 
and  Iddo  the  seer].  Cf.  9";  not  independent  works  by  these  two 
men  (Ke.)  but  the  reference  is  to  the  sections  of  the  main  source  of 
the   Chronicler  (see  Intro.  §  6). — In  reckoning  genealogies]  an 


Xm.  1-23.]  REIGN   OF   ABIJAH  373 

obscure  phrase  either  defining  in  some  way  the  character  or  contents 
of  the  source  just  mentioned  (Ke.,  Zoe.)  as  containing  a  genealogi- 
cal register  (Oe.),  or  the  title  of  the  work  of  Iddo  (Ba.),  or  a  copy- 
ist's blunder,  really  belonging  with  the  meaning  in  order  to  be 
enrolled  in  the  genealogies  at  the  close  of  ii'«  (Be.  after  Hitz.),  or 
a  meaningless  phrase  arising  from  some  textual  corruption  (Bn.), 
or  in  the  wrong  place  from  a  copyist's  error,  and  to  be  struck  out 
(Ki.  Kom.). — And  the  wars  of  Rehoboam  and  Jeroboam  were  con- 
stant] (lit.  all  the  days)  condensed  from  i  K.  143°.— 16.  Taken 
with  abridgment  (v.  i.)  from  i  K.  i^^^—Abijah]  the  true 
name  of  the  son  of  Rehoboam,  called  in  Kings  Abijam,  possibly  to 
avoid  confusion  with  Abijah  the  son  of  Jeroboam  mentioned  in  i 
K.  i4>  (Bur.),  or  to  avoid  connecting  name  of  Yahweh  (rf  jah) 
with  so  godless  a  king  (Bn.  ?),  or  a  euphonic  change  of  the  ending 
ah  (Ki.):   the  real  reason  remains  obscure. 

13.  •'3]  introduces  the  quotation  from  i  K.  1421'',  but  is  superfluous 
and  not  according  to  usage  elsewhere.— 14.  jjnn  rpM]  from  i  K.  14^2 
opening  words,  but  with  niirr'  as  subj.  (&  of  K.  has  Rehoboam  as  subj. 
— 15.  tt'n^nnS]  either  inf.  of  purpose  defining  the  words  of  Iddo,  or  with 
S  of  inscription  giving  their  title  (Ba.),  or  text  error  or  corruption.  (6^, 
Kdl  irpd^eis  avTov,  ri:'j?m,  perhaps  favors  this  last.  (&^  has  in  addition 
Tov  yeveaXoyija-ai,  U  et  deligenter  exposita,  with  reference  to  the  acts  of  Re- 
hoboam .—^';2-\'^'^  Di'^m  mcnSci]  i  K.  143"  D>a-\>  r^i  ov^m  r^  ^^'^  nsn'7c\ 
— mnnSn,  ■'-\3n3]  each  followed  by  two  genitives,  c/.  ii'  i  Ch.  13'  Ges. 
§  128a. — a^n^n  So]  pred.  of  copula  understood,  Koe.  iii.  §  426k. — 16.  In 
I  K.  14"  after  nap^i  il^  has  rn3N  uy  and  after  nMT  it  has  n^jryn  ncyj  ids  DBn; 
but  the  latter  is  wanting  in  (S^S  which  furnishes  the  probably  true  text 
of  Kings. 

XIII.  1-23.  The  reign  of  Abijah  (r.  920-917  b.c.).— This  King 
reigned,  according  to  i  K.  15-,  only  three  years,  and  in  the  brief 
narrative  of  i  K.  (151-8)  Abijah  (Abijam)  is  known  only  as  a  ruler 
'*  walking  in  all  the  sins  of  his  father  "  and  spared  only  for  David's 
sake.  The  Chronicler  gives  no  inkling  of  this  evil  character,  but 
on  the  basis  of  the  statement  that  there  was  war  between  Abijah 
and  Jeroboam  (i  K.  15')  depicts  him  as  a  great  victor  over  the  N. 
kingdom  "because  his  people  relied  upon  Yahweh"  (v.  ■«),  and 
his  short  reign  is  made  one  of  great  glory. 


374  -    CHRONICLES 

Ki.  after  Bn.  assigns  vv.  ■''-=''  to  M,  v.  ='  to  ancient  material  of  historical 
value,  and  only  vv.  --  ^ab  to  the  Chronicler.  The  whole  chapter,  however, 
may  well  be  regarded  as  coming  from  the^Chronicler  with  use  of  canonical 
material  in  vv.  '•*■  "».  The  Chronicler's  style  appears  throughout,  cf. 
inf.  with  S  V. ';  pinnn  (1.  38)  v. ';  S  with  inf.  after  icn  (1.  4)  v.  8;  ."ix^sn  •>cj? 
(1.  97)  V.  9;  the  detailed  ritual  v.  "  {cf.  2^  8"  i  Ch.  23");  nnxsna  cisxnD 
(1.  44)  V.  "  {cf.  I  Ch.  15W);  na  •\y;  (1.  92)  v.  =»;  aaS  111  -»>•:  v. '  {cf.  i  Ch. 
22'  29')  (Graf,  G B.  p.  137). 

1-2.   Introduction. — From  i  K.  15' '  ^^. — 1.  In  the  eighteenth 

year  of  King  Jeroboai)i]  the  only  example  where  the  Chronicler  has 
given  a  synchronism  from  Kings. — 2.  Ma  acali*].  Cf.  11"  i  K.  15'. 
Micaiah  of  the  Heb.  Text,  elsewhere  a  man's  name,  is  clearly  an 
error. — The  daughter  of  Uriel].  In  11"  i  K.  15=  Maacah  is  the 
daughter  of  Absalom  (Abishalom  i  K.  15=),  hence  either  Uriel  was 
the  husband  of  Tamar,  the  daughter  of  Absalom,  and  thus  Maacah 
was  his  granddaughter  (Ke.,  Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.),  or  a  confusion  has 
arisen  between  Maacah  the  mother  of  Asa  (i  K.  15'°"),  who  really 
was  the  daughter  of  Uriel,  and  Maacah  the  daughter  of  Absalom, 
the  mother  of  Abijah  (Bn.  after  Thenius,  also  Ki.,  who  thinks  of 
two  Maacahs,  but  holds  that  the  wife  of  Rehoboam  was  the 
daughter  of  Uriel,  and  that  this  statement  of  the  text  is  "a  good 
ancient  piece  of  information")-  In  all  probability  there  was  only 
one  Maacah  (cf.  11  ^''-"and  15"). — Uriel].  Be.  thought  possibly  the 
same  as  the  Levite  mentioned  in  i  Ch.  15^  ",  but  all  is  obscure  in 
regard  to  him;  neither  can  it  be  determined  whether  Gibeah  near 
Hebron  (Jos.  15",  cf.  i  Ch.  2<')  or  the  one  of  Benjamin  is  meant. — 
And  war  was  between  Abijah  and  Jeroboam].  This  clause  taken 
from  I  K.  15^''  introduces  the  fme  specimen  of  Midrash  which 
follows. 

3.  The  assembled  armies. — The  great  numbers  400,000  and 
800,000  are  characteristic  of  the  Midrash,  cf.  v."  14'  17'^".  The 
number,  however,  of  Jeroboam's  warriors  is  the  same  as  that  cred- 
ited to  Israel  in  the  census  taken  by  Joab,  while  that  of  Abijah's 
army  is  100,000  less  than  that  credited  to  Judah  (2  S.  24').  (In  i 
Ch.  21'  Israel  has  1,100,000,  and  Judah  470,000.)  How  utterly 
unhistorical  these  numbers  are,  appears  at  once  when  one  reflects 
upon  the  small  size  of  the  territory  of  northern  Israel  and  Judah. 
The  entire  population  of  the  country  at  its  maximum  can  hardly 


Xm.  1-23.]  REIGN    OF   ABIJAH  37c; 

ever  have  been  more  than  four  times  its  present  strength  of  650,000 
souls  (EBi.  III.  col.  3550). 

4-12.  The  address  of  Abijah. — The  appearance  of  Abijah,  who 
according  to  i  K.  15'  "  walked  in  all  the  sins  of  his  father  "  and  was 
spared  only  for  David's  sake  (i  K.  15^),  as  a  preacher  and  ardent 
upholder  of  the  Levitical  worship  of  Yahweh  is  an  interesting 
touch  of  the  Chronicler,  who  in  this  speech  especially  magnifies 
the  importance  of  the  Aaronic  priesthood  and  the  ceremonial  service 
according  to  the  priestly  law  as  the  source  of  divine  favour  and 
victory. — 4.  Zemaralm]  appears  in  Jos.  18"  among  the  cities  of 
Benjamin,  mentioned  between  Beth-arabah  and  Bethel.  This 
would  not  exclude  its  connection  with  a  hill  of  the  same  name  in 
Ephraim,  i.e.,  on  its  southern  boundary.  The  place  is  generally 
identified  with  es-Sumra  to  the  north  of  Jericho  {SWP.  III. 
pp.  174,  212/.,  Buhl,  GAP.  p.  180  et  al.,  see  DB.).  But  (according 
to  Be.)  the  narrative  is  not  favourable  to  a  location  so  far  east. 
This  exhortation  from  the  mountain-top  resembles,  so  far,  Jotham's 
from  Mt.  Gerizim  (Ju.  9"^). — 5.  Covenant  of  salt]  i.e.,  an  indissol- 
uble covenant.  Cf.  Nu.  18".  The  figure  is  derived  from  the  sacred- 
ness  of  the  bond  created  between  parties  who  have  partaken  food 
together,  who  say  of  one  another,  "There  is  salt  between  us"  (cf. 
Dill,  on  Lv.  2",  Gray  on  Nu.  i8i<',  VVRS.  Rel.  Semites^,  p.  270, 
Bn.  Arch.  p.  91). — 6.  The  servant  of  Solomon].  Jeroboam  is  so  re- 
ferred to  in  I  K.  II".- — 7.  Worthless  men].  Cf.  Ju.  9<  11'. — Base 
felloivs]  (^y^i  ''JD),  ERV.  sons  of  Belial,  a  frequent  expression 
(Dt.  13'^  ""  Ju.  19"  20''  I  S.  2'2  10"  I  K.  21'°  '3)  but  only  here  in 
Chronicles. — Young]  (lyj)  scarcely  applicable  to  Rehoboam  at 
the  age  of  forty-one  (12'^),  though  this  is  defended  from  the  use  of 
the  term  in  i  Ch.  22^  29'  i  K.  3^  as  equivalent  to  "an  inex- 
perienced young  man  "  (Ke.,  Ba.).  Others  read  in  12''',  twenty-one 
instead  oi forty-one  (Zoe.,  Oe.). — Tender-hearted]  either  timid  {cf. 
Dt.  20  s)  or  weak  in  understanding.  The  whole  picture  of  the  revolt 
in  this  verse  is  very  different  from  that  taken  from  Kings  given  in 
10'  «•,  where  Rehoboam  appears  hard  and  defiant  and  brings  about 
the  rupture  by  his  domineering  manner.  Here  the  fault  is  laid  en- 
tirely on  the  representatives  of  Israel,  who  are  characterised  as 
worthless  and  base  fellows.     This  view  is  due  to  the  intensity  with 


376 


2    CHRONICLES 


which  the  Chronicler  or  his  source  (Bn.)  regards  the  northern  king- 
dom as  apostate,  and  the  southern  with  its  King  as  the  true  people 
of  Yahweh.  In  this  the  Chronicler  may  have  reflected  the  feeling 
of  his  Jewish  contemporaries  toward  the  Samaritans. — 8.  In  the 
hand  of  the  sons  of  David]  therefore  the  only  legitimate  kingdom. — 
Since  ye  are  a  great  multitude,  etc.].  Abijah  thus  states  the  ground 
of  their  confidence,  which  is  baseless  because  they  have  not  a 
proper  priesthood  (v. «). — 9.  The  priests  of  Yahweh  the  sons  of 
Aaron].  According  to  P,  the  priesthood  was  restricted  to  the  sons  of 
Aaron  (E.x.  28<''«-  29*^  40^^^-  etc.). — And  the  Levites].  These  sub- 
ordinate officers  are  naturally  mentioned  in  connection  with  the 
priests,  because  their  position  was  equally  fixed  in  the  sacred  law 
(Nu.  3'  ^-  8'  "  i8«  etc.). — After  the  jnanner  of  the  peoples  of  other 
lands]  who  have  no  chosen  or  restricted  holy  priesthood  like  that  of 
the  tribe  of  Levi  and  the  house  of  Aaron.  A  better  contrast,  how- 
ever, is  given  in  the  Greek  rendering  (preferred  by  Bn.)/row  the 
people  of  the  land,  i.e.,  from  any  one,  as  the  remainder  of  the  verse 
shows.  This  also  is  more  agreeable  to  the  statements  in  i  K.  12" 
13". — To  consecrate  himself]  (lit.  to  fill  his  hand),  a  frequent  expres- 
sion (Ex.  28^'  29'-  »»•  "•  "  Lv.  8"  16"  Ju.  17'-  '2  I  K.  13"  et  <//.). — 
With  a  young  bullock  and  seven  rams]  agreeable  to  the  law  of  Ex. 
29'  except  that  there  only  two  rams  are  prescribed.  AVhile  the 
personnel  of  this  northern  priesthood  is  illegitimate  (r/.  also  i  K. 
13"),  its  ritual  is  described  in  the  main  as  according  to  the  law. — 
No  gods].  Cf.  Je.  2"  5^  The  reference  here  is  to  the  golden  calves 
(cf.  Ho.  8"). — 10.  In  contrast  to  the  no  gods  Yahweh  is  empha- 
sised as  the  God  of  Abijah's  host,  and  the  sons  of  Aaron  as  his  min- 
istering priests,  with  the  Levites. — In  their  work].  The  term 
(ilDS^D)  is  used  frequently  of  Levitical  and  priestly  duties. — 11. 
The  daily  services  appointed  for  the  worship  in  the  tabernacle  are 
here  enumerated:  the  morning  and  evening  sacrifices  (Ex.  29  ""•), 
the  morning  and  evening  incense  of  sweet  spices  (Ex.  30'  '•),  the 
perpetual  offerirfg  of  show-bread  (Ex.  25"),  and  tlie  lighting  each 
evening  of  the  lamps  of  the  golden  "candlestick"  which  burned 
until    the  morning  (Ex.  25'"'  30"  40"  '   Lv.  24').* — 12,    The 

*  Contrary  to  the  notion  of  these  passages  that  the  lamps  were  lighted  to  hum  over  night, 
it  has  been  held  that  some  at  least  of  them  were  kept  burning  also  during  the  day,  Josephus 


Xm.  1-23.]  REIGN   OF   ABIJAH  377 

contest  is  pictured  as  a  holy  war. — The  trumpets  of  alarm].  These 
are  made  prominent  because  by  their  use,  according  to  Nu.  10', 
the  people  are  remembered  before  Yahweh  and  delivered  from 
their  enemies.     Cf.  also  Nu.  3I^ 

13-20,  The  success  of  Abijah's  army. — 13.  Jeroboam  not  only 
has  an  army  double  the  size  of  Abijah's  (v.=),  but  by  his  strategy 
places  Judah  in  additional  peril,  and  thus  the  divine  deliverance 
is  enhanced.  On  the  form  of  strategy  cf.  Jos.  8^  Ju.  20^3  f  . — 14, 
On  the  blowing  of  the  trumpets  cf.  v.  '2. — 15.  Gave  a  shout]  i.e., 
uttered  a  religious  war-cry;  cf.  Jos.  6"''«  where  the  same  Heb. 
word  is  used. — God  stnote].  Some  supernatural  help  is  in  the  mind 
of  the  writer;  r/.  1 4 ">(">. — 17.  500,000].  Cf.v.K — 18,  They  relied, 
etc.].  Cf.  14"'  <">. — 19.  Bethel]  mod.  Beitin,  about  ten  miles  north 
of  Jerusalem;  the  seat  of  worship  for  one  of  the  golden  calves  (i  K. 
12").  If  this  narrative  were  historical  a  mention  or  hint  of  this 
capture  and  some  fate  of  the  golden  calf  would  probably  appear 
elsewhere  in  OT.  history  and  prophecy,  but  Bethel  always  seems  to 
have  been  a  sanctuary  of  the  N.  kingdom,  and  to  have  retained  the 
calf  (2  K.  io29  Am.  7"  Ho.  lo^  Beth-aven=Bethel). — Jeshana-\] 
Cheyne  also  finds  in  i  S.  7'^  where  Heb.  text  has  Shen  (Grit.  Bib.). 
Josephus  mentions  a  village  of  the  same  name  in  Samaria  near  the 
border  of  Judah  (Ant.  xiv.  15,  12),  probably  the  mod.  'Ain  Sinja, 
3J  miles  north  of  Bethel  {SWP.  II.  pp.  291,  302). — 'Ephron^] 
Qr.  Ephrain,  probably  the  same  as  Ephraim  (Jn.  11")  and 
Ophrah  (i  S.  13",  Jos.  18")  and  Ephraim  mentioned  by  Josephus 
{BJ.  IV.  9,  9)  with  Bethel,  identified  with  mod.  et-Taiyibeh,  four 
miles  north-east  of  Bethel  {DB.  I.  p.  728). — And  Yahweh  smote 
him  and  he  died].  The  same  language  describes  the  fate  of  Nabal 
(i  S.  2538)  and  implies  some  sudden  and  untimely  end.  This  is 
scarcely  consistent,  in  view  of  the  contrasted  gathering  of  strength 
of  Abi jah  v.  ^i,  with  the  chronology-  of  Kings,  which  makes  Jero- 
boam the  survivor  of  Abijah  at  least  a  year.     {Cf.  i  K.  142"  i5>  '■  '). 

Beyond  the  statement  of  the  war  between  Abijah  and  Reho- 

said  three  of  the  seven  {Ant.  iii.  8,  3).  Cj.  also  c.  Apion.  (i.  22),  where  in  a  passage  from 
Hecataeus  it  is  said  that  the  Temple  light  is  never  extinguished  either  by  day  or  by  night. 
The  Mishna  says  that  one  of  the  seven  burned  by  day  {Tamid  III.  9,  VI.  i).  Philo,  however, 
speaks  of  their  burning  only  at  night  and  implies  that  they  were  extinguished  by  day  (Z>e  Vic- 
timis Ofjtrailibus,  7,  inil.).    Cj.  DB.  IV.  p.  664;  Schurer,  Gesch.^  II.  p.  286  [HJP.  II.  i.  p.  281]. 


378  2    CHRONICLES 

boam  (v.  ">),  and  possibly  the  location  of  the  battle  (Bn.),  there  ap- 
pears nothing  historical  in  this  narrative.  The  real  result  of  the 
war  is  difiScult  to  determine.  The  unfavourable  judgment  of 
Abijah  in  i  K.,  and  the  hard  pressure  there  recorded  of  Baasha 
upon  Asa,  as  though  Asa  had  inherited  an  evil  situation  from  his 
father,  certainly  cast  doubt  upon  any  victory  {cf.s.v.  "),  yet  Graf 
accepted  a  success  of  Abijah  as  historical  {GB.  p.  137),  so  likewise 
Pa.  (EHSP.  pp.  194/.)  and  McC.  {HPM.  I.  p.  255). 

21-23.  Conclusion  of  Abijah's  reign. — 21.  This  statement  of 
Abijah's  might  and  the  number  of  his  wives  and  children  is  ac- 
cepted as  from  an  ancient  tradition  by  Bn.  and  marked  of  historical 
value  by  Ki.  and  thus  quoted  by  Pa.  (EHSP.  p.  195).  But  this  is 
improbable.  It  is  better  to  regard  it  as  a  fitting  climax  to  his  great 
victory,  penned  by  the  Chronicler.  Equally  with  Abijah's  ap- 
pearance as  a  preacher  and  the  narrative  of  his  success,  it  is  at  vari- 
ance with  the  account  in  Kings  where,  after  the  short  reign  of  three 
years,  having  apparently  no  son,  he  is  succeeded  in  all  likelihood 
by  his  brother,  since  the  statement  that  Maacah  was  the  mother  of 
both  Abijah  and  Asa,  and  that  the  latter  removed  her  from  court 
(i  K.  152-  '0-  '3),  overrides  the  assertion  that  the  successor  of  Abijah 
was  his  son  (i  K.  158)  (We.  Prol.  p.  210). — 22.  Commentdry]  lit. 
Midrash,  see  Intro.,  p.  23. — llie  propliet  Iddo\  Cf.  12'^ — 23 
(XIV.  1).  Taken  in  its  first  half  from  i  K.  158. — His  brother  should 
probably  {v.  s.)  be  .substituted  for  his  son. — In  his  days  the  land  had 
rest  ten  yedrs\  These  words  are  by  the  Chronicler.  This  rest  is 
clearly  considered  the  result  of  Asa's  removal  of  the  high  places, 
pillars,  poles,  and  "sun-images"  mentioned  in  14=  ■•  <'■  ".  Asa's 
piety  required  such  a  reward.  The  basis  of  the  calculation  of  ten 
years  is  not  clear.  Perhaps  the  period  was  reckoned  in  the 
mind  of  the  writer  as  beginning  with  the  great  victory  of  Abijah 
over  Jeroboam  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.).  In  reality  the  statement  is  con- 
tradicted by  the  statement  of  i  K.  15'-  that  there  was  war  between 
Asa  and  Baasha  king  of  Israel  all  their  days  since  Baasha  began 
to  reign  in  the  third  year  of  Asa  (i  K.  15-*  "). 

1.  Oi'3-i']  I  K.  15'  sq.  03J  p.— i':'D>i]  Dr.  TH.  §  127  (/3),  Ges.  §  11 16, 
1  K.  iSs. — hon]  I  K.  o-'ZK,  cf.  12". — 2.  iD'S'iD]  elsewhere  a  man's 
name,   prob.  text.  err.   i  K.   15'  •■'3>c,  also   11'"  q.  v.,  so  here  <8". — 


Xm.  1-23.3  REIGN   OF   ABIJAH  379 

n>':ij  ID '7N''-MN  na]  i  K.  and  (gi' mS-^'iax  na. — 3.  idnm]  cf.  i  K.  20'^ — 
hdhSd  nuj  Sin3]  a  case  of  apposition,  Dr.  TH..^  §  190. — 5.  n;;nS  odS] 
Koe.  iii.  §  ,397ci,  on  inf.  Ges.  §  114/1  and  k. — nSn  mj]  a  second  ace. 
after  jnj,  so  Koe.  iii.  §  327!,  perh.  better  ace.  of  manner,  Ges.  §  iiSffi 
and  q;  the  phrase  occurs  elsewhere  only  in  P,  Nu.  18''  (c/.  also  Lv. 
2").— 7.  rh-i'l  instead  of  more  usual  r^x  with  v^p,  BDB. — SySj]  cf. 
Moore  on  Ju.  19"  for  renderings  in  Vrss.  and  etymologies.  The  deriva- 
tion fnom  '''?3  and  Sy,  "without  profit,"  BDB.,  he  regards  as  dubious.  Cf. 
Smith  on  i  S.  i'*  for  references  to  later  discussions. — 'iji  oyami]  a  cir- 
cumstantial clause  expressing  time. — ptnnn]  also  in  v. »  and  v.  2',  favour- 
ite vwjrd  of  the  Chronicler,  cf.  i'  (1.  38). — 8.  DnsN]  with  force  of  purpose, 
followed  by  inf.  a  usage  of  the  Chronicler.  Cf.  i  Ch.  21"  (1.  4) . — '1J1  onxi] 
causal  circumstantial  clause  since,  etc. — ?1D^]  with  the  meaning  of  crowd,, 
multitude  1410  202- "2. 's.  34  ^2',  frequent  in  Ez.  and  Dn.  (see  BDB.), 
only  used  exceptionally  in  early  prose  (1.  28). — 9.  dmShi].  Since  in 
w.  ^-'2  Abijah  chides  Jeroboam  with  having  driven  out  the  sons  of 
Aaion,  the  priests,  and  the  Levites  (v.  '=>),  and  with  having  appointed 
priests  from  the  people  whoever  were  ready  with  offerings  (v.  ^b)^  but  no 
mention  is  made  of  an  appointment  of  persons  to  take  the  place  of  the 
expelled  Levites,  and  since  the  activities  of  the  priests  with  Judah  are 
mentioned  in  detail  (v.  "),  and  since  priests  only  are  mentioned  in  con- 
nection with  the  anny  and  sounding  the  trumpets  (vv.  12.  14)^  \i  has  been 
held  (by  Biichler,  ZAIV.  1899,  p.  99)  that  the  Levites  did  not  originally 
stand  in  v.  '  and  that  the  present  i  and  2  Ch.  are  a  revision,  in  the  interest 
of  the  Levites,  of  an  earlier  form  of  the  book.  But  there  is  really  nothing 
in  this  supposition.  The  Chronicler  wrote  sometimes  influenced  by  the 
phraseology  of  Dt.  and  sometimes  by  that  of  P.  Precision  in  the  use  of 
language  was  not  one  of  his  traits  (v.  Intro,  p.  19). — nisixn  ic>'3] 
an  expression  of  the  Chronicler  (1.  91);  (&  iK  toO  \aov  rrjs  yijs  (and 
wTongly)  Trd(T7)s.  ®l  follows  ^. — ni  nSdS].  The  origin  of  this  phrase, 
equivalent  to  cmisecrate,  is  uncertain.  Since  it  has  a  parallel  in  the 
Assyrian  umalli  kdti  "  he  filled  the  hand  of  one,"  i.e.  "  he  gave,  appointed, 
enfeoffed,  or  presented  "  (Now.  Arch.  II.  p.  121,  after  Halevy),  it  is 
probably  the  adaptation  to  the  induction  into  the  priests'  oflBce  of  a 
term  used  in  general  with  such  force.  Thus  Wellhausen's  derivation, 
then,  is  practically  right  when  he  derives  it  from  the  custom  in  early 
times  of  filling  the  hand  with  money  or  the  equivalent  (Prol.  p.  152). 
Dillman  (on  Lv.  7'")  and  Baudissin  {DB.  IV.  p.  71)  derive  "consecra- 
tion "  from  the  notion  of  filling  the  priest's  hand  with  his  portion  of  the 
sacrifice;  and  Sellin  (Beitrdge,  II.  pp.  118/.)  from  the  custom  of  filling 
the  hand  of  the  priest  with  arrows,  used  in  primitive  times  in  giving 
oracular  responses;  and  von  Hoonacker  (Le  Sacerdota  Levitiqiie,  pp. 
134/.)  from  filling  the  priest's  hand  with  something  to  place  upon  the 
altar. — n\Ti  .  .  .  Na~  Vo]  an   example  of  a  subject  separated  from  its 


38o 


2    CHRONICLES 

verb  by  1,  Koe.  iii.  §  41211,  Dr.  TH.  §  123(0). — s^nSx  nSS]  Koe.  iii. 
§  380!,  Ges.  §  1520,  foot-note. — 10.  ijnjNi]  Ges.  §  143a,  Koe.  iii. 
§  34ig. — Ty^7\''^'\  dat.  after  o^mcD,  cf.  22'  23',  Koe.  iii.  §  327c. — pjnSdd] 
(&  suggestively  iv  toij  i<p-qfjxpiais  airrwv,  possibly  read  vppVnca. — 
11.  anapci]  Hiph.  of  verb  used  in  P  over  thirty  times  of  burning  (lit. 
making  smoke)  the  sacrifices  on  the  altar. — anya  .  .  .  V32]  cf.  for 
these  phrases  E.x.  16='  30'  Lv.  6'  "2)  i  Ch.  9"  23'"  Is.  28"  50'  Ez.  46"  "■. 
Only  in  this  verse  does  the  repetition  of  3"<>'  occur. — .i3ij:c]  only  of  the 
rows  of  the  show-bread,  and  only  here  in  construct  before  cnS,  but  before 
n>Dn  2',  elsewhere  with  art.  preceded  by  Dn*?  i  Ch.  9"  23^'  Ne.  la",  by 
]nh\p  2  Ch.  29«»,  and  mjnW  i  Ch.  28",  pi.  abs.  Lv.  24*  f- — (intan  ]rhipr\  S;]. 
This  phrase  also  occurs  in  Lv.  24'. — n-njc]  used  only  of  the  lamp- 
stands  of  the  tabernacle  Ex.  25"  et  al.  and  of  the  Temple  i  K.  7^'  et  al. 
in  I  and  2  Ch.  Je.  52",  and  of  that  of  the  vision  of  Zc.  4=  "  and  of  that 
provided  for  Elisha  by  the  Shunemite  2  K.  4'". — .t>::c'C]  used  very  fre- 
quently in  P  and  also  Ch.  of  priestly  and  Levitical  duties. — 12.  pnxxni] 
cf.  I  Ch.  152^  (1.  44)- 

XIV-XVI.  The  reign  of  Asa  (r.  917-876).— The  Chronicler's 
treatment  of  Asa  is  based  upon  the  account  given  in  i  K.  15'". 
There  in  vv.  "'*  Asa  is  commended  for  his  piety.  This  is  greatly 
enlarged  upon  by  the  Chronicler,  and  Asa's  prosperity  is  corre- 
spondingly magnified  (14'*  "'>  15  '-'^).  A  magnificent  victory 
over  an  invading  force  of  Cushites  not  mentioned  in  Kings  is  also 
recorded  (i48-'<  o-is)).  The  remainder  of  the  account  in  i  K. 
(vv.  '*-"),  apart  from  the  summary  of  the  reign,  concerns  the  rela- 
tions of  Asa  to  the  N.  kingdom.  This  material  is  incorporated 
by  the  Chronicler  into  his  narrative  with  the  addition  of  a  prophetic 
rebuke  of  Asa  for  his  alliance  with  Syria  (16'-'°).  His  last  days, 
also,  are  pictured  in  darker  colours  than  in  Kings,  where  a  disease 
in  his  feet  is  mentioned.  This  in  Chronicles  is  made  very  great, 
and  the  King  is  said  also  not  to  have  sought  Yahweh,  but  phy- 
sicians (i6'=). 

According  to  Ki.  after  Bn.,  c.  14  and  167-"  are  from  M,  while  15'"  is 
from  M-.  This  double  origin  is  assigned  from  the  double  accounts  of 
reform,  cf.  14= '  with  15'.  C.  15,  however,  is  linked  with  c.  14  {cf.  v.  ", 
where  the  sacrifices  are  from  the  spoil  of  victory).  Historical  incohe- 
rence in  reforms  both  before  and  after  a  victory  would  not  trouble  a 
wTiter  like  the  Chronicler,  and  thus  prove  compilation  from  two  sources. 
The  tale  of  the  victory,  however,  was  not  unlikely  derived  by  the 
Chronicler  from  his  Midrashic  source,  and  the  grouping  there  of  events 


XIV.  1-7]  ASA'S   PIETY   AND   MIGHT  38 1 

may  have  influenced  him  in  his  narrative,  but  the  chapters  throughout 
bear  marks  of  his  peculiar  style  and  may  well  be  regarded  as  his  own 
composition.  The  following  are  marks  of  the  Chronicler's  style:  In 
143  S  icN  with  following  inf.  (1.  4);  in  143 1512  mn^  ns  c-n  (c/.  i  Ch.  i5'3  2i"» 
2  Ch.  i5  18O  (1.  23);  in  i4«  in^Vx^i  (c/.  7"  1312  et  al.);  in  i4'o  i6'» 
uja-j  i^S;  (f/.  i3'8);  in  14'"  ixj?  (1.  92);  m  i4«2  n>nD  onS  pxS  (c/".  i  Ch. 
22^;  in  14"  nta  a  late  word  25'3  28"  Ezr.  9'-  ><>.  is.  le  Ne.  3'*  Dn. 
ii24. 33 -j-  (1.  lo'i;  the  similar  phraseology  in  152  end  of  verse  and  126'';  in 
155  mx-iNn  (c/.  I  Ch.  13")  (1.  6);  in  is'^  S  withobj.;  in  15"  nnssn  (1.  44); 
in  1 6' 8  the  repeated  use  of  S;  in  16"  the  relative  sentence  without  ib'n 
subordinated  to  the  preposition  {cf.  i  Ch.  i5'2)(l.  120);  in  1612  nSyoS  ly 
(r/.  1  Ch.  14=)  (I.  127)  (Graf,  GB.  p.  142). 

XIV.  1-7  (2-8).  Asa's  piety  and  might. — This  whole  section 

is  an  expansion  or  illustration  of  v. '  '=',  which  is  from  i  K.  151'.     In 

1  K.  iS'Mt  is  recorded  that  Asa  put  away  the  sacred  prostitutes 
out  of  the  land  and  removed  all  the  idols  which  his  fathers  had 
made.  The  Chronicler,  however,  entirely  omits  this  statement  so 
utterly  at  variance  with  the  piety  and  religious  zeal  already  ascribed 
to  Rehoboam  and  Abijah;  but  he  expands  the  reform  of  Asa  into 
one  similar  to  those  mentioned  in  Kings  as  ^vrought  by  Hezekiah 
and  Josiah — i.e.,  the  removal  of  the  high  places  (2  K.  i8^-  ==  238). — 

2  (3.)  Foreign  altars]  i.e.,  the  altars  of  foreign  gods,  cf.  Gn.  352* 
Jos.  2420-  23  Ju.  lo's  I  S.  73  Je.  5". — The  high  places].  In  i  K.  i5'« 
it  is  stated  that  Asa  did  not  destroy  the  high  places. — The  pillars] 
the  masseboth,  the  sacred  stones  set  up  at  a  place  of  worship, 
originally  a  primitive  expression  of  the  later  altar,  temple,  or  idol, 
and  naturally  retained  as  the  proper  accessories  of  a  sanctuary  (cf. 
Gn.  28'8  ")_  xhe  Deuteronomic  law  forbade  their  use  (Dt.  16^) 
and  commanded  their  destruction  (Dt.  y^  123). — The  asherim]  fre- 
quently mentioned  with  the  foregoing  and  lU^ewise  forbidden  (Dt. 
16")  andcommandedtobedestroyed(Dt.  7*123).  They  were  wooden 
poles  set  up  like  the  stone  pillars  at  sanctuaries.  Their  meaning  is 
obscure,  scarcely  a  phallic  emblem,  possibly  a  substitute  for  a  tree 
as  a  residence  of  deity,  or  possibly  originally  boundary  posts,  re- 
garded later  as  sacred.  It  has  also  been  thought  that  there  was  a 
Canaanite  goddess  Asherah,  equivalent  to  the  great  Semitic  god- 
dess Astarte,  whose  symbol  or  idol  was  the  Asherah  post.  (Cf. 
15'8.)     But  on  this  scholars  are  not  agreed  (Asherah,  EBi.  I.  coll. 


382 


2   CHRONICLES 


332/. ;  Dr.  Dt.  pp.  201/. ;  Lagrange,  Eludes  siir  les  Religions  S'emi- 
tiqiies,  pp.  119/.,  argues  for  goddess).  Asheroth  (pi.  of  Asherah)  are 
mentioned  in  19'  T,y,  elsewhere  as  here  Asherim  17'  24"  31'  2,y* 
34'-  *■  \ — 4.  (5).  Sun  pillars]  (only  pi.,  34^- '  Lv.  26'"  Is.  17'  27«t) 
probably  a  form  of  masseboth  {cj.  v. ')  (GFM.  EBi.  III.  col.  2976), 
regarded  generally  as  pillars  dedicated  to  the  sun  god  (nt2n)  (Bn.). 
— And  the  kingdom  had  rest  under  him  (lit.  before  him)]  re- 
peated with  emphasis  in  following  verse,  cf.  I3"''(i4'). — 5  (6).  This 
story  of  the  building  of  cities  has  probably  some  historical  basis, 
cf.  I  K.  15";  also  Je.  41',  where  a  pit  built  by  Asa  as  a  means  of 
defence  is  mentioned.— 7  (8).  Shield  and  spear].  Cf.  1  Ch.  12"  <">. 
—Bucklers  .  .  .  and  bows\  Cf.  i  Ch.  8^».  The  shield  (j:J2)  of 
these  bowmen  was  smaller  than  that  of  the  spearmen. — The  total 
strength  of  Asa's  army  is  580,000,  while  Abijah,  his  father,  led 
forth  an  army  of  only  400,000  {i^\  cf.  also  11'  i7'0- 

1.  1  3iBn]  wanting  in  i  K.  15"  and  so  also  Yrhi<.  i  K.  adds  V3M  ina. 
■ — 3.  icnm]  with  the  force  of  command  (1.  4),  or  an  example,  in  the  fol- 
lowing words,  of  the  indirect  discourse,  cf.  i  Ch.  13^ — 6.  yixn  ijiip 
ij'ijo'?]  (&^  ivLoiriov  TTJs  yrjs  KvpLeixTOfxev  (g'^  €>  w  (6^-  ^v  <^  Kvpievffonev 
Tfjs  y^s. — ijiiy]  suffix  masc.  because  it  precedes. — ij':d^]  at  our  dis- 
posal, rf.  Gn.  139  BDB.  n:o  H.  4.  a  (/).— Instead  of  ^rf1-;^  (S'^bl 
read  iJ'f'Jl  '^l'^"  '^^  sought  Yahweh  our  God  he  sought  us.  (6'^^  also 
omit  ijaM  and  read  u'?  mSs'i.  Hence  Winckler  {Alt.  Unter.  p.  187) 
proposes  to  read  after  Dt.  12""  uS  n^'^XM  uo'nd  30D-3  uS  nn  Atui  he  has 
given  us  rest  from  our  enemies  round  about  and  prospered  us. 

8-14  (9-15).  Asa's  victory  over  Zerah. — Not  mentioned  in 
Kings,  a  good  example  of  Midrash  (see  the  numbers  in  v. «  <»'). 
The  storv  is  either  without  historical  foundation  (so  Kuenen,  EinL 
pp.  139/.;  St.  Gesch.  I.  p.  355;  We.  Prol.  pp.  257/.),  or  with  greater 
probability  has  a  historical  basis  in  an  Egyptian  or  Arabian  inroad 
(Graf,  GB.  p.  138;  Erbt,  Die  Hebrder,  p.  106;  v.  also  i.). 
— 8  (9).  Zerah  the  Cushite]  (i)  identified  frequently  with  an 
Egyptian  king,  either  Osorkon.  I  or  II.,  of  the  twenty-second  (Bu- 
basite)  dynasty,  and  hence  contemporary  with  Asa.  In  favour  of 
Osorkon  II.  is  an  alleged  inscription  which  reads  that  all  countries 
of  the  upper  and  lower  Retennu  {i.e.,  Syria  and  Palestine)  have  been 
thrownunder  hisfeel  (Nvi\i\\e'sBubastisp.  51).  Cushite  ox  Ethiopian 


XIV.  8-14.]  ASA'S    VICTORY   OVER  ZERAH 


383 


applied  to  Osorkon  or  Zerah  must  then  have  arisen  from  the 
writer's  confused  linowledge  of  Egyptian  affairs;  he  may  have  been 
misled  by  2  K  19'  where  Tirhakah  is  called  King  of  Ethiopia 
(Sayce,  HCM.  p.  363).  The  place  of  battle,  Mareshah  (v.  i.), 
favours  an  Egyptian  inroad.  (2)  Cit shite  may  be  connected  with 
the  Cush  of  Arabia  (i  Ch.  i'),  and  thus  the  inroad  may  have  been 
from  Arabia  (so  Wincklcr,  Alt.  Untersuch.  pp.  161-166,  KATj  p. 
144;  Hommel,  Actes  10th  Cong.  Interl.  des  Orientalistcs,  p.  112; 
Paton,  EHSP.  pp.  ig6f.).  Agreeable  to  this  are  the  tents  and  the 
spoil  of  sheep  and  camels  mentioned  in  v.  '<  "s).  Zerah  may  also  rep- 
resent the  Sabean  name  Dhirrih,  a  title,  meaning  the  magnificent, 
of  several  of  the  oldest  princes  of  Saba  (Ba.)  {v.  s.  Hommel). — A 
thousand  and  three  hundred  cliariots]  a  gross  exaggeration  from 
every  point  of  view. — MareshaJi].  Cf.  ii«  i  Ch.  2^2. — 9  (10),  In 
the  valley]  probably  the  valley  at  whose  head  stands  Beit-Jibrin 
(GAS.  HGHL.  pp.  230-233). — Zephathah-\],  compared  doubt- 
fully by  Robinson  to  Tell-es-Sdfiyeh  (BR.^  II.  p.  31).  (B^^ 
reads  northward  (Kara  /3oppdv),  and  it  is  questionable  whether 
that  was  not  the  original  reading,  in  the  valley  to  the  north  of 
Mareshah  (nJ2^  instead  of  nnSi')  (Bn.).— 11  (12).  Cf.  13"-  •'. 
The  non-reliance  of  Asa  upon  his  large  army  (v.  '<*')  is  noticeable. 
The  narrative  is  entirely  artificial. — 12  (13),  Gerar]  south  of 
Gaza,  usually  identified  with  Umm  Jerar  (Baed.^  p.  121). — Andso 
many  of  the  Cushites  fell  that  there  was  no  recovery  (Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba., 
ARV.),  or  so  that  no  life  was  left  (Be.,  Ke.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  ARVm.). 
The  latter  is  better  since  the  following  clauses  suggest  annihilation. 
— His  host]  i.e.,  heavenly  beings  (the  older  commentators);  better, 
from  the  statement  of  v.  •',  Asa's  army  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.). — 13 
(14),  And  they  smote  all  the  cities  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Gerar]. 
This  implies  that  the  inhabitants  of  this  district  had  been  abettors 
of  the  Cushites.  (Instead  of  □'•"1''^  cities,  Bn.  reads  D''2"lV  -4m- 
bians.) — A  terror  from  Yahweh].  A  panic  seized  the  cities  through 
a  supernatural  terror  caused  by  Yahweh  (cf.  17'"  20"). — 14  (15). 
Tents  of  cattle]  a  strange  expression,  possibly  having  arisen  from 
textual  corruption.  (^  has,  in  addition,  a  proper  name  represent- 
ing some  unknown  tribe  or  place  (rou?  ^Afia^oveU)  (cf.  22' 
text-note).     The  booty  suggests  an  Arabian  incursion. 


384  2    CHRONICLES 

10.  n3  .  "iDj?  px].     On  force  of  ajj  beside  or  like,  cf.  2o«  Ps.  73* 

BDB.  ay  3  d.  On  1^3  with  S  following  cf.  Gn.  1'.  (6  reads  oi>/c 
dSi/yarer  Trapd  ffol  crwi^eip  iv  TroXXotj  kolI  iv  dXlyois-  following  the  text 
of  I  S.  i4«  e;r:3  in  3-\3  ^-'-j-inS  iii^D  run*'?  pN.  (SL  adds  here  from  1^ 
otj  oi)/c  e(7Tiv  tVxi^s.  H  won  e5<  a/)?«i  te  ulla  distautia  ttlrum  in  paucis 
auxilieris,  an  in  pluribus.  Kamp.  preferred  to  read  ixj:'?  instead  of 
"ityS,  but  that  is  not  necessary. — ?innn]  cf.  13^ — "^xj."]  na  is  understood 
{cf.  I  Ch.  29'*,  V.  1.  92).— 12.  -njS  1J,']  (g  has  TeSwp,  cf.  i  Ch.  4",  ip  used 
with  h,  cf.  Koe.  iii.  §  319c. — n-'nn  onS  j^nS]  a  clause  denoting  the  com- 
pleteness of  the  overthrow.  In  the  earlier  stage  of  the  language  S  would 
have  been  omitted  with  l''N  (Ew.  §  315  e).  This  construction  J-N  is  pecu- 
liar to  the  Chronicler,  cf.  20"  2i'8  36i«  i  Ch.  22^  Ezr.  9"  (1.  132). 

XV.  1-19.  The  exhortation  of  Azariah,  and  Asa's  religious 
reforms. 

1.  Azariah  the  son  of  Oded'\  not  mentioned  elsewhere.  Cf. 
V. '. — The  spirit  of  God'l  frequently  mentioned  as  the  cause 
of  prophetic  action  and  speech  {cf.  i  Ch.  i2'8  2  Ch.  20'^  24="). 
— 2.  Yahweh  was  with  you  because  you  were  witli  him].  The 
prophet  refers  to  the  victory  and  makes  it  an  occasion  for  advo- 
cating the  continuance  of  Asa's  reforms  (Ke.).  Others  render 
Yahweh  is  with  you  if  (w'hen,  while)  you  are  with  him  (Zoe.,  Oe., 
Kau.,  Ki.,  ARV.).  This  rendering  is  not  so  good,  although  a  state- 
ment of  the  general  lesson  to  be  dra\\Ti. — 3-6.  Variously  inter- 
preted: a  description  of  the  N.  kingdom  (iT);  a  prophecy  of  the 
future  (cf.  Ho.  y  <■)  ((g,  U,  as  the  tenses  show,  Zoe.);  a  description 
of  the  nature  of  a  general  truth  with  reference  either  to  the  past  or 
future  (Ke.);  a  reflection  on  the  whole  previous  course  of  Israel's 
history,  parenthetical  in  Azariah's  speech  and  from  the  Chronicler 
(Ba.);  a  description  with  general  reference  (Bn.)  yet  strongly  re- 
minding one  of  the  period  of  the  judges  (Be.,  Oe.,  Ki.).  This  last 
view  is  as  definite  as  any  which  can  be  given.  V.'  reflects  the  law- 
less times  of  the  judges;  v.  ^  the  repeated  distress,  and  deliverance 
on  calling  on  Yahweh;  v.  =■  the  violence  and  oppression  so  often  de- 
scribed (cf.  Ju.  5«  6'-«);  V. «  the  intertribal  and  interurban  conten- 
tions (Ju.  8^-»  '<-"  9'-"  i2i-«).  This  whole  speech  of  Azariah  fits 
in  badly  with  the  occasion  of  the  victory  and  is  an  unskilful  intro- 
duction to  the  reform  of  Asa,  an  ecclesiastical  renovation  so  dear  to 
the  heart  of  the  Chronicler. — 3.  Without  a  teaching  priest  and 


XV.  1-19.]  REFORMS   OF   ASA  385 

without  law].  The  two  expressions  are  synonymous.  The  giving 
of  legal  instruction  was  a  function  of  the  priest  (Dt.  ;}^^''  Je.  18"  Ho. 
46  f.) — 5,  Lands]  i.e.,  districts  of  the  territory  of  Israel  (cf.  11" 
I  Ch.  132). — 6.  Nation  against  nation]  i.e.,  one  part  or  tribe  of 
Israel  against  another. 

8.  'Oded  the  prophet]  either  a  gloss  (Be.,  Ki.),  or  representing  a 
lacuna  which  should  be  supplied  after  ^,  B,  with  the  reading  even 
the  prophecy  which  Azariahthe  son  of  Oded  had  spoken. — Detestable 
things]  objects  connected  with  idolatry  {cf.  i  K.  11*  2  K.  23^^). — 
Cities,  etc.].  Since  no  mention  is  made  of  cities  taken  by  Asa,  the 
reference  is  generally  supposed  to  be  to  those  taken  by  his  father 
Abijah  (13")- — ^"^  ^'^  renewed  the  altar].  This  statement  im- 
plies some  unrecorded  desecration  of  the  altar,  or  it  may  embody 
simply  the  historical  fact  of  the  renewal  of  the  ancient  Mosaic  and 
purer  imageless  worship  of  Yahweh  {cf.  Erbt,  Die  Hebrder,  p.  105). 
— 9.  Within  the  territory  of  the  S.  kingdom  are  represented  to  have 
been  members  of  the  adjoining  tribes  of  Ephraim,  Manasseh,  and 
Simeon,  who  were  either  permanent  residents  from  the  first  {cf. 
ID"),  or  drawn  thither  by  the  feeling  that  through  the  piety  of  Asa 
Yahweh  was  with  the  S.  kingdom  {cf.  ii'«'-  30")-  This  prob- 
ably reflects  the  condition  at  the  time  of  the  Chronicler,  when 
doubtless  many  Jews  traced  their  descent  from  families  of  the  ten 
tribes  {cf.  Lk.  i^'^),  and  the  devout  sought  residence  in  the  land  of 
Palestine. — Simeon].  While  historically  the  tribe  was  probably 
absorbed  either  by  the  desert  tribes  south  of  Judah  or  into  Judah 
{cf  I  Ch.  42^  ff ),  it  was  reckoned  as  one  of  the  ten  tribes  constitut- 
ing the  N.  kingdom  (i  K.  11"). — 10.  The  third  month].  In  this 
was  the  Feast  of  Weeks,  Pentecost,  which  according  to  the  later 
Jewish  tradition  commemorated  the  giving  of  the  law,  and 
hence  the  entrance  of  Israel  into  a  covenant  relation  with  Yahweh; 
and  thus,  if  this  tradition  was  as  early  as  the  Chronicler  or  his 
source,  this  would  explain  the  month  as  appropriate  for  the  cove- 
nant of  V.  >2.  The  reason  for  the  date  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  the 
reign  of  Asa  is  entirely  obscure,  and  especially  so  in  view  of  the  fol- 
lowing verse,  where  mention  is  made  of  the  oflfering  of  spoil,  presu- 
mably of  the  contest  with  Zerah,  but  since  according  to  13"  (14') 
"  the  land  was  quiet  ten  years"  the  contest  with  Zerah  took  place 


386 


2    CHRONICLES 


in  the  eleventh  year  of  Asa;  the  war,  then,  is  held  to  have  lasted 
some  four  years  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.)-  But  possibly  the  discrepancy 
arises  because  the  Chronicler  here  is  following  a  source  dif- 
ferent from  that  of  the  previous  chapter  (v.  s.). — 12.  They 
entered  into  a  covenant].  On  form  of  expression  cf.  Je.  34'°.  It 
means  that  they  bound  themselves  by  a  solemn  obligation  or  oath 
(cf.  v.")  to  seek  Yahweh  .  .  .  with  all  their  heart  and  all  their 
soul  (cf.  Dt.  4").  For  the  manner  of  taking  such  an  obligation 
cf.  34"  Je.  34'"  . — 13.  This  resolution  was  according  to  the  law 
(Dt.  i36-'»  ly^-")- — Whether  small  or  great]  i.e.,  whether  young  or 
old.— 14.  Shout  of  joy].  Cf.  i  Ch.  15''. — On  the  musical  instru- 
ments, trumpets  and  cornets  (mnSw,  rill'^'^Tl),  rf.  1  Ch.  15=*. 

16-19,  from  i  K.  15"-'^— 16.  Maacah].  Cf.  i^^.—Asherah]. 
Whether  there  was  ever  a  Canaanitish  goddess  Asherah  (BDB.) 
is  a  disputed  question  (DB.,  EBi.)  (cf.  14^),  but  the  name 
seems  to  have  been  so  used  or  understood  here. — An  horrible 
thing]  I  K.  i5"t)  some  kind  of  idol  or  idolatrous  symbol; 
H  simulacrum  Priapi  with  reference  to  the  phallus  cult.  This 
interpretation,  as  good  as  any,  is  usually  accepted. — And  he 
crushed]  wanting  in  i  K.  15",  added  by  the  Chronicler,  bringing 
the  destruction  of  the  horrible  thing (miphlezcth)  in  accord  with  that 
of  the  golden  calf  (Ex.  32")  and  the  asherah  (2  K.  23'  2  Ch.  34'  ')• 
— Valley  of  Kidron]  on  the  east  of  Jerusalem,  where  objects  used 
in  heathen  worship  were  regularly  destroyed  (cf.  29"  30'*  i  K.  15" 
2  K.  23<- «•'=),  probably  because  the  place  as  a  burying-ground  was 
considered  unclean  (Kidron,  DB.). — 17.  From  Israel]  i.e.,  Israel 
in  the  sense  of  Judah  (cf.  iv)  (Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.),  but  this  in- 
terpretation is  doubtful.  Since  in  14^  '^'  Asa  is  said  to  have  re- 
moved the  high  places,  the  Chronicler  probably  added  here  from 
Israel  in  the  meaning  of  the  N.  kingdom  (over  which  Asa  had 
historically  no  control)  and  thus  harmonised  this  verse  with  14'  <" 
(Ki.,  Bn.). — 18.  These  dedicated  things  were  possibly  spoils  of  war 
(cf.  I  Ch.  18"),  and  since  mentioned  in  i  K.  15"  have  been  re- 
garded as  a  confirmation  from  that  source  of  the  victories  of  Abijah 
and  Asa  narrated  in  13" "•  14'^  (Be.,  Oe.,  Ba.);  another  explana- 
tion is  that  they  were  removed,  through  fear  of  Baasha  (i  K.  15"), 
from  some  sanctuary  and  brought  to  Jerusalem  for  safe-keeping 


XVI.  1-6.]  WAR   WITH   BAASHA  387 

(Bn.). — 19.  And  there  was  not  war,  etc.].  According  to  i  K.  15'=  " 
war  was  between  Asa  and  Baasha  all  their  days.  This  discrep- 
ancy has  been  explained  by  regarding  the  Chronicler's  statement 
as  referring  to  the  absence  of  any  serious  occurrence  or  an  open 
declaration  of  war  in  spite  of  continued  hostility  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe., 
Ba.).  In  reality  the  Chronicler,  however,  probably  regarded  this 
continued  warfare  as  inconsistent  with  Asa's  piety,  and  hence 
wrote  the  history  accordingly. — The  thirty-fifth  year]  v.  i. 

1.  i.T'nii'i]  Ges.  §  143&. — 3.  a''3i  D^^ii]  ace.  of  duration  Ges.  §  118^. 
— The  usage  of  S  with  nS  (three  times)  is  pecuhar  and  not  found  else- 
where (1.  133,  Koe.  iii.  §  402  /3);  called  an  example  of  S  with  subject  (Bn.). 
— 5.  minNn]  districts  of  Israel's  territory,  cf.  ii^^  i  Ch.  132  Gn.  26'''. — 
6.  inn3i]  in  eight  MSS.  and  (B,  TS,  Pi. — 7.  iot']  Ges.  §  i4Sp. — 8.  KOjn  mj;] 
an  insertion,  as  the  abs.  HNUjn  shows  (Ges.  §  127/).  (S^  Azariah  the 
prophet,  B  Azariah  the  son  of  'Oded  the  prophet.  Perhaps  we  should 
read  p  innrj?  13T  na'N  (Ki.  BH.). — ptnnn]  cf.  for  construction  12^ 
for  use  I  Ch.  11'°. — 9.  2-h]  cf.  i  Ch.  428. — 11.  ix^an]  rel.  om.,  cf.  1  Ch. 
Q"*"  (1.  120). — 16.  m-'DH  .  .  .  dn]  I  K.  15"  mDM  1CX. — |1T'i]  wanting  in 
I  K.,  V.  s. — 17.  Ssitrin]  wanting  in  i  K.,  v.  s. — After  oS'i'  i  K.  15"  has 
nini  0}'.— 18.  a^-iSNn]  i  K.  1515  mn\ — 19.  nnin  nS  HDnSni]  i  K.  i5'6 
om.   n'?. 

XVI.  1-6.  The  war  with  Baasha.— Derived  from  i  K.  15"-". 
— 1.  In  the  thirty-sixth  year  of  the  reign  of  Asa]  wanting  in  2  K., 
and  with  the  thirty-fifth  year  mentioned  in  15"  historically  an  im- 
possible date,  since  according  to  i  K.  168"'  Baasha  died  in  the 
twenty-sixth  year  of  Asa.  Hence  thirty-fifth  (i5'0  and  thirty-sixth 
are  due  either  to  copyists'  errors,  or  to  an  improper  reckoning  by 
the  Chronicler.  Under  the  former  supposition  the  original  has  been 
held  to  have  been  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.), 
a  view  which  has  been  felt  to  harmonise  with  the  previous  state- 
ments that  during  the  first  ten  years  of  Asa's  reign  there  was  peace 
(13"  (14')),  and  hence  (it  may  be  assumed)  that  in  the  eleventh 
year  the  inroad  of  the  Cushites  took  place  (14'^),  followed  by  the 
cultus  reform  culminating  in  the  celebration  and  the  covenant  in 
the  fifteenth  year  (15^-'^),  and  that  then  came  the  war  with  Baasha 
in  the  following  year.  But  such  a  speedy  war  with  Baasha  is  un- 
thinkable from  the  Chronicler's  point  of  view.  The  covenant  and 
the  loyalty  could  only  have  been  followed  by  an  era  of  peace,  and 


388  2   CHRONICLES 

this  is  expressly  stated  in  15'^  where  it  says,  "  Yahweh  gave  them 
rest  round  about."  The  Chronicler  delayed  then  the  war  with 
Baasha  until  the  close  of  Asa's  reign  in  order  to  place  in  this  con- 
nection his  sin  {cf.  vv.  '«  ),  late  in  his  life  and  near  its  punish- 
ment through  the  disease  in  his  feet  three  years  later  (v.  ■'),  for  the 
Chronicler  undoubtedly  thus  regarded  the  disease,  and,  therefore, 
he  placed  the  war  with  Baasha  in  the  thirty-sixth  year  of  Asa's 
reign.  Other  explanations  of  the  thirty-fifth  and  thirty-sixth  years 
are  a  reckoning  based  on  the  separation  of  the  N.  and  S.  kingdoms, 
since  the  thirty-fifth  year  of  the  disruption  corresponds  to  the  fif- 
teenth of  Asa  (Mov.,  Ba.);  or  a  derivation  from  the  Midrash  source 
of  the  Chronicler,  which  had  a  chronology  or  scheme  of  synchro- 
nism with  the  N.  kingdom  quite  different  from  that  of  i  and  2  K. 
(Bn.,  Ki.). — Baasha  king  of  Israel].  According  to  i  K.  15" 
Baasha  came  to  the  throne  of  Israel  in  the  third  year  of  Asa,  and 
the  war  between  the  two  kingdoms  was  continuous  (i  K.  15"-  ='). — 
And  he  built]  i.e.,  as  the  connection  shows,  fortified,  since  Ramah, 
mod.  er-Ram  five  miles  north  of  Jerusalem,  is  mentioned  in  the 
earlier  history  {cf.  Ju.  4^  19")-  The  town  clearly  commanded  the 
highway  leading  to  Jerusalem.  How  far  the  Chronicler  is  from 
being  a  historian  is  seen  in  the  fact  that  no  mention  is  made  of  the 
implied  loss  of  the  cities  mentioned  in  158. — 2.  Silver  and  gold]. 
I  K.  i5'«  has  "  all  the  silver  and  gold  that  were  left "  with  reference 
to  the  loss  through  the  invasion  of  Shishak  (12'  i  K.  14").  This 
statement  is  omitted,  doubtless,  because  such  a  reference  to  de- 
pleted treasuries  would  have  been  quite  inappropriate  after  the 
prosperity  of  Asa  mentioned  above. — The  line  of  descent  of  Ben- 
hadad  King  of  Damascus  (c.  885-844  B.C.)  {KAT.^  p.  134)  is  also 
omitted. — 3.  A  league  is  between  me  and  thee  as  was  between  my 
father  and  thy  father].  Whether  this  statement  is  merely  rhetorical 
or  refers  to  an  actual  alliance  it  is  impossible  to  determine.  This 
successful  invocation  of  Benhadad  was  later  paralleled  in  the 
appeal  of  Ahaz  to  Tiglath-pileser,  King  of  Assyria,  for  assistance 
against  Damascus  and  N.  Israel  (2  K.  16' « ). — 4.  The  places  smit- 
ten are,  naturally,  on  the  northern  frontier  of  Israel. — 7;o«]  (i  K. 
15'"  2  K.  15"  t)  sur\'ives  in  the  name  Mcrj  'Aytin,  a  rich  oval  plain 
at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  of  Naphtali,  near  the  bend  of  the  river 


XVI.  7-14.]  ASA'S   REBUKE  AND    DEATH  389 

Litany,  and  is  identified  with  Tell  Dibbin  near  the  northern  end  of 
this  plain  (£5i.  II.  col.  2160;  Roh.  BRr-  III.p.375).— yl6e^  Maj'im] 
I  K.  152°  Abel  Beth  Ma'acah  and  also  2  K.  15^'  2  S.  20'^  (t^e  reading) 
IS  Abel -jf  mod.  Abil  el  Kamh,  a  small  village  on  a  hill  1,074 
feet  above  the  sea,  almost  directly  opposite  Banias,  and  on  the 
main  road  thence  to  Sidon  and  the  coast  (GAS.  in  EBi).  Mayim 
is  probably  due  to  textual  corruption. — All  the  store-cities]  1  K. 
1520  "  all  the  Chinneroth,"  i.e.,  the  fertile  district  of  Gennesaret  west 
of  the  sea  of  Galilee,  "  along  with  all  the  land."  The  rendering  of 
the  Chronicler  seems  suggested  by  this  text  (v.  i.). — 5.  And  he 
caused  the  work  to  cease].  This  statement  also  is  derived,  ap- 
parently, from  a  corruption  or  misunderstanding  of  the  text  {v.  i.). 
I  K.  15='  has  "and  he  dwelt  in"  (or  after  ($  "returned  to") 
"Tirzah." — 6.  And  he  built]  i.e.,  fortified. — Gebd]  mod.  Jeba, 
seven  miles  north  of  Jerusalem,  the  scene  of  Jonathan's  exploit  (i 
S.  14  1  *  ),  and  from  the  time  of  Asa  apparently  the  northern  limit 
of  the  S.  kingdom  (2  K.  23',  cf.  Zc.  14'°).— J/t'z/^a/?]  probably 
mod.  Nabt  Samwil,  five  miles  north-west  of  Jerusalem.  The  place 
is  frequently  mentioned  (Ju.  20''  2i'-5-  ^  i  S.  y^  et  al.).  The  forti- 
fication of  these  places  would  protect  the  S.  kingdom  from  en- 
croachments on  the  north. 

7-10.  The  rebuke  of  Hanani. — Asa  is  severely  condemned  for 
his  invocation  of  the  aid  of  Syria,  especially  after  his  great  victory 
over  the  Cushites.  7.  Hanani]  mentioned  in  19^  20^'  i  K.  i6'  ' 
as  the  father  of  the  prophet  Jehu.  The  seer]  (nSin)  also  v.  '», 
used  elsewhere  by  the  Chronicler  only  of  Samuel  (i  Ch.  g-^  26-" 
29");  clearly  an  archaism;  yet  regarded  as  an  evidence  of  an  an- 
cient tradition  {v.  i.). — Therefore  is  the  host  of  the  king  of  Aram 
escaped  out  of  thy  hand].  The  prophet  seems  to  imply  that  if  Asa 
had  relied  upon  Yahweh  he  would  not  only  have  conquered 
Baasha,  but  also  the  Syrians  who  were  in  league  with  him  (v. '). — 
8.  C/.  145  i\ — Lubim].  Cf.\2\  The  Chronicler  plainly  regarded 
the  Cushites  of  Zerah  as  an  Egyptian  host. — 9.  For  the  eyes  of 
Yahweh,  etc.]  an  expression  of  divine  omniscience  and  provi- 
dential care  (r/.  Zc.  4'"  Pr.  153). — For  from  henceforth  thou  shall 
have  wars].  No  additional  wars  are  recorded  during  the  reign  of 
Asa,  but  the  policy  of  foreign  alliances  naturally  provoked  them. 


390 


2    CHRONICLES 


Cf.  the  similar  situation  in  the  case  of  Ahaz  (Is.  7  2  K.  16). — 10. 
For  similar  treatment  of  prophets  cj.  that  of  Micaiah,  18-';  of 
Jeremiah,  Je.  20-;  and,  even  worse,  that  of  Zechariah,  24",  and 
of  Uriah,  Je.  26=°  ". 

11-14.  The  conclusion  of  Asa's  reign. — An  e.xpansion  of  i  K, 
15"'- — 11*  Fii^st  and  last\  Cf.  i  Ch.  29='. — In  the  book  of  the 
kings  of  Judah  and  Israel]  (v.  Intro,  p.  22)  i  K.  15"  "in  the 
book  of  the  chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Judah." — 12.  In  the  thirty- 
ninth  year]  i  K.  15='  "  in  the  time  of  his  old  age." — His  disease, 
etc.,  to  the  end  of  verse]  wanting  in  Kings. — And  also  in  his 
disease,  etc.].  Even  as  in  the  war  with  Israel  he  sought  human  aid 
through  Syria,  so  here  in  his  last  sickness  he  seeks  it  through  his 
physicians.  The  reference  to  physicians  is  unique  in  the  OT., 
although  they  are  elsewhere  mentioned  (cf.  Gn.  50^  in  connection 
with  embalming,  Jb.  13'  Je.  8").  The  art  of  healing  seems  to 
have  been  practised  by  the  prophets.  Cf.  the  application  to  Elisha 
2  K.  4"*  ,  and  the  healing  work  of  Isaiah  2  K.  20'  Is.  38*.  Pos- 
sibly this  passage  reflects  the  activity  of  physicians  in  the  Chron- 
icler's own  time.  Cf.  their  praise  in  BS.  38' '^ — 13.  And  died, 
etc.]  wanting  in  i  K. — 14.  i  K.  15"*  "and  was  buried  with  his 
fathers  in  the  city  of  David  his  father."  The  burial  of  Asa  is  de- 
scribed as  though  of  e.xceeding  magnificence  or  care.  The  laying 
of  him  on  a  resting-place  filled  with  spices  and  various  perfumes 
prepared  after  the  perfumers^  art  was  after  the  custom  of  preparing 
the  body  thus  for  the  burial  {cf.  Jn.  19'°  Mt.  27"  Mk.  15"  Lk.  23"). 
The  burning  (cf.  21"  Je.  34=')  was  not  of  the  body,  since  cre- 
mation was  contrary  to  the  customs  of  the  Hebrews,  but  probably 
of  spices,  possibly  originally  a  form  of  sacrifice  for  the  dead  (Now. 
Arch.  I.  p.  197;  EBi.  II.  col.  1337). 

1.  (K^A  38th  year,  (&^  30th.— nji  nxv]  cf.  Jos.  6=.— 2.  nxm]  i  K. 
i5i»n,-»i. — 'd  ann  1D3]  i  K.  'aonnun  anrnir|D3n  Sjpn  {v.  s.).  After  i^d 
I  K.  has  V13J?  -fa  oj.-im. — nSc>i]  i  K.  ndn  ^'7^^  Dn^tt^i. — pcmi]  i  K. 
pu'm. — 3.  ^-^^^  didOov  Siae-/iKr)v  followed  by  ARVm.  Let  there  be. — After 
nS  I  K.  15"  has  inr. — 4.  i3>i]  (6,  i  K.  is^"  yy. — ■'Spdj  .  .  .  Sas  pni]  i  K. 
1520  >Sp£)j  yiN  S3  Sy  nnj3  Sa  nxi  naya  n>3  Sax  pni.  The  text  of  the  Chron- 
icler is  based  either  on  a  corruption,  illegibility,  or  from  a  ready  sugges- 
tion of  the  letters,  or  possibly  it  is  another  name  of  the  district  given 
owing  to  its  fertility  (Ba.),  but  (S*bl  have  TTfpixw^ous  suggesting  niaoD. 


XVn.-XX.]  REIGN   OF  JEHOSHAPHAT  391 

— 5.  ipdnSd  pn  03!^^]  a  corruption  or  substitution  for  nxina  aa'M  (i  K. 
1521). — 6.  npS]  I  K.  is^sy^oiyn. — After  mi,-i>  K.  has  'pJ  pN  and  after  pM 
the  king  Asa,  and  after  J?3J  zh  Benjamin. — 7  and  10.  nNin].  This  title  is 
bestowed  elsewhere  only  on  Samnel,  i  S.  g'-  '••  '"■  i  Ch.  9"  26^'  29^'. 
Since  therefore  an  ancient  title,  Jastrow  finds  in  the  use  of  the  term  here 
an  evidence  at  leart  that  the  story  of  Hanani  is  ancient  if  not  authentic 
(JBL.  XXVIII.  1909,  p.  49).  But  the  application  of  this  term  to  Hanani 
is  made  with  no  reference  to  the  ancient  meaning  assigned  to  nxi  by  Jas- 
trow (v.  I  Ch.  2929),  and  the  Chronicler  may  have  been  led  to  use  the 
archaic  term  here  under  the  influence  of  i  S.  9'. — 12.  nSpm]  v.  1.  40. — • 
fl^ynS  fv]  cf.  I  Ch.  142  (1.  87).—'^  B'-n]  v.  1.  23. — a^Nona].  Jastrow  would 
read  either  a''>n5  jinto  the  seers  or  D\sfl-\3  unto  the  dead  (^op.  cit.  p.  49 
f.  n.  23). 

XVII-XX.  The  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  {c.  876-851  b.c.).— The 
Chronicler  has  made  use  of  all  of  the  narrative  given  in  i  K.  con- 
cerning Jehoshaphat  (i  K.  is^^^  22'-'5'>  n-i"),  A  shght  portion  of 
this  he  has  rewTitten  {cf.  iS'-'  20'^-"),  and  the  whole  he  has  supple- 
mented with  a  large  amount  of  new  material  (ly'b-is  191-203")  in 
which  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  appears  one  of  unusual  religious 
activity  and  external  splendour.  The  King  busies  himself  with  the 
instruction  of  his  people  in  the  law  of  Yahweh  (17'-')  and  in  the 
establishment  of  a  system  of  courts  (19^").  His  rule  is  also  one  of 
military  success.  He  built  castles  and  store-cities  and  had  a 
great  army  (17 '2-' 9).  He  received  large  tribute  from  the  Philis- 
tines and  Arabians  (171°  f),  and  won  a  most  signal  victory  over  the 
Moabites  and  Ammonites  through  the  direct  intervention  of  Yah- 
weh in  response  to  prayer  and  praise  (20' -^o).  The  King's  only 
shortcomings  seem  to  have  been  his  alliances,  recorded  in  i  K., 
with  the  N.  kingdom  (192  20"),  which  resulted  in  his  exposure  to 
peril  at  Ramoth-gilead  (c.  18)  and  the  loss  of  his  ships  (20"). 

While  this  new  material  is«all  of  the  spirit  and  style  of  the  Chronicler, 
Bn.  and  Ki.  find  here  several  sources.  Ki.  after  Bn.  analyses  as  follows: 
17'"  from  I  K.  152^'';  w.'i'-s  from  M2;  w.  '-9  from  an  old  historical 
source;  vv.  '"'s  from  M2;  iS'-'*  from  the  Chronicler;  w.  ^^-^  from 
I  K.  22;  i9'-3  from  the  Chronicler;  vv.  <■"  from  the  Chronicler's  fore- 
runner; 2o'-'8  from  M;  v.  "  from  the  Chronicler;  w.  "•''»  from  i  K.; 
w.  "b-37  from  the  Chronicler.  But  all  the  extra  canonical  material  is  of 
the  spirit  and  style  of  the  Chronicler,  v.  i.  and  cf.  in  17'  ptnnn  (1.  38); 
in  i7<  2o3  S  cm  (1.  23);   in  17'  192  20"'   *?  with  ace.   (1-  128);    in   17" 


392  2    CHRONICLES 

2o">  sviSn,  nrn<  nnc  (c/.  14")  0-  96);  in  17"  ns^Nn  ro'^cs  (c/.  i  Ch. 
29^",  1.  6);  in  17"  20"  nSjrcS  ny  (1-  87);  in  19*  vjd  Sk  wxm  (c/.  15');  in 
19^  aS  and  v-\-\  after  Hiph.  of  pa  (c/.  i2'<  30"  Ezr.  7"'  f);  in  19*  'c  "i-F"" 
(1.  89),  and  ->v<  ">">  (1.  124);  in  20«  irraN  ■•h-'m  nvr  very  often  in 
Ch.,  and  as^mS  7rp  pKi  (cf.  14"');  in  20'  "  ai  pen  (1.  28);  in  20=« 
n'^rxm  (f/.  13'-);  in  202*  3'-\->rr  (only  in  wTitings  of  Chronicler,  1.  iii); 
in  20=  pN*?  (cf.  i4'2,  1.  132);  20"'  also  should  be  compared  with  14*  « 
i5>5;   cf.  in  2o3'  -ix;  {cf.  14"'  i  Ch.  29",  1.  92)  (Graf,  GB.  p.  145). 

XVII.  1-6.  The  piety  and  prosperity  of  Jehoshaphat.— 1. 
And  Jehoshaphat  reigned  in  his  stead]  i.e.,  in  the  place  of  Asa,  a 
transcription  of  i  K.  is"*-. — 2.  Fortified  cities  have  an  important 
place  in  the  narrative  of  the  Chronicler.  Rehoboam  built  them 
(ii'-");  Abijah  took  cities  (13");  Asa  buih  them  (14'- 0  and  like- 
wise Jehoshaphat  (cf.  w.  "•  "  2i»). — Which  Asa  his  father  had 
taken].  Cf.  15  ^ — 3.  The  first  ways  of  David  his  fatJier]  i.e.,  the 
earlier  years  of  David  before  he  fell  into  the  sins  of  adultery  (2  S. 
II  ff.)  and  numbering  the  people  (2  S.  24  i  Ch.  21)  (Be.,  Ke., 
Zoe.,  Oe.).  But  David  is  wanting  in  (S"^^  ((S^  has  it),  hence 
in  all  probabihty  is  a  gloss  (Ba.).  The  reference  then  is  to  Asa, 
the  father  of  Jehoshaphat,  whose  first  ways,  according  to  the 
Chronicler,  were  good  (cc.  14,  15)  and  his  latter  e\-il  (c.  16). — 
The  Baalim]  i.e.,  a  false  god  or  gods  in  contrast  with  Yahweh 
(cf.  Ju.  2").  Baal  means  primarily  a  "proprietor"  or  "pos- 
sessor," hence  "master,"  "lord,"  and  was  a  common  desig- 
nation of  deity  like  our  word  "Lord."  In  early  times  it  was  used 
of  Yahweh,  as  clearly  appears  from  its  appearance  in  proper 
names  {cf.  1  Ch.  8"  14')  and  the  prohibition  of  its  use  by  Rosea 
(2"  "•>);  but  later,  since  the  gods  of  the  Canaanites  were  generally 
thus  designated,  it  came  to  signify  a  false  god. — 4.  Of  his  father] 
another  reference  to  Asa  {cf  v.'  (g  v.  s.). — The  doings  of  Israel]. 
Cf.  II".— 5.  Tribute]  i.e.,  free  gifts,  perhaps,  at  the  King's  ac- 
cession, rather  than  royal  exactions  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.). 
— 6.  And  his  heart  was  lifted  up].  Only  here  is  this  expression  used 
in  a  good  sense,  elsewhere  it  has  a  bad  meaning  {cf  26'«  32"  Ez. 
28=  s  '7  Ps.  131'  Pr.  18",  BDB.). — And  furthermore  he  took  away, 
etc.].  This  statement  is  not  in  harmony  with  that  of  i  K.  22", 
quoted  by  the  Chronicler  in  20",  where  it  is  said  "the  high  places 
were  not  taken  away"  but  they  were  frequented  by  the  people. 


XVn.  1-19.]  JEHOSHAPHAT'S   PROSPERITY  393 

Such  discrepancies  did  not  trouble  the  Hebrew  historian. — Tfie 
high  places  and  the  asheriw].     Cf.  14=  ">. 

7-9.  The  commission  for  teaching  the  law. — This  narrative  is 
a  duplicate  of  the  account  of  the  establishment  of  the  judiciary  given 
in  19^-"  (Bn.,  Ki.).  No  record  of  such  events  is  found  in  Kings, 
and  it  is  not  impossible  that  Jehoshaphat,  perhaps  through  the  in- 
fluence of  his  alliance  with  the  N.  kingdom  {v.  i.),  introduced  some 
new  organisation  for  the  administration  of  justice  or  law  (Winckler, 
KATr-  p.  252;  Erbt,  Die  Hebrdcr,  p.  log),  yet  v.  i.  19^-".  The  ap- 
pointment of  laity  in  connection  with  Levites  and  priests  has  been 
regarded  as  a  mark  of  an  ancient  and  rehable  tradition  (Bn.,  Ki.). 
Otherwise,  however,  this  section  bears  ever}-  evidence  of  being  late 
and  written  by  the  Chronicler.  The  book  of  the  laiv  of  Yahweh  is 
a  reflection  of  Deuteronomy,  and  the  names  of  the  commissioners 
as  a  whole  belong  to  a  period  later  than  the  ninth  century  (Gray, 
HPN.  p.  231).  Already,  also  at  the  time  of  the  Chronicler,  must 
have  begun  the  study,  exposition,  and  teaching  of  the  law  by 
members  of  the  laity  who  were  later  reckoned  among  the  Scribes. — 
7.  In  the  third  year].  This  date  is  given  to  show  that  Jehoshaphat 
at  the  very  outset  of  his  reign  concerned  himself  with  the  instruc- 
tion of  his  people  in  the  law. — Ben-hail  f]  signifies  "son  (man)  of 
might,"  cf.  Abi-hail  ii'«;  yet  possibly  it  does  not  belong  as  a  proper 
name  in  the  text,  but  as  in  (g,  IC,  is  descriptive  of  the  princes,  ez'en 
sons  of  valour  {v.  i.). — 8.  And  with  them  the  Levites].  The  tend- 
ency of  the  Chronicler  is  to  dignify  the  Levites,  and  thus  he  assigns 
to  them  the  priestly  duty  of  teaching  (cf.  v. '  35^  Ne.  8'-"  DB.  IV. 
p.  93). — 9.  And  they  taught  in  Judah].  The  priests  were  the 
guardians  of  the  law  (Ho.  4^  <■  Je.  18'',  cf.  Dt.  ly^^-  ig'^^-  7,7,'"),  and 
hence  its  teachers,  and  under  Jehoshaphat  an  impulse  may  have 
been  given  for  instruction  in  the  law  through  the  priests  and  others, 
although  such  a  general  measure  as  is  here  mentioned  is  probably 
not  historical. — The  book  of  the  law  of  Yahiceh]  v.  s. 

7.  S''n  ]2^]  C6,  ffi,  S'-n  ^12^  sons  (men)  of  strength  qualifying  viB?,  cf. 
I  Ch.  5's  2  Ch.  286  Ju.  2i">  I  S.  14"  18''  2  S.  2'  i7'»  2  K.  2'6.— 8.  3ic: 
nijnx  I]  looks  like  a  dittography  arising  from  the  two  previous  names. 

10-19.  The  greatness  of  Jehoshaphat  and  his  army.— The 

summarj'  of  Jehoshaphat's  reign  given  in  i  K.  22^' -^^  shows  that  it 


394  2   CHRONICLES 

was  one  of  prosperity  and  peace  with  the  N.  kingdom.  His  might 
is  there  mentioned,  and  since  he  was  a  good  king  who  "walked  in 
all  the  ways  of  Asa  his  father,"  and  "  turned  not  aside  from  doing 
that  which  was  right  in  the  eyes  of  Yahweh,"  i  K.  22*',  the  Chron- 
icler naturally  ascribes  unto  him  much  greatness,  with  possibly 
some  real  historical  reminiscence  (v.  i.). — 10.  Then  a  terror  from 
Yahweh,  etc.].  The  Chronicler  represents  a  supernatural  dread 
of  Judah,  caused  by  Yahweh,  coming  upon  the  neighbouring 
peoples,  presumably  as  a  reward  for  Jehoshaphat's  zeal  for  the  law 
(cf.  14"  <'«)  20"  Gn.  355). — 11.  The  Arabians].  The  term  Arab 
primarily  means  "people  of  the  desert,"  and  came  into  use  among 
the  Hebrews  as  indicating  a  particular  people,  i.e.  the  inhabitants 
of  northern  Arabia,  relatively  late  (first  used  in  this  strictly  eth- 
nographical sense  in  Ne.  2''  6');  and  Arabians  in  the  writings  of  the 
Chronicler  probably  reflects  the  powerful  kingdom  of  the  Naba- 
teans  already  established  in  his  day,  south  and  south-east  of  Judah, 
and  he  mentions  them  here  and  elsewhere  (cf.  22'  26")  to  present  in- 
telligibly to  his  readers  an  event  (whether  real  or  assumed)  like 
that  of  Jehoshaphat's  glory.  The  Philistines  would  be  under- 
stood by  his  readers  from  their  knowledge  of  the  canonical  books, 
the  Arabians  from  present  conditions  (Noeldeke,  EBi.  I.  col.  274). 
It  is  yet  possible,  however,  that  some  tribute  from  the  Philistines  and 
desert  tribes  was  historical,  a  real  result  of  Asa's  victory  over 
Zerah  (14^-^*  "-'='0  (so  at  least  as  far  as  the  Arabians  are  con- 
cerned, Winckler,  KA  T.^  p.  252).  For  a  similar  tribute  oi  flocks  or 
their  product  cf.  2  K.  y. — 12.  Castles  and  cities  of  store].  Cf.  v.  ^ 
— 13.  And  he  had  great  property].  (BDB.)  The  context  shows 
that  by  this  property  the  writer  meant  military  supplies  (so  Ke.). 
The  rendering  "work  for  equipping  and  provisioning  the  fort- 
resses" (Be.)  is  certainly  not  so  good. — 14.  The  soldiers  were  en- 
rolled according  to  their  families. —  Adnah]  is  also  the  name  of  a 
Manassite,  i  Ch.  12"  '"). — 16.  Who  willingly  offered  himself  unto 
Yahweh].  Cf.  Ju.  5'.  It  is  unfortunate  that  the  Chronicler  has 
not  explained  why  this  phrase  of  honour  was  applied  to  Amasiah. 
— 17.  Equipped  with  bow  and  shield]  i.e.,  light-armed  troops,  for 
which  Benjamin  was  famous.  Cf.  i  Ch.  12^  and  (on  shield)  cf.  1  Ch. 
12"  (*♦'  2  Ch.  14'  '«>. — 18.  The  total  number  of  these  warriors  is, 


XVm.  1-34.]      JEHOSHAPHAT'S  ALLIANCE  WITH  AHAB         395 

of  Judah  780,000,  of  Benjamin  380,000,  making  a  grand  total  of 
1,160,000.  This  is  the  largest  force  assigned  anywhere  to  the  S. 
kingdom.  On  the  gross  exaggeration  of  such  numbers  cj.  13', 
and  for  other  lists  ii>.  From  Jehoshaphat's  connection  with  the 
N.  kingdom  and  his  assistance  rendered  in  war  {cJ.  c.  18)  it  is 
probable  that  he  maintained  something  of  an  army,  and  so  far 
some  historical  truth  underlies  this  section. 

10.  nini  in£3]  a  terror  from  Yahweh.  Subjective  genitive,  Ges.  §  128^. 
— msixn]  a  late  usage,  cf.  1  Ch.  132  2  Ch.  11='. — 11.  otio'Sb  toi] 
partitive  use  of  fn,  cf.  i  Ch.  4^2  93°  3=  2  Ch.  32"  (BDB.  p  3.  b  (a)). — fp2^ 
NS'S]  and  silver  for  tribute  ARV.,  Kau.,  after  U  et  vectigal  argenti,  but 
better  silver  a  burden,  i.e.,  a  great  quantity  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ki.). 
05  Kal  dSfiara  (i<u-x:i).^a''Ni3-ii?n]  a  late  form,  elsevi'here  either  a^anyn 
(21I6  221)  or  a"a-i>-n  (26"). — ."und  .  .  .  o-'trini]  wanting  in  C6^  E. — 12. 
^'?n]  with  co-ordinate  adj.  denotes  continuance,  cf.  Ex.  19"  i  S.  2-« 
2  S.  3'  et  al.,  V.  Ges.  §  1137^. — nSycV  ^>']c/.  i  Ch.  14^ — 7^vn>2]  fortresses, 
pi.  of  n''n'3,  a  late  word  {cf.  nio  i  Ch.  29'),  also  pi.  27''  f. — nuDDo  >-\y] 
store  cities,  cf.  2  Ch.  8^.— 14.  h'^n]  looking  forward  has  the  force  of  a 
neut.  sing.,  cf.  3'.  And  this  was  their  enrolment  according  to  the  houses  of 
their  fathers  of  Judah  captains  of  thousands :  Adnah  the  captain,  etc. — 
oninUN  iT'aS]  pi.  Ges.  §  i2$r. — 16.  S-'n -inj]  to  be  taken  either  collec- 
tively referring  to  the  200,000  of ' Amasiah,  or  must  be  read  maj. — 17. 
Ptt-p  "'ptt'j]  cf.  I  Ch.  i2=. 

XVIII.  1-34.  Jehoshaphat  in  alliance  with  Ahab. — Taken 

from  I  K.  22' -35a  almost  verbatim  except  in  the  case  of  i  K.  22'', 
which  is  rewritten  or  replaced  in  18' -2.  The  narrative  in  i  K.  be- 
longs to  the  prophetic  stories  forming  a  part  of  the  history  of 
Ahab,  and  is  the  only  instance  of  an  extensive  excerpt  from  the 
history  of  N.  Israel  in  Chronicles.  It  was  apparently  introduced 
for  the  honourable  part  which  Jehoshaphat  performed  in  seeking 
the  word  of  Yahweh  through  Micaiah,  and  especially  as  a  back- 
ground of  the  reproof  given  for  the  alliance  with  Ahab  in  the 
following  chapter. 

1-3.  Jehoshaphat  allies  himself  with  Ahab. — Vv.  "are  from 
the  pen  of  the  Chronicler. — 1.  And  had  wealth  and  honour  in  abun- 
dance] a  duplicate  of  17*''. — And  he  formed  a  marriage  alliance 
with  Ahab]  through  the  marriage  of  Jehoram  the  son  of  Je- 
hoshaphat with  Athaliah  the  daughter  of  Ahab  (2  K.  8").  From 
the  disruption  at  the  death  of  Solomon  until  the  reign  of  Je- 


396  2   CHRONICLES 

hoshaphat,  the  N.  and  S.  kingdoms  sccni  to  have  been  openly  hos- 
tile to  each  other.  How  a  reconciliation  was  effected  between  the 
two,  whetlier  by  war  or  negotiation,  is  unknown,  but,  in  \new  of  the 
military  service  rendered  to  Israel  in  the  Syrian  wars  (i  K.  22  2  K. 
8=«  '•)  and  against  Moab  (2  K.  y  "  ),  Judah  appears  to  have  been 
a  dependency  of  Israel.  Yet,  notwithstanding  the  denunciation 
given  in  19=,  this  alliance  must  have  contributed  much  to  the  wel- 
fare of  the  S.  kingdom,  and  probably  laid  the  foundation  for  its 
prosperity  under  Jehoshaphat.  Possible  influences  of  the  alliance 
have  already  been  noticed  (v.  s.). — 2.  At  the  end  of  years]  an  in- 
definite expression  of  time  substituted  by  the  Chronicler  for  "and 
it  came  to  pass  in  the  third  year"  (i  K.  22'),  where  the  reference  is 
to  the  period  of  peace  between  Syria  and  Israel  (i  K.  22').  The 
Chronicler  probably  referred  to  the  marriage  aflSnity,  and  means 
that  some  time  after  this  Jehoshaphat  visited  Samaria. — And 
Ahab  killed,  etc.].  Ahab  is  represented  as  receiving  Jehosha- 
phat on  a  friendly  visit  with  great  honour,  and  inducing  him  to 
join  in  the  expedition  against  Ramoth-gilead,  but  the  probability 
is  that  Ahab  first  decided  on  the  expedition  and  then  called  upon 
Jehoshaphat  to  join  him,  whereupon  the  latter  comes  to  Samaria 
(Klo.,  Bn.  on  I  K.  2 2 2). — Ramoth-gilead].  Cf.  for  location  i  Ch. 
565  (80)_  This  frontier  town  was  taken  from  Israel  by  the  Syrians 
during  either  the  reign  of  Baasha  (i  K.  is'")  or  more  probably  in 
the  reign  of  Omri  (i  K.  20^^),  and  not  restored  according  to  the 
treaty  made  after  the  battle  of  Aphek  (i  K.  20''),  hence  the  expedi- 
tion of  Ahal). — 3.  From  here  through  the  chapter  the  narrative  of 
I  K.  22^'^  is  followed  almost  verbatim.  While  Jehoshaphat  in  the 
language  of  diplomacy  in  this  verse  expresses  unanimity  and  full 
co-operation  with  Ahab,  the  subsequent  narrative  seems  to  reveal 
an  underlying  reluctance  on  the  part  of  Jehoshaphat  to  enter 
upon  the  undertaking  from  doubt  in  regard  to  its  successful  issue. 
For  changes  in  the  verse  compared  with  i  K.  22*  v.  i. 

2.  a^jr  Vi"'^]  a  substitute  for  ri''!:"'Su>n  njir-a  o^i  in  i  K.  22=  {v.  s.). — 
npSj  .  .  .  natM]  wanting  in  i  K. — 3.  Ch.  omits  i  K.  22'.  Snib"  ^Sc  axnn 
and  r\•^^r^•l  iSa  are  wanting  in  i  K.  22<. — ''cy]  i  K.  v^n  +  ncnSc^. — 
iS  -icnm]  I  K.  '^NT-*''  nSn  Sn  BflifVT>  -iDN>v — >vy  nc>3i]  I  K.  is>'3  'c;'3. — 
ncnSrj  iryi]  wanting  in  i  K.,  which  has  instead  toido  'Dido. 


XVm.  1-34.]    JEHOSHAPHAT'S   ALLIANCE   WITH   AHAB        397 

4-27.  The  prophecy  of  Micaiah.— This  is  one  of  the  most 
illuminating  narratives  in  the  OT.  respecting  the  prophets  of  Yah- 
weh.  Micaiah  vs.  the  four  hundred  shows  that  as  sharp  a  line  of 
cleavage  ran  between  prophets  of  Yahweh  in  the  days  of  Elijah  and 
Elisha  as  in  the  days  of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  when  these  latter  de- 
nounced false  prophets  who  clearly  spoke  in  the  name  of  Yahweh 
(Je.  23^^  28"f-  Ez.  12^'  5.  1315  ).  The  appearance  of  four  hundred 
prophets  of  Yahweh  at  the  court  of  Ahab  reveals  that  this  story 
was  written  from  a  different  point  of  view  from  i  K.  17-19,  where, 
under  Ahab  and  Jezebel,  the  prophets  of  Yahweh  are  banished  and 
slain  and  only  Elijah  appears  left.  Some  prophets  of  Yahweh, 
then,  were  time-servers,  ready  to  compromise  with  the  worship 
of  Baal  and  to  prophesy  according  to  royal  pleasure,  while  others 
stood,  like  Elijah,  for  the  worship  of  the  righteous  Yahweh  alone. 
With  these  latter,  Micaiah  must  be  classed.  These  prophets  were 
the  forerunners  of  Amos,  Hosea,  and  the  other  authors  of  OT. 
written  prophecy.  Some  OT.  writers  only  recognised  this  second 
class,  while  others  took  a  broader  view  and  enable  us  to  trace  more 
accurately  the  actual  events  of  history. — 5.  The  prophets].  These 
were  prophets  of  Yahweh,  since  the  King  was  inquiring  after  the 
word  of  Yahweh  (v.  ^). — 6.  Is  there  no  prophet  of  Yahweh  here 
besides]  i.e.,  in  addition  to  the  foiu"  hundred  who  had  spoken  with 
such  unanimity.  Jehoshaphat  evidently  felt  that  Ahab  had  only 
called  the  prophets  who  were  subservient  to  his  desire  and  re- 
sponded accordingly. — 9.  Clothed  in  garments]  i.e.,  in  royal  attire. 
— In  a  threshing-floor].  A  threshing-floor  would  be  a  large,  flat, 
open,  and  elevated  place,  and  hence  convenient  for  such  a  convoca- 
tion; but  probably  the  phrase  should  be  struck  from  the  text 
{v.  i.). — And  all  the  prophets  were  prophesying  before  them]  per- 
haps by  lifting  up  their  voices  in  unison,  or  by  certain  dervish-like 
manifestations  of  ecstasy  {cf.  v.  i'). — 10.  Horns  of  iron]  an  em- 
blem of  offensive  power  (Dt.  T,y  Am.  6'3  Je.  48"  Dn.  8^' ). 
Such  symbols  were  customary  with  the  prophets.  Cf.  Je.  27^ 
2810  ff-  where  Jeremiah  wears  a  bar  as  a  symbol  of  captivity  and 
Hananiah,  a  prophet  of  the  type  of  Zedekiah,  breaks  it  from  off  his 
neck. — 12.  Behold  the  prophets  have  with  one  mouth  spoken''^  good 
unto  king]  so  (g  {v.  i.). — 14.  The  first  reply  of  Micaiah  is  clearly 


398  2    CHRONICLES 

ironical,  although  not  without  a  touch  of  politeness  in  favouring  the 
King's  desire. — 16.  This  vision  is  usually  (and  correctly)  taken  to 
indicate  the  outcome  of  the  campaign :  Ahab  will  fall  and  the  peo- 
ple will  return  home. 

Ba.  interprets  differently.  He  renders  Yahweh  hath  said.  These  have 
a  master  who  is  no  master,  i.e.,  Ahab  was  no  shepherd  but  a  spoiler  of  his 
people,  and  Ba.  thinks  that  the  words  in  peace  cannot  fittingly  apply  to  a 
return  of  Israel  home  after  a  disaster  in  battle.  The  vision  means,  then, 
that  the  man  who  has  misgoverned  Israel  will  not  be  permitted  to  lead 
to  victory. 

18.  Ahab  would  remove  the  depressing  effect  of  the  oracle  upon 
Jehoshaphat  by  insinuating  that  it  proceeded  from  personal  hos- 
tility.— 19.  Micaiah  indicates  his  words  by  a  vision  showing  how 
Yahweh  was  leading  Ahab  to  destruction  through  a  spirit  of  false- 
hood in  the  mouths  of  his  prophets.  The  scene  is  of  Yahweh  as 
a  heavenly  king  holding  a  court  or  council.  For  Yahweh's  method 
of  dealing  with  Ahab  cf.  Ps.  18"''  <"")._ 20.  The  Hebrew  allows 
either  a  spirit  or  the  spirit.  If  we  read  the  former,  one  out  of  the 
rest  of  the  angelic  beings  who  attend  Yahweh,  then  we  find  here 
in  its  most  elementary  form  the  doctrine  of  the  later  Jewish  and 
Christian  Satan;  but  this  mterpretation  is  doubtful.  The  spirit  is 
the  personified  spirit  of  prophecy  (cj.  v.").  The  spirit,  then, 
which  moved  the  four  hundred  prophets  was  the  true  spirit  of 
prophecy,  though  leading  them  into  falsehood.  The  real  deceiver 
is  Yahweh.  Such  a  conception,  however  repugnant  to  us,  was 
agreeable  to  the  Hebrew  mind.  Cf.  Yahweh's  hardening  the  heart, 
Ex.  4="'  7'  9'2  ID'-  '°-  "  1 1'";  sending  an  evil  spirit  between  Abime- 
lech  and  the  men  of  Shechem,  Ju.  9=';  inciting  David  to  wrong, 
2  S.  24'. — 23.  Zedekiah  insultingly  challenges  Micaiah  to  vindi- 
cate his  prophecy. — 24.  Micaiah  accepts  the  challenge  and  says 
that  Zedekiah  shall  perceive  its  truth  in  the  disaster  which  shall 
overtake  him,  a  fugitive  hiding  for  his  life. — On  inner  chamber,  cf. 
I  K.  20'". — 25.  Joash  the  king's  son'\  not  elsewhere  mentioned. 
— 26.  Bread  of  affliction  and  water  of  affliction]  i.e.,  bread  and 
water  in  scant  measure,  cf.  Is.  30". — 27.  The  test  of  prophecy  ac- 
cording to  Micaiah  is  its  fulfilment.  Cf.  v."  Dt.  18^'  '•. — And  he 
said  hear  ye,  elc.\.    These  words  are  a  marginal  gloss  taken  from 


XVm.  1-34.]  JEHOSHAPHAT'S  ALLIANCE  WITH  AHAB  399 

Mi.  I',  and  form  no  part  of  the  original  narrative  of  i  K.  22. 
They  were  inserted  by  some  one  who  identified  Micaiah  with 
Micah,  the  prophet  of  the  days  of  Hezekiah. 

4.  DV3]  first  of  all,  first,  cf.  Gn.  253'  i  S.  5'°  (Dr.)  i  K.  i"  (Bur.).— 
-I3T  ON]  wanting  (^b*.— 5.   yaiN]   i   K.    22«  ranxa.— iSjn]   i   K.  nSsn. 
The  latter,  as  the  forms  Sinx  and  nSp  show,  is  correct. — Ss]  i  K.  Sy. — 
D^nS{<n]  I  K.  1J-1N.     The  original  in  i  K.  was  nin\  found  in  twenty-nine 
MSS.  (Ki.  BH.,  St.  SBOT.).     The  changes  to  >J"ix  and  D^nS^n  were  made 
to  avoid  the  association  of  nin>  with  false  prophets. — 6.  insn]  inxn  the 
reading  of  some  MSB.  and  also  preferred  by  Ki.  (BH.)  and  St.  {SBOT.); 
ditto   in    vv.  "•. — 7.   nnS  vd^  Ss  'd  naitaS  ^S;  Najnn  ^:yH]   i    K.    22' 
y\  DH  ID  3it3  >Sy  NajH''  8<S. — Nin]  wanting  in    i   K. — n^di]   i   K.    nSc ; 
ditto  in  V.  K — 9.   aott'iii]  wanting  in  i  K.  22"',  evidently   inserted   to 
make  easier  the  reading  jiJa  in  a  threshing-floor.     ®  of  i  K.  has  for 
pj3  onj3  DicaVn  only  evoir'Koi.     This  looks  as  though    pja   were  a 
dittography  of  onja  (Bur.,  St.  SBOT.)  and  thus  had  no  place  in  the 
text  of  K.  Paul  Haupt  (SBOT.)  thinks  pj,  from  connection  with  Arabic 
verb   io>^   io  polish  and  Assyr.  gurnu  "coat,"  may  mean  polished 
armour  and  that  the  word  to  be  rejected  is  anja  as  a  gloss.     At  any  rate 
the  various  proposed  emendations,  such  as  nma  embroidered  (Be.  after 
Th.),  D-naa  nja  (Ki.  BH.  after  Klo.),  piJ'J  nja  (Bn.),  seem  not  commend- 
able.—10.  iS]  used   refle.xively  Ges.   §   i35^"-— '"'^>"]  ^/-    ^   Ch.   7'».— 
11.  |njl].     The  obj.  is  understood.— 12.  nai]  read  after  (§    iXdXrjirav 
nan  Bur.,   Bn.,  Ki.   Si?.,  et  al.—2^u]  dagel  forte  conjunctive,  Ges. 
I  20/.— nnsa]  i  K.  22"  ins  nata.— 13.  ^rhu]  i  K.  22K  >Sn  .-iin\     <S,  1, 
>Ss<  d^hSn,  which  was  probably  the  original  in  Ch.— 14.  na^c]  shortened 
from  ini3>c. — iSjn]  i  K.  221*  the  same,  and  also  Vinj  instead  of  SinN  of 
Ch.,  but  nSxm  nSj?.     ®*bl  jn  both  K.  and  Ch.  has  all  these  verbs  in  the 
sing.     This  probably  was  the  original  and  the  change  to  the  plural  has 
been  made  by  copyists  to  emphasise  the  presence  of  Jehoshaphat. — 
DD^a  ijnj''i]   I    K.   iSon  lo  T\^r\^  jnji. — 15.    irx]   for   use  as   conj.   cf. 
BDB.  -y-i'H  8  a  (i3). — 16.  pS]  fem.  to  agree  with  |nx.     Some  mss.  have 
on'^,  agreeing  with  Skicv — 17.  ynS]  i  K.  22'8  Jjn  which  Ki.  (Bil.  not 
SBOT.)  adopts.— 18.  laS]  <g  has  Oiix  oiruss,  la  nS,  both  here  and  i  K. 
22I'  adopted  by  Th.,  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.  in  SBOT.,  Kom.     The  force  would 
be.  My  personal  bias  is  not,  as  you  charge,  determining  my  words  con- 
cerning you,  but  your  downfall  is  the  purpose  of  Yahweh. — U'CC  ]  i  K.  sg. 
— DTtyn  N3S]  host  of  heaven,  i.e.,  the  organised  body  of  angels  or  divine 
beings  with  whom  Yahweh  associates,  cf.  Ne.  9«  Ps.  103='  148==  Is.  242« 
Dn.  8'"  Jos.  5'*'-. — iSsDiynj^D^  Sj?  oncj;]  i  K. — I'^xntt'ni  irc>D  vSj;  nny. 
— 19.  ht<-\^'<  n^D]  wanting  in  i  K.  22". — lox']  wanting  in  QJ^bl  and  i  K. 
and  to  be  struck  out;    a  clear  dittography  from  following  •\'Stt.     At  the 
end  of  the  verse  (S^  has  the  addition  Kal  eiirev  outws  Oi)  bw-fjuei,  also  in 


400  2    CHRONICLES 

I  K.  with  addition  Kal  flirev  'Ev  aoi. — nj;.  n^:]  i  K.  n;3.  rira. — 20. 
nnn]  on  art,  with  indefinite  force  cf.  2Cr*  and  Ges.  §  126^.  St. 
{SBOT.)  reads  pa'n  {cf.  Jb.  i'^  )  and  regards  nnn  as  a  substitutionary 
gloss.  This  is  favoured  by  Paul  Haupt,  who  says  nnn  is  "  certainly  not 
the  spirit  of  prophecy  "  {v.  s.).  The  strongest  argument  in  favour  of 
this  view  is  the  fact  that  nnn,  a  fern,  noun,  is  here  construed  as  masc, 
but  its  use  in  v.  ^  seems  fatal  to  the  thought  of  an  original  p^r'n. — 21. 
nnS]  I  K.  2222  nn.— 22.  After  ■'D3  read  '^a  after  (g^S  &,  U,  and  i  K. 
22=3. — 23.  Tnn]  wanting  in  i  K.  222<,  yet  probably  to  be  read  there 
(Klc,  Kamp.,  Bn.,  Ki.,  Bur.)  since  nr  ^n  is  never  used  of  a  verb. — l~s] 
-l.nx  (Ki.  BH.).— 25.  inp]  i  K.  222*  sg.— jicn]  (gu  Enjjp,  (gAL  ^enfivp, 
also  C6  of  I  K.  (the  S  comes  from  preceding  irpos),  hence  the  name 
probably  was  i^n  Immer  {cf  1  Ch.  9'"  24'*  Je.  20',  et  al.  (Bur.)). — 26. 
DmcNi]  O&B,  I  K.  22^7  sg. — i*nS  d-'DI  \'nh  on^]  examples  of  apposition 
Dr.  TH.  §  1S9  (i),  Ges.  §  131c.— '31!:']  i  K.  >n3.— 27.  aSj  .  .  .  y;cz'] 
V.  s.     D'S;*  used  very  seldom,  if  ever,  of  Israel  (v.  Bur.). 

28-34.  The  defeat  of  the  allies.— 29.  Ahab  disguised  himself 
probably  to  escape  a  central  attack  such  as  was  made  on  Jehosha- 
phat,  and  also  perhaps  from  the  superstitious  notion  that  by 
changing  his  identity  he  could  in  some  way  escape  the  evil  foretold 
by  Micaiah. — 31.  And  Jehoshaphat  cried  out}  probably  to  his 
men,  but  the  Chronicler  understood  it  as  a  prayer  and  added  the 
remainder  of  the  verse,  which  does  not  appear  in  i  K.  22. — 34. 
Ahab's  first  impulse  when  wounded  seems  to  have  been  to  leave 
the  battle  (v.  "•>),  but  when  he  noted  the  fierceness  of  the  fight  he 
had  himself  propped  up  in  his  chariot  and  kept  his  place  against  the 
enemy.  This  is  a  splendid  testimony  to  his  prowess,  even  as  one 
also  is  given  in  the  command  of  the  King  of  Syria  to  fight  only  with 
him  (v.  2°).  The  Chronicler  omits  the  details  given  in  i  K.  22"-" 
of  Ahab's  death  and  burial,  because  they  would  have  been  irrele- 
vant in  his  narrative. 

29.  Nni  rcnnn]  cither  an  example  of  inf.  abs.  used  for  the  cohorta- 
tive  in  excited  speech  Ges.  §  ii^dd,  or  to  be  changed  after  Vrss.  The 
former  is  allowed  by  Bur.,  Bn.,  et  al.,  but  rejected  by  St.,  Sw.  in  SBOT. 
on  I  K.,  which  gives  the  latter  reading  after  (S,  &,  01,  ni2ni  conrNi,  pre- 
ferred by  Ki.  BH.,  but  (6*^  of  q\^  ^^s  KaTaKd\v\p6i'  (jLf. — y^i2]  (6  my 
apparel. — isan]  about  thirty  mss.,  05,  B,  i  K.  223''sg.— 30.  After  iS  nrx  i 
K.  22=1'  has  D'jn  D>i;'Sc'. — ''njn  pn]  read  after  <&,  i  K.  rNi. — "^njn.  jrpn] 
I  K.  without  art. — 31.  nrx]  i  K.  22"  -f-  in. — lao^i]  i  K.  nOM.  The 
former  to  be  preferred  (Klo.,  Ki.,  Bur.,  et  al. — ucs  .  .  .  nin>i]  wanting 


XIX.  1-3.]  JEHOSHAPHAT   REPROVED  401 

in  I  K. — aniDM]  (§  dw^ffTpe^ev  avTovs  probably  reading  di^dm.  fH  is  far 
more  expressive. — 33.  inn'?]  in  his  integrity  or  his  innocency,  i.e.,  without 
guile  or  definite  intention  in  view  of  the  result,  "at  a  venture,"  cf.  2  S. 
15". — jncM  joi  o^i3in  jo]  between  the  tassets  and  the  breastplate. 
pzi  in  the  sg.  Is.  41'  f-  The  plural  of  this  word  meaning  cleaving,  join- 
ing is  most  appropriate  for  the  tassets  consisting  of  jointed  pieces.—- 
33-1'^]  I  K.  2234  133-*':'. — •'jnssini]  i  K.  ■'JN^xim. — njncn]  C6  nnnScn,  proba- 
bly the  true  reading. — 34.  Ssntri  iSdi]  i  K.  22"  I'^cni. — -itjjd]  better 
Hoph.  after  i  K. — tt'Drn  .  .  .  ly]  i  K.  3i>'3  nnii.  At  the  time  of  the 
going  down  of  the  sun  is  drawn  from  i  K.  22'^='. 

XIX.  1-3.  Jehoshaphat  reproved  for  his  alliance  with  Ahab 
by  the  prophet  Jehu. — A  section  clearly  from  the  Chronicler. 
The  N.  kingdom  in  the  mind  of  the  Chronicler  was  entirely  apostate 
from  Yahv^^eh,  and  hence  the  association  of  Jehoshaphat  with 
Ahab  was  completely  sinful  and  worthy  of  rebuke. — 1.  In  peace] 
with  possible  allusion  to  the  words  of  Micaiah,  i8'^ — 2.  Jehu  the 
son  of  Hanani].  Cf.  i  K.  16'  and,  on  Hanani,  2  Ch.  i6^  The 
Chronicler  consistently  introduces  here  Jehu,  since  Hanani  his 
father  appears  in  the  reign  of  Asa  the  father  of  Jehoshaphat;  but 
this  does  not  exactly  agree  with  i  K.  16',  where  "  Jehu  son  of  Ha- 
nani "  appears  prophesying  against  Baasha,  some  forty  years  earlier 
than  the  death  of  Ahab. — The  seer].  This  term  may  apply  either 
to  Hanani  (as  assumed  in  note  on  16^)  or  to  Jehu  (Ke.,  Oe.,  Kau., 
Ki.  Kom.). — That  hate  Yahweh].  Whether  sg.  or  pi.  {y.  i.),  the 
reference  is  clearly  to  Ahab.  This  historically  is  a  total  miscon- 
ception of  Ahab,  who  was  a  reverer  of  Yahweh,  as  is  seen  from  his 
summoning  the  prophets  of  Yahweh  (18^)  and  in  the  names  of  his 
children  Athaliah,  Ahaziah,  and  Jehoram,  which  all  are  com- 
pounds of  Yahweh. — Wrath]  spoken  with  reference  to  the  in- 
vasion of  the  Moabites  and  the  Ammonites,  c.  20  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe., 
Ba.). — 3.  Good  things].  Cf.  12'K — The  Asheroth]  a  feminine 
pi.  occurring  twice  elsewhere  (Ju.  3^  prob.  a  te.xt.  error,  2  Ch. 
33'  t))  equivalent  to  Asherim  (cf.  14^  i5'0-  For  this  act  of  piety 
by  Jehoshaphat,  cf.  i7«. — And  hast  set  thy  heart  to  seek  God].  Cf 
174- «. 

2.  -^lyh]  cf.  Ges.  §  114)^. — ■'NJB'Si]  <g  has  sg.  in  agreement  with  V'^^^^, 
but  the  latter  may  be  used  collectively,  cf.  Ps.  9^-  "  «•  "'  lo^  Is.  ii^  f. — ■ 
snNP]  finite  verb  continuing  inf.  cstr.,  Ges.  §  ii4r. — 3.  ^3n]  cf.  iK 


402  2   CHRONICLES 

4-11.  The  appointment  of  judges.— This  section  has  already 
been  referred  to  in  connection  with  17'',  with  the  suggestion  that  a 
tradition  of  historic  value  might  underHe  both.  Yet  on  the  other 
hand  one  cannot  escape  the  force  of  Wellhausen's  view  that  the 
story  of  Jehoshaphat's  activity  concerning  the  administration  of 
justice  may  be  due  to  the  meaning  of  his  name,  "  Yahweh  is  Judge" 
(Prol.  p.  191).  The  Chronicler  and  those  of  his  school  felt  called 
upon  to  idealise  the  kings  of  Judah,  and  most  naturally  idealised 
Jehoshaphat  after  the  meaning  of  his  name.  They  ascribed  to 
him  the  foundation  of  a  system  of  courts  corresponding  perhaps 
to  those  of  their  day  (We.  op.  ciL,  Ki.  Kom.)  when  in  all  proba- 
bility a  central  sanhedrim  existed  at  Jerusalem  and  local  ones  in 
other  cities.  Yet  the  judiciary  given  as  established  by  Jehosha- 
phat corresponds  very  closely  with  that  mentioned  in  Dt.  16"-" 
17'  and  might  well  have  been  derived  from  that  source.  In  Dt. 
we  read  of  judges  in  all  thy  gates  (i6'«),  and  likewise  of  a  court  of 
appeal  at  the  central  sanctuary,  for  if  there  arise  a  ^natter  too  hard 
for  thee  in  judgment  .  .  .  thou  shalt  come  tinto  the  priests  the 
Levites  and  unto  the  judge  at  the  central  sanctuary,  i.e.,  Jerusalem 
(Dt.  17").  All  jurisdiction  among  the  Hebrews  was  originally 
invested  in  the  family  and  administered  by  its  head  (Gn.  38""- 
31"  cf.  Dt.  21'*" ).  Then  in  more  organised  and  settled  life  this 
family  authority  was  supplemented  and  restricted  by  a  court  com- 
posed of  the  elders  of  the  village  or  city  (Dt.  ign  21'  '•*■••  "  22"  «  ). 
Under  the  monarchy  the  king  also  was  an  administrator  of  justice 
(2  S.  8"  i4<-'8 152-  3  f.  8 1  K.  3»- '« «  7'  Je.  22"  '  Is.  i6>  Je.  23">).  An 
appeal  apparently  might  be  taken  to  him  from  a  lower  court,  or 
one  might  go  to  him  in  the  first  instance.  The  priests  also,  since 
they  were  the  mediators  of  divine  law  (Dt.  t^T)^"  Je.  18"  Ho.  4'  ' ), 
and  thus  of  divine  decisions,  were  always  concerned  somewhat 
with  the  administration  of  justice  {cf.  Ex.  21'  22''-  "  i  S.  2": 
decisions  at  a  sanctuary  or  from  God  would  be  delivered  by  a 
priest,  cf.  also  decisions  of  Moses,  Ex.  i8'"-  '»■").  When  then 
a  central  sanctuary  was  established,  the  chief  priest  naturally  be- 
came a  supreme  judge.  An  interesting  feature  of  the  description 
of  the  judiciary,  both  here  and  in  Dt.,  is  the  retirement  of  the  king 
personally  into  the  background  in  the  exercise  of  the  function 


XIX.  4-11.]  JEHOSHAPHAT'S  JUDICIARY  403 

properly  belonging  to  the  sovereign.  Dt.  speaks  of  the  judge  and 
the  Chronicler  gives  this  position  to  the  nder  of  the  house  of  Judah. 
Probably  the  king  in  Israel  delegated  the  administration  of  justice, 
although  still  held  responsible  for  it,  to  others.  Thus  princes  and 
members  of  the  royal  house  are  frequently  alluded  to  as  exercising 
judicial  functions  (Is.  i"  3H  Mi.  3'  Je.  ai'"-  22='-  Ez.  459). 

4.  And  Jehoshaphat  dwelt  in  Jerusalem]  i.e.,  permanently.  He 
no  longer  visited  the  court  of  the  N.  kingdom,  but  for  a  time  at 
least  confined  himself  to  the  sacred  city  and  concerned  himself 
with  the  sacred  business  of  justice, — And  he  went  otit  again].  The 
first  time  had  been  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign,  when  the  commis- 
sioners of  the  law  were  sent  out  (17^-^). — From  Beersheba]  the 
southern  limit  of  his  kingdom  (cf.  i  Ch.  21'')  to  the  hill  country  of 
Ephraim]  the  northern  limit  of  his  kingdom,  acquired  by  conquest 
(cf.  172). — And  brought  them  back  unto  Yahweh].  Possibly  an 
apostasy  from  Yahweh  is  thought  of  in  connection  with  the  alliance 
with  northern  Israel  (c.  18);  yet  a  similar  activity  is  ascribed  also  to 
Asa  (158-''). — 5.  And  he  set  judges,  etc.].  V.  s. — 6.  For  ye  judge 
not  for  man  but  for  Yahweh].  The  judges  were  representatives  of 
Yahweh  {cf.  Ex.  18'' '•  21^  Dt.  i'^). — 7.  Take  heed  and  act]  i.e., 
take  heed  to  act  in  pious  awe  of  Yahweh. — For  there  is  no  iniquity 
with  Yahweh  our  God  or  respect  of  persons  or  taking  of  a  bribe]. 
This  insistence  that  the  judge  should  be  in  these  particulars  like 
imto  Yahweh  is  worthy  of  notice.  Cf.  the  description  of  Yahweh 
as  judge,  Gn.  18"  Dt.  10"  '•. — 8.  A  higher  court  is  established  at 
Jerusalem  with  jurisdiction  in  both  religious  and  civil  cases  {v.  s.). 
The  former  are  expressed  under  the  judgment  of  the  Yahweh  and 
the  latter  under  controversies.  Under  the  first  expression  also  the 
Chronicler  may  have  meant  those  cases  to  be  decided  according  to 
the  Pentateuch,  which  he  believed  already  then  to  have  been  writ- 
ten, and  under  the  second,  cases  requiring  arbitration  simply.  The 
latter  might  well  fall  to  the  care  of  the  heads  of  the  fathers  houses  of 
Israel,  i.e.,  the  lay  members  of  the  court.  On  Israel  representing 
the  S.  kingdom,  c/.  i2«. — And  for  the  controversies  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Jerusalem^].  These  controversies  are  not  to  be  considered  re- 
stricted to  those  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  yet  they  presented 
their  causes  directly  to  this  higher  court. — 10.  The  cases  which 


404  2    CHRONICLES 

might  come  from  other  places  before  the  court  are  now  somewhat 
awkwardly  enumerated.^ — Betneen  blood  and  blood]  i.e.,  whether  a 
man  might  be  guilty  of  murder  or  only  of  manslaughter  (r/.  Ex. 
21 '--'<). — Between  law  and  commandment,  statutes  and  judgtuents] 
i.e.,  under  what  laws  cases  should  be  judged,  covering  thus  also  all 
questions  of  the  interpretation  of  the  law. — 11.  A?narmh  the  chief 
priest].  Amariah  is  mentioned  in  i  Ch.  5"  (6")  as  the  third  chief 
priest  after  the  first  in  the  Temple  (see  corrected  text),  hence  he 
would  come  in  appropriately  in  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat. — In  all 
matters  of  Yahweh]  i.e.,  in  all  religious  or  ecclesiastical  matters,  cf 
v.*. — Zebadiah  the  son  of  I  sh  ma  el]  otherwise  unkno\\Ti.  In  17' 
a  Levite  among  the  commissioners  to  teach  the  law  has  the  same 
name. — The  rider  of  the  house  of  Jiidah].  The  Chronicler  thinks 
of  the  old  tribal  organisation  with  its  head  apart  from  the  king 
being  preserved. — All  the  king^s  matters]  i.e.,  civil  cases  coming 
under  the  king's  jurisdiction;  the  controversies  of  v.*. 

5.  '^-y^-\■";'^]  for  every  city,  cf.  I  Ch.  26'3  (1.  124). — 6.  cd"':> -(213  c;ryi]. 
C6  read  ^121  for  ■l3^2;  B  et  qiiodcnmqiie  jtidicaveritis,  in  vos  reduudahit. 
Oe.  emended  "(3n3  to  1212  "  and  it  shall  be  with  you  according  to  (}'our) 
judgment."  Better  supply  Yahweh  as  subject  (Ke.,  e/ a/.)- — 7.  NS-cf] 
cf.  C'JD  NC'  in  Dt.  10". — 8.  o'^cn^  wj'm].  These  newly  appointed  judges 
could  not  be  described  as  "returning"  to  Jerusalem,  hence  Kimchi, 
Be.,  Ke.,  et  at.  referred  the  words  to  the  statement  in  \.*  cya  nsm;  but 
then  this  statement  should  precede  v. '»  and  the  pi.  must  be  e.xplained 
on  the  rather  doubtful  assumption  that  Jehoshaphat  and  his  retinue  con- 
stitute the  subject,  although  the  sg.  is  used  in  v.  ■".  Better  follow  (8,  V, 
and  read  'ar%  and  before  it  ^2'nSi  and  for  the  coulroz'ersies  of  the  iultahi- 
latits  of  Jerusalem,  so  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki. — 10.  2n  ^21]  casus  pendens,  cf. 
Ges.  §  143J.  <S,  Iff,  omit  1. — 'S  ...  pa]  cf.  Gn.  i^. —  o.-'inTm]  perhaps 
an  Aram,  loan-word;   mostly  in  Ez.  and  Ec,  and  only  here  in  Ch. 

XX.  1-30.  The  victory  over  the  Moabites  and  the  Am- 
monites.— A  religious  tale  of  great  marvel.  The  only  history  back 
of  this  story  probably  is  the  fact  that  Jehoshaphat,  associated  with 
Jchoram,  was  engaged  in  a  cami)aign  against  the  Moabites.  This 
campaign  is  described  in  one  way  in  2  K.  3*-",  where  it  is  embel- 
lished with  wonders  to  the  gloriikation  of  Elisha  the  prophet  of 
northern  Israel ;  here  the  campaign  wholly  transformed  is  described 
in  another  way,  and  all  semblance  to  historical  reality  is  lost;  only 


XX.  1-30.]  JEHOSHAPHAT'S   VICTORY  405 

the  MoabUes  remain  as  the  enemies  of  Israel.  Jehoshaphat  is  no 
longer  associated  with  Jehoram,  nor  yet  is  he  the  attacking  party, 
but  is  suffering  invasion  in  his  own  land;  his  army  also  does  not 
fight,  but  only  prays  (vv.»-i').  Edifying  prayers  and  prophetic 
admonitions  (vv.  ^^-  '^«),  and  a  startling  wonder  from  Yahweh 
(vv.  22  ff),  which  at  the  same  time  serves  to  show  the  importance 
of  the  worship  of  Yahweh  through  the  Levites  with  services  of 
song,  are  the  principal  features  of  the  narrative.  The  influence 
of  the  prophetic  tale  of  2  K.  may  be  seen  in  the  feature  of  the 
self-destruction  of  enemies  which  appears  in  both  (r/.  2  K.  3" 
with  v."). 

An  attempt  to  defend  the  historicity  of  this  narrative  has  been  made  by 
assuming  an  invasion  of  three  kindred  tribes  to  settle  in  western  Palestine, 
coming  by  way  of  the  southern  end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  harassed  by  the  popu- 
lation of  that  district  and  ruptured  {sic  destroyed)  by  internal  dissensions, 
and  leaving  a  very  great  spoil,  because,  coming  to  settle,  they  brought  all 
their  property  with  them  (Ba.  Com.  p.  xxxi.).  But  in  view  of  the 
thoroughly  Midrashic  character  of  the  narrative  such  conjectures  are 
idle. 

1-4.  The  invasion.— 1.  After  this]  i.e.,  after  the  events  de- 
scribed in  the  previous  chapter,  where  Jehoshaphat  is  represented 
engaged  in  works  of  piety  and  peace.— r/;e  sons  of  Moab  and  the 
sons  of  Amnion  and  the  Meunim*]  {v.  i.).  The  last  people,  so 
named  from  Ma'an,  a  city  south  of  the  Dead  Sea,  or  representing  an 
Arabian  people  {cf.  1  Ch.  4"),  appear  as//ze  children  or  inhabitants 
of  Mount  Seir  in  vv.  '"■  "•  ■^^—2.  The  sea]  i.e.,  the  Dead  SesL.—From 
Edom*]  (v.  i.).  This  reading  Edom  instead  of  Syria  {^,  RV.) 
requires  only  the  change  of  a  single  consonant  (nnt<  becoming 
D"IS').  S}Tia  lies  far  to  the  north  of  the  Dead  Sea,  while  Edom  lies 
immediately  to  the  south  and  south-east  of  the  sea. — Hazazon- 
tamar]  (Gn.  14' f)  on  the  basis  of  this  verse  identified  with 
En-gedi  (Jos.  15"  i  S.  23='  Ct.  i'^  Ez.  47"'  f);  mod.  Ain  Jidi, 
overlooking  the  western  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea,  680  feet  below 
the  sea-level  and  612  above  that  of  the  lake  (EBi.  II.  col.  1293). 
There  is  little  doubt  but  that  this  identification  is  correct.  The 
name  Hazazon  seems  preserved  in  the  Wady  Husaseh  north-west 
of   En-gedi.     Tamar,   meaning   palm-tree,    is  very    appropriate. 


4o6 


2   CHRONICLES 


Palm-trees  are  known  to  have  flourished  there  (mentioned  by 
Josephus,  Ant.  ix.  i,  2,  and  PUny,  HN.  V.  15  (17)).  The  sug- 
gestion of  the  identification  of  Hazazon-tamar  with  Tamar  of  Ez. 
47>»  to  the  south-west  of  the  Dead  Sea  {DB.)  has  httle  in  its 
favour.  A  pass  leads  from  En-gedi  up  into  the  hill-country  of 
Judah.  For  a  description  of  the  route  of  this  invading  army,  see 
GAS.  HGHL.  p.  172. — 3.  And  proclaimed  a  fast].  This  was 
usual  in  view  of  any  impending  calamity  (Jon.  3'  "■)  and  involved 
the  assembling  of  the  people  (i  K.  21 »  '^  Je.  36«- '  Jo.  2'*). 

1.  D':i2j."nc].  Since  the  A  mmoniles  are  already  mentioned  in  this  verse, 
and  since  three  groups  of  people  are  mentioned  in  w. '"-^i  «,  read 
D''Ji>'P^D  with  <B  Mleyvaluv,  so  Be.,  Ke.,  et  at.,  cf.  26',  i  Ch.  4". — 2. 
1N3M]  used  as  the  French  on  and  the  German  man,  v.  Ges.  §  144/. — 
pen]  other  MSS.  pen,  great  number  a  late  usage,  cf.  i  Ch.  29". — aiNC] 
also  in  (S,  hut  improbable  here.  Read  DiN3  with  most  commentators 
{v.  s.).  B,  ]  «*-^-"«  Tvt*?,  seems  to  have  read  din. — 3.  no  .  .  .  ]r^^^]he 
set  his  face,  i.e.,  he  determined,  equivalent  to  ViD  .  .  .  Ot'^'^  in  2  K.  12". 
— 4.  O'psh]  to  ask,  request,  a.  late  use  of  cpJ  only  here  with  no  ace.  of 
the  thing. 

5-13.  Jehoshaphat's  prayer. — This  prayer  contains  the  fol- 
lowing elements:  (i)  an  invocation  of  Yahweh  as  all-powerful 
(v. «);  (2)  the  land  now  threatened  had  been  given  by  him  as  a 
perpetual  possession  (v.');  (3)  a  sanctuary  has  been  built  in  this 
land  for  him,  with  faith  in  his  presence  to  deliver  in  every  time  of 
need  (w.  "  );  (4)  these  enemies  are  requiting  evil  for  good  upon 
this  his  land  (yv.  x"  '•);  (5)  Israel  is  powerless  before  these  enemies 
and  can  only  look  unto  him  for  help  (v.  "). 

5.  Before  the  new  court]  i.e.,  directly  in  front  of  the  Temple, 
toward  which  Jehoshaphat  prayed,  on  the  inner  side  of  the  outer 
court  where  the  people  were  assembled  (cf.  4'  Ez.  46'').  This 
outer  court  was  called  new  not  because  restored  or  e.xtended  under 
Asa  or  Jehoshaphat  (Ke.,  Zoe.),  since  it  did  not  properly  exist  at 
that  time  (cf.  4'),  but  probably  because  when  the  second  Temple 
was  built  it  was  recognised  as  new,  and  this  name  clung  to  it  even 
until  the  time  of  the  Chronicler. — 6.  God  in  the  heavens]  an  ex- 
pression of  divine  omnipotence  (cf.  Dt.  4"  Jos.  2"  Ps.  115'). — 7. 
Abraham  thy  friend].     Cf.  Is.  41'. — 9.  If  evil  come  upon  us,  etc.] 


XX.  1-30.]  JEHOSHAPHAT'S   VICTORY  407 

a  brief  summary  of  the  cases  in  Solomon's  dedicatory  prayer 
in  which  Yahweh  would  hear  the  people's  cry,  cj.  6"-3''. — 10.  And 
mount  Seir\  With  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites  were  joined  also 
Edomites  {cf.  v. '). — Whom  thou  didst  not  allow  Israel  to  invade, 
etc.].  According  to  Dt.  2^-^  Nu.  2o'<-2',  the  children  of  Israel, 
on  the  journey  to  Canaan,  were  forbidden  to  contend  with  the 
Edomites  or  the  Moabites  or  to  take  their  land. — 11.  To  cast  us 
out  of  thy  possession].  The  invading  hosts  are  represented  as  pur- 
posing to  make  a  permanent  settlement  in  Judah. — 12.  The  atti- 
tude of  complete  helplessness  assumed  by  Jehoshaphat  in  spite  of 
his  great  army  (ly-'')  reminds  one  of  the  similar  wail  raised  by 
Joshua  after  the  defeat  at  Ai  (Jos.  7'). — 13.  In  their  distress  the 
entire  population  has  gathered  to  intercede  with  Yahweh  (cf.  Jo. 
2"  Jon.  3'). 

5.  a'?tt'nM]  nine  mss.  and  05  '>2. — 6.  Diun  maSsDj]  cf.  Is.  iV-  The 
usual  expression  of  the  Chronicler  is  nixiNn  pidScd,  i  Ch.  29'"  2  Ch. 
128  1710  2o29. — 8.  iS]  omitted  by  QS^a^  ;||^  probably  because  of  the 
following  iDtt'S. — ci|">c]  used  to  designate  Temple  and  precincts  also  in 
I  Ch.  22'9. — 9.  tJior]  if  correct,  judgment,  so  (S.  H  gladius  judicii  is 
followed  by  Ki.  Reading  dub.,  only  here  and  possibly  in  pi.  a''!3iflii'  in 
Ez.  23'°,  but  also  dub.  there,  v.  Toy,  Cor. — mnj'j]  cohortative  in  the 
apodosis  of  a  conditional  sentence,  v.  Ges.  §  108/. — 11.  ^nt^'-^■'D]  (g 
KKr)povonlas  rjudv.  Doubtless  l|  is  original,  since  the  Chronicler 
regards  the  kingdom  as  belonging  to  Yahweh,  cf.  i  Ch.  i7'<  (cp.  2  S. 
7")  28^  29" •  23,  and  <&  could  easily  arise  from  the  reading  of  if,  but  not 
vice  versa. — 13.  onijji  oni^'j  dbej  dj].  Bn.  after  (S  supplies  1  before 
DHitt'j  and  strikes  out  on>j3i  as  unsuitable  after  Dota.  Ki.  Kom.  con- 
siders Deta  a  gloss,  but  its  is  used  with  dthjoi  dh'^jj  in  3118^  and  with 
nSinji  -\^^\2  in  Ez.  9^.  &  adds  oninuai,  possibly  original,  but  may  have 
been  added  merely  for  completeness.  Hence  it  is  sufficient  to  supply 
iwith  d. 

14-19.  The  assuring  promise  of  Jahaziel. — Jehoshaphat's 
prayer  is  answered  by  a  promise  of  deliverance  from  Yahweh 
through  Jahaziel,  a  Levite  of  the  sons  of  Asaph. — 14.  Jahaziel  the 
son,  etc.].  On  the  occurrence  of  the  name  Jahaziel,  cf.  i  Ch.  i6«. 
The  appearance  of  a  Levite  singer  as  a  prophet  is  noticeable,  yet 
fully  in  accord  with  the  entire  description  which  gives  such  a  large 
place  to  worship,  and  especially  to  the  use  of  praise,  in  gaining  the 


4o8  2    CHRONICLES 

victory  (vv. '«'■«''•,  r/.  also  v."). — Mattaniah].  In  i  Ch.  25* 
this  name  appears  among  the  sons  of  Heman,  and  its  frequent  oc- 
currence elsewhere  shows  that  it  represented  persons  or  a  person 
or  family  of  importance  in  early  post-exilic  Judaism.  Mattaniah 
appears  as  a  son  of  Asaph,  with  the  connecting  link  Micah  in  the 
pedigree  of  Uzzi,  an  overseer  of  the  Levites  at  Jerusalem  (Ne. 
II"),  and  also  with  the  further  link  Zaccur  in  the  pedigree  of  a 
Zechariah,  a  musician  who  took  part  in  the  dedication  of  Jerusa- 
lem Ne.  12".  Mattaniah  with  this  same  connection  also,  though 
written  Zichri  and  Zabdi  instead  of  Zaccur,  appears  among  the 
post-exilic  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  (i  Ch.  q'"  Ne.  11"). — Sofis  of 
Asaph].  Cf.  I  Ch.  6'8-«  <"  ^'>. — Upon  him  was  the  spirit  of  Yah- 
weh].  Cf.  15'. — 15.  For  the  battle  is  not  ywirs  but  God's].  Cf. 
I  S.  17^'. — 16.  By  the  ascent  of  Ziz]  not  mentioned  elsewhere; 
probably  Ziz  should  be  read  Haziz  (v.  i.),  and  the  locality  is  the 
Wady  Hasasa  {y.  i.  and  v.  2). — Wilderness  of  Jeruel]  unidenti- 
fied, probably  to  the  south-east  of  the  wilderness  of  Tekoa  (v.  -), 
toward  Wady  Hasasa. — 17.  Take  your  place,  stand  still  and  see 
the  salvation  of  Yahweh].  These  words,  omitting  st<2nd  still,  are 
found  in  Ex.  14"  in  Moses'  address  to  the  children  of  Israel  at  the 
shore  of  the  Red  Sea. — 18.  Both  Jehoshaphat  and  the  people  in 
thanksgiving  for  the  glorious  promise  reverently  prostrate  them- 
selves upon  the  ground. — 19.  And  the  Levites  .  .  .  stood  up  to 
praise  Yahweh]  possibly  while  the  rest  of  the  people  were  pros- 
trating themselves  or  remaining  for  the  time  being  prostrate.  The 
Lei'ites  are  naturally  mentioned  in  connection  with  praise  to  Yah- 
weh, since  the  assembly  is  in  the  court  of  the  Temple  (v. ')  and  they 
would  be  on  hand  for  such  a  service. — Sons  of  Kehath]  one  of 
the  three  great  clan  divisionsof  the  Levites  {cf.  1  Ch.  6'  ^-  '«•  "  <"  ■'• 
"  6.)  j^6  2  Ch.  20"  34",  without  sons,  i.e.,  Kehathites  i  Ch.  6"  <">). 
They  are  not  elsewhere  spoken  of  as  singers  and  probably  are 
mentioned  here  because  the  sons  of  Korah  (read  even  of  the  sons 
of  Korah)  were  properly  a  subordinate  family  of  the  Kehath- 
ites, since  Korah  in  the  genealogies  is  a  grandson  of  Kehath 
(i  Ch.  6'-  "'  <"  "'  ').  The  sons  of  Korah,  on  the  other  hand, 
from  their  mention  in  the  titles  of  the  eleven  Pss.  (42-49, 
84,   85,  87,   88),  were  clearly  a  guild   of  singers,  probably  that 


XX.  1-30.]  JEHOSHAPHAT'S   VICTORY  409 

which  was  represented  by  Heman  (i  Ch.  6'8   "")  {v.  also  on  i 
Ch.  26'). 

U.Sxvmij^BA  Kat  T4)'0f(e)t^X,  c/.  i  Ch.  23'9.— Ss^r]  (ge 'EXearjX, 
A  'EXfTjX  may  indicate  Sn^'^'.s,  but  are  probably  corrupt. — 16.  VVCi  f] 
QJB  'Ao-ae,  i-  Acto-a,  other  MSS.  A(raes.  n  is  probably  a  radical  and 
may  be  a  corruption  of  n,  cf.  Wady  Hasdsd  and  plateau  Hasdsd,  cf. 
Buhl,  G^P.  p.  97. — '\^oX]e>id,  late  synon.  of  Vi":  (BDB.).  Elsewhere 
Jo.  220  Ec.  3"  72  12". — Sni-ii  f]  founded  of  God,  (6  /e/)tr;X  =  '^*<'''!;. 

20-30.  The  victory  and  the  spoil.— On  the  day  following  the 
assembly  at  the  Temple  the  people  marched  forth  into  the  wilder- 
ness of  Tekoa,  some  fourteen  miles  south  of  Jerusalem,  and  with 
singers  at  their  head,  approached  the  invading  hosts.  When 
the  singers  began  to  sing,  unseen  agencies  caused  the  invaders  to 
turn  one  against  the  other  until  they  were  completely  destroyed,  so 
that  Jehoshaphat  and  his  people  found  only  a  slain  host,  from 
which  they  secured  immense  and  valuable  booty  requiring  three 
days  for  its  gathering.  On  the  fourth  day,  after  assembling  in  a 
valley,  where  they  blessed  Yahweh  and  thus  called  the  place  the 
Valley  of  Blessing,  they  returned  with  music  unto  the  Temple ;  and 
through  the  fear  of  Yahweh  from  the  report  of  this  victory  among 
the  surrounding  countries  rest  and  quiet  came  to  the  kingdom  of 
Jehoshaphat. 

20.  The  wilderness  of  Tekoa']  the  open  country  around  Tekoa 
{cf.  I  Ch.  2=^). — Believe  ye  in  Yahweh  your  God  so  shall  ye  be  estab- 
lished]. Isaiah  used  the  same  words  applied  negatively  in  his  ad- 
dress to  Ahaz  (Is.  70- — 21.  In  holy  attire]  i.e.,  in  priestly  garments 
{cf.  I  Ch.  i62s).  The  singers  probably  are  to  be  thought  of  as  Levites 
of  the  Temple  service. — Give  thanks  unto  Yahweh,  etc.]  a  direct 
refrain  often  found  in  the  Psalms,  but  always  with  the  additional 
words  (after  Yahweh)  for  he  is  good,  which  have  been  omitted 
either  by  a  copyist  or  more  likely  because  familiar,  and  hence 
readily  supplied  {cf.  i  Ch.  16^^). — 22.  Liers-in-wait]  not  Jude- 
ans  by  the  suggestion  of  Yahweh  (as  in  Jos.  8=)  (Ba.),  since  they 
were  not  to  fight  (v. "))  nor  a  portion  of  the  invading  host,  the  men 
of  Seir  thus  conspiring  against  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites  {cf. 
v.")  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  H-J.),  but  supernatural  divine  agencies  (Be.,  Oe., 


410  2   CHRONICLES 

Bn.),  which  suddenly  coming  upon  the  advancing  host  or  taking 
possession  of  them,  caused  them  to  be  enraged  against  one  an- 
other in  deadly  combat  (v.  ") — a  means  not  unlike  that  of  the  lying 
spirit  in  the  mouth  of  Ahab's  prophets  (r/.  iS^'  ' ). — And  they  were 
smitten]  i.e.,  defeated  and  destroyed — a  summary  of  that  which  is 
described  in  the  next  verse. — 23.  For  the  children  of  Amnion  and 
Moah  stood  up  against  the  inhabitants,  etc.].  Cf.  Ju.  7"  i  S.  14^° 
2  K.  3".  Such  internecine  strife  caused  by  Yahweh  appears  also 
in  the  later  prophets  in  the  future  destruction  of  the  enemies  of 
Israel  (r/.  Ez.  38*'  Hg.  2^^  Zc.  14''). — 24.  And  when  Judah  came 
upon  an  outlook  point  of  the  wilderness].  The  writer  pictures 
Jehoshaphat  and  his  men  advancing  toward  the  invading  host  and 
then  from  some  elevation  seeing  the  host  all  lying  slain. — 25.  They 
found  cattle*  in  abundance  and  goods  (i.e.,  the  general  stufif  of  such 
an  invading  host)  and  garments'*  and  precious  things  (such  as  arms, 
utensils,  ornaments,  or  any  wrought  article)].  Cf.  the  spoil  taken 
from  Zerah's  host  (14''  «•)  and  from  the  Midianites  (Ju.  8"  «■). — 
26.  In  the  valley  of  Berakah]  i.e.,  in  the  valley  of  Blessing.  This 
name  appears  preserved  in  both  BerekUt,  an  abandoned  village 
west  of  Tekoa,  containing  ruins  of  great  age  (Buhl,  GAP.  p.  97), 
and  in  a  Wadi  Bereikut  near  Tekoa  (Be.,  Bn.). — 27.  Then  all 
the  men  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem  journeyed  back  with  Jehoshaphat 
at  their  head  returning  to  Jerusalem  with  joy  since  Yahweh  had 
caused  them  to  rejoice  over  their  enemies].  Cf.  on  last  clause  Ezr. 
6"  Ne.  12".— 28.  And  the  fear  of  God,  etc.].  Cf.  17"'.— 29.  And 
his  God  gave  him  rest  round  about].     Cf.  14"  '  15". 

20.  '»jij?DtS']  cf.  1  Ch.  282. — u^NPi  .  .  .  irsNn]  weak  i  used  with  the 
imperfect  to  express  the  design  or  purpose  of  a  preceding  act  (Dr. 
TH.  §  60);  for  imperative  followed  by  imperfect,  v.  Koe.  iii.  §  364I. 
Niph.  so  used  after  Hiph.  also  in  Is.  7'. — 21.  T>M''i]  with  Sn  also  in  2  K. 
68. — iCi'M]  meaning  appoint  late,  cf.  i  Ch.  6"  (1.  89). — ttn|i  B^'^rh]  cf. 
I  Ch.  16". — '-h  mn]  thirteen  mss.,  &  add  3ia  •'3. — 22.  ny^]  with  retro- 
spective omitted,  v.  Ges.  §  155/. — r^'^^rw  nj-\3]  Buc.  {ZAW.  '99,  p. 
100  n.)  proposes  the  reading  nVoni  nna  (i  K.  8*»  Je.  7"-  ii'<)  and 
considers  the  phrase  equivalent  to  ipyx'i  in  2  Ch.  13'*.  Whilst  the 
word  is  not  elsewhere  joined  with  r\SryT^,  its  use  with  nnvn  in  Ps.  42' 
supports  the  usage  here,  nnin  is  used  parallel  to  nSnn,  cf.  Ps.  looV — 
24.    DDXcn]  outlook  point,  as  a  common  noun  also  in  Is.  21'  f.     By  a 


XX.  31-37.]         END  OF  JEHOSHAPHAT'S  REIGN  411 

peculiar  Heb.  idiom  the  article  is  used  to  designate  a  thing,  primarily 
yet  unknown  but  present  in  the  writer's  mind  as  a  definite  object,  i.e., 
the  Chronicler  vividly  pictured  Jehoshaphat's  march  to  its  destination,  a 
certain  high  vantage-point  in  the  wilderness  which  becomes  the  definite 
point  to  him,  cf.  Ges.  §  i26q.r,  also  Bur.  on  i  K.  13". — pnnn]  cf.  i  Ch. 
29". — 25.  ii'iDi]  cf.  I  Ch.  27". — ona]  (&KT-f]vq=  nnna,  which  read  since 
1  before  cian  also  supports  this  reading,  so  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki. — ciJo] 
very  improbable  in  this  context,  hence  read  with  seven  mss.,  H,  anjai,  so 
Be.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  Bn. — nnnn  ^Sa]  a  phrase  occurring  only  here,  cf.  anra  mien 
Ezr.  8",  also  the  similar  phrase  ninn  iSa  2  Ch.  32"  36' "  Ho.  13I6  Na.  2^" 
Je.  25'^  Dn.  ii'.  HTiDn  only  occurs  in  pi. — ncd  p^S]  (&  omits,  to  not 
lifting  tip,  i.e.,  so  much  that  they  could  not  carry  the  booty  away:  an 
idiom  peculiar  to  the  Chronicler,  cf.  i4>2 1  Ch.  22*.— 29.  nisnNn  niDSon] 
cf.  I  Ch.  29'°,  also  V.  s.  on  v.  «. 

31-34.  The  summary  of  Jehoshaphat's  reign. — From  i  K. 
22^1 -"s  v^^ith  some  variations  {v.  i.). — 31.  And  Jehoshaphat  reigned 
over  Judah].  This  apparently  superfluous  statement  is  due  to  the 
Chronicler's  source,  i  K.  22^',  a  verse  marking  the  beginning  of  the 
narrative  of  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  where  it  says  (He)  began  to 
reign  over  Judah  in  the  fourth  year  of  Ahab  king  of  Israel,  but  the 
Chronicler  will  not  date  the  accession  of  a  king  of  Judah  by  a  year 
of  the  ungodly  king  of  the  schismatic  N.  kingdom.  The  remainder 
of  this  verse  is  essentially  identical  with  i  K.  22". —  Azubah]  the 
name  also  of  a  reputed  wife  of  Caleb  (cf.  i  Ch.  2'8'). — Shilhi  f]. 
Nothing  further  is  known  of  this  father  and  his  daughter. — 32. 
And  he  walked  in  the  way  of  Asa  his  father].  Cf.  17'  '■. — 33.  How- 
beit  the  high  places  were  not  taken  away].  This  statement  from  i 
K.  22"  is  not  exactly  consistent  with  17*  (q.  v.)  and  the  Chronicler's 
entire  description  of  Jehoshaphat's  piety. — Neither  as  yet,  etc.] 
I  K.  22"  '•  The  people  still  sacrificed  and  burnt  incense  in  the  high 
places.  The  Chronicler  found  this  positive  statement  too  strong 
and  modified  it  with  a  milder  negative  one. — 34.  Now  the  rest  of 
the  acts  of  Jehoshaphat  the  first  and  the  last]  the  Chronicler's 
usual  formula  (cf.  i2'5). — In  the  acts  (words)]  not  an  inde- 
pendent work  written  by  Jehu  the  son  of  Hanani  (cf.  192),  but  a 
section  of  the  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  containing  his  name  (v. 
Intro,  pp.  21/). 

31.   ao^^n•<  ^SD^1]    i   K.    22"   iSd  ndn  ja  O'l.     The   Chronicler,   as 
usual,  omits  the  synchronistic  statement  of  K. — 32.  "^"^-^2]  1  K.  22" 


412  2   CHRONICLES 

T\T  Saa. — NDN  V3X]  i  K.  transposes. — njc2]  i  K.  masc.  urs.  T>"» occurs 
both  as  masc.  and  fern. — 33.  on^pax  in':'NS  oaaS  ijon  nS  oj?n  ^1J;^]  i  K. 
22"  ninaa  oinopm  o^natn  oyn  iij?. — 34.  nS^n]  if  the  text  is  correct,  Hoph. 
perf.  used  only  here  in  sense  be  taken  up  into,  or  inserted  in.  On  form 
cf.  Ju.  6^8  Na.  2',  Ges.  §  6^p.  (B  Kar^ypa^ev,  B  digesset,  &  <.£i^>h^y. 
The  similar  phrase  in  32'=  omits  this  word,  which  probably  arose  here 
from  a  dittograjihy  of  following  Sp. 

35-37.  The  destruction  of  Jehoshaphat's  fleet. — From  i  K. 
22"3 1-  (13  '•),  quite  rewritten.  This  passage  in  i  K.  is  not  entirely 
clear,  but  its  present  text  was  before  the  Chronicler.  This  relates 
that  Jehoshaphat  built  ships  of  Tarshish  (i.e.,  a  particular  kind)  to 
sail  to  Ophir  for  gold,  but  the  vessels  were  wrecked.  Then  Ahaziah 
proposed  to  join  with  Jehoshaphat  in  this  marine  undertaking, 
but  Jehoshaphat  declined  the  alliance.  The  Chronicler,  on  the 
other  hand,  places  Jehoshaphat  in  alliance  with  Ahaziah,  a  very 
wicked  king,  and  relates  that  they  jointly  built  ships  to  go  to  Tar- 
shish and  that  the  ships  were  wrecked  because  Jehoshaphat  had 
allied  himself  with  Ahaziah.  The  calamity  then  befalling  the  good 
king  Jehoshaphat  in  the  loss  of  his  vessels  is  explained  through  his 
sin  of  allying  himself  with  a  king  of  Israel.  Attempts  have  been 
made  to  harmonise  the  two  narratives  on  the  ground  of  their  incom- 
pleteness. Thus  Jehoshaphat  accepted  the  aid  of  the  King  of 
Israel  in  building  but  not  in  navigating  the  ships  (Ba.). — 35.  Aud 
after  this]  i.e.,  after  the  marvellous  deliverance  recorded  in  vv. '"'. 
No  time  limit  is  given  in  i  K.,  but  the  statement  Jehoshaphat  made 
ships  immediately  follows  the  statement  (i  K.  22^'  '*''  omitted  by 
the  Chronicler)  and  there  was  no  king  in  Edam:  a  deputy  was  king, 
i.e.,  Edom  was  still  controlled  by  Judah,  hence  shipbuilding  was 
undertaken  by  Jehoshaphat  on  the  Gulf  of  Akabah  south  of  Edom. 
— The  time  in  Jehoshaphat's  reign  is  fi.xed  by  the  mention  of 
Ahaziah  the  immediate  successor  of  Ahab,  who  reigned  only  some 
two  years. — The  same  did  very  wickedly]  a  statement  of  the 
Chronicler  to  emphasise  the  sin  of  Jehoshaphat's  alliance. — 36. 
To  go  to  Tarshish]  i  K.  22"  <*'>  ships  of  Tarshish,  i.e.,  a  class  of 
ships  used  in  the  Tarshish  trade,  but  the  Chronicler  misunderstood 
the  meaning  of  the  phrase  and  assumed  that  they  were  to  go  to 
Tarshish  (<f.  9=').     In  i  K.  22"  <•»'  the  destination  of  the  ships  is 


XXI.  1-20.]  REIGN    OF   JEHORAM  413 

Ophir,  and  their  object  to  procure  gold. — Tarshish].  Cf.  i  Ch, 
1 7. — Ezion-geber].  Cf.  S^'.  In  Kings  the  place  where  the  ships 
were  built  is  not  mentioned. — 37.  Eliezer  the  son  of  Dodavahu-\]. 
Nothing  further  is  known  of  this  prophet,  who  is  not  mentioned 
ehewhere.—MaresJiah].  Cf.  i  Ch.  2". — Yahweh  hath  broken  in 
pieces  thy  works]  i.e.,  the  ships.  According  to  i  K.  22^"  <^«>  they 
were  wrecked  at  Ezion-geber. 

35.  lanriN]  only  here  as  Hithp.  perf.  The  prefix  pn  instead  of  nn  is 
due  to  the  influence  of  Western  Aram.  (Ges.  §  54a  n.),  hence  is  late. 
Hithp.  is  also  used  in  v. "  Dn.  ii^-  ^  the  last  also  in  an  Aram.  form. — 
Nin]  (g  read  Nini.— 36.  v^-yi  .  .  .  niti-yS  icj?  inian^]  i  K.  22"  nirj;  i3i3tyin> 
(read  nir'y '•>). — irv^nn  pdSS  nrjx  ]  i  K.  n-i'^aix  nDSS  t:'^ann  nvjN. — Vi^yM] 
<S,  ffi,  read  sg. — 37.  inni]  (B  (^*  OS(e)ia,  i' Aoi/Stoi/)  probably  read  either 
nnn  or  innn. — y\D]  prophetic  perfect,  Ges.  §  io6n. — nvjN  n3B'"'i]  i  K. 
2249  nvjs  matyj  ^3. — nrjN]  ($  ra  irXoid  crov,  so  also  £. — t^xv]  plus  inf. 
to  be  able  to  (late),  cf.  2^  14'°  i  Ch.  29'^. 

XXI.  The  reign  of  Jehoram  (c.  851-843  b.c.).— The  Chron- 
icler introduces  his  account  of  this  reign  with  the  verse  in  i  K. 
(22^0)  concluding  the  summary  of  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  (211)- 
He  then  mentions  the  other  sons  of  Jehoshaphat  (v. "),  their  father's 
generous  treatment  of  them  (v. '),  and  their  destruction  by  Jehoram 
after  he  came  to  the  throne.  These  particulars  are  not  related  in 
I  K.  Then  is  given  the  account  of  Jehoram's  accession  and  evil 
character,  taken  from  2  K.  8^'-'^  (w.^-'),  and  the  account  of  the 
revolt  of  Edom,  taken  from  2  K.  820-22  (w.  8-io)_  xhe  remainder  of 
the  narrative,  which  consists  of  a  threatening  letter  from  Elijah 
(vv.  >2-i5),  an  account  of  a  sack  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Philistines  and 
others  (vv.  '« '■),  and  an  account  of  Jehoram's  horrible  end  through 
disease  (w.  's-^"),  is  independent  of  i  and  2  K.  This  new  material 
seems  to  be  either  embellished  traditions  or  history  simply  imagined 
in  a  way  suitable,  according  to  the  Chronicler's  theory,  to  the  evil 
character  of  Jehoram. 

Ki.  following  Bn.  assigns  vv.  2-1  to  the  Chronicler's  forerunner  (Bn. 
non-canonical)  and  vv.  '2-20  to  M,  but  these  verses  have  all  the  marks  of 
the  style  of  the  Chronicler.  Be.  maintained,  but  without  sufficient 
reason,  that  Elijah's  letter  had  marks  of  another  writer,  mentioning  the 
Hiph.  of  njT  V. '^  and  v."  elsewhere  not  in  Ch.  (but  the  occurrence  in 


414  2   CHRONICLES 

V."  certainly  offsets  the  occurrence  in  the  letter),  the  rare  pi.  o^'Sn 
(v.  ")  and  nSnn  (v. ",  Pr.  i8'<  f)  and  the  expression  nSnj  nujo  r\ii  nin> 
not  elsewhere  in  Ch.  Graf  argued  correctly,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
appearance  of  expressions  used  by  the  Chronicler  elsewhere,  T^a  ^S^ 
w.  '2f.j  c/.  ii"  172  20"  21'  22'  28=  342  (the  expression  yet  is  too  common 
on  which  to  lay  weight),  awnx  no  v.  ",  c/.  v. "  v. «  22'  '  ',  and  cf.  in  v. '' 
the  parallelisms  with  v. "  (in  the  former  probably  read  O'jrn  instead  of 
Don  Ki.  BH.). — Marks  of  the  Chronicler  in  other  verses:  S  prefixed 
V.';  prnn'  v.*  {cf.  i');  nn  tn  nin>  -i>->i  v."  (r/.  33"  i  Ch.  5»  Ezr. 
I*);   the  Philistines  and  Arabians  v.",  cf.  17";    Nisio  pnS  (1.  132)  v.". 

1-7.  Jehoram's  accession  and  character. — Vv. '  <are  without 
parallels  in  Kings. — 1.  Slept  until  his  fathers,  etc.].  Cf.  9". — 2. 
Azariah].  The  second  of  this  name  should  be  struck  out  (v.  i.). — 
Israel]  used  for  the  S.  kingdom,  also  in  v.',  cf.  i2«. — 3.  And 
their  father  gave,  etc.].  Cf.  the  somewhat  similar  treatment  by 
Rehoboam  of  his  sons. — Because  he  was  the  first  born]  mentioned 
as  though  Jehoram  had  no  other  special  qualification  to  be  his 
father's  successor. — Slew  all  his  brethren,  etc.]  because  of  their 
non-concurrence  with  his  and  his  wife's  (Athaliah's)  idolatry  (cf 
V.  ")  (Ke.,  Zoe.),  probably  from  tyrannical  jealousy  (Oe.);  but  all 
explanations  are  mere  conjectures. — 5-7.  Parallel  with  2  K.  8"". 
— 6.  According  to  that  which  the  house  of  Ahab  did]  i.e.,  according 
to  the  doings  of  the  house  of  Ahab. — The  daughter  of  Ahab].  Cf. 
18'. — 7.  House  of  David].  2  K.  8"  has /»J<z//.  The  Chronicler 
may  have  made  the  change  because  he  felt  on  account  of  the 
Captivity  that  the  Davidic  promise  was  restricted  to  the  Davidic 
house. — As  he  promised  to  give  a  lamp  to  him  and  his  children 
alway].  The  Chronicler  uses  the  lamp  as  a  figure  of  life  (cf.  Jb. 
i8«  Pr.  13'  24"),  i.e.,  that  the  seed  of  David  should  never  be  de- 
stroyed (2  S.  7'2-"). 

1.  vnaN  ay-]  so  also  i  K.  22'',  where  probably  a  dittography;  omitted 
by  (SB  in  both  places,  rightly  in  i  K.  (St.  550r.).— I'n  -^'j-a]  i  K. 
-|-  V3N  which  the  Chronicler  omitted  because  of  the  preceding  dittog- 
raphy.— 2.  t3DwMn>]  (g  -f-  ?|  =  nyr  may  be  original,  since  in  accord 
with  the  Chronicler's  habit,  cf.  i  Ch.  2*  3<- »  7'  25'  '  et  at.,  but  the 
original  list  probably  contained  only  one  Azariah,  hence  a  name  has 
disappeared  if  this  numeral  was  originally  in  the  text. — SN^r^]  about 
forty  MSS.  and  the  Vrss.  min\  which  is  followed  by  Ki.,  but  Israel  is  used 
for  Judah  in  v.*  28"  and  elsewhere,  and  the  change  to  Judah  is  easier 


XXI.  1-20.]  REIGN   OF  JEHORAM  41 5 

than  the  reverse. — 3.  mjiJD]  always  pi.,  cj.  32"  Ezr.  i^  Gn.  24"  f- — 
6.  'oSd]  <J6»B  ^affiXecos  may  render  a  text  from  which  ■>  had  fallen  by 
haplog.,  but  (gB'bAi'  have  /Saa-tXeaw,  which  is  doubtless  original  (8. — 
ns^a]  some  mss.  and  2  K.  8'8  nB>NS. — 7.  mo  icn  n>-i3n  i^d*?  iin  n^a  dn 
i^nS]  2  K.  8'^  nay  in  jyn"?  min>  pn  (7;.  j.). — rjaSi]  2  K.  vjaS,  which 
is  likely  an  error  for  vjdS,  cf.  i  K.  ii^',  so  Klo.,  Kamp.,  et  al.  The 
Chronicler  sought  to  give  a  smoother  reading  to  the  corrupt  text  of  2  K. 
by  prefixing  1. 

8-10.  The  revolt  of  Edom. — With  minor  changes  and  slight 
omissions,  from  2  K.  S^"-".  V.  ">  (2  K.  S^"")  is  of  doubtful  mean- 
ing.— 8.  In  his  days  Edom  revolted^  Edom  was  subdued  by 
David,  2  S.  8'=  '■  i  Ch.  i8"-",  and,  unless  for  a  time  it  regained  its 
independence  during  the  reign  of  Solomon  {cf.  i  K.  1 1'<  »•,  Noeldeke, 
EBi.  11.  col.  1 184),  it  remained  subject  to  the  united  kingdom  and 
Judah  until  the  reign  of  Jehoram  and  the  event  here  described. 
During  the  reign  of  Jehoshaphat  it  was  clearly  subject  to  Judah,  as 
the  account  of  his  ship-building  operations  shows  {cf.  2o^«). — 9.  And 
Jehoram  passed  over,  etc.]  entered  Edom  with  his  army  to  sub- 
due it. — And  he  rose  by  night,  etc.].  The  sequel  (v. '")  shows  that 
the  expedition  of  Jehoram  was  a  failure,  and  hence  an  account  of  a 
defeat  must  have  been  contained  in  the  primary  source  of  v.'^ 
(2  K.  8''"').  Possibly  it  read,  "And  Edom  arose  by  night  and  en- 
compassed him  and  smote  him  and  the  captains  of  the  chariots" 
(Stade,  Gesch.  I.  p.  537  n.  i,  and  ZAW.  XXI.  pp.  337  ff.). — 10. 
Unto  this  day]  words  of  2  K.  8^2,  and  simply  quoted  by  the 
Chronicler  because  in  his  source. — Libnah]  a  town  not  5ar  from 
Lachish,  on  the  south-western  border  of  Judah  near  Philistia  {cf.  i 
Ch.  6"  <")).  Since  it  is  said  to  have  revolted,  it  has  been  regarded 
as  a  Philistine  city  (Sk.),  but  it  was  reckoned  as  a  priestly  city 
(Jos.  21'').     Sennacherib  besieged  it  (2  K.  19^). 

9,  v-^'y  oy]  2  K.  8"  m^yx  elsewhere  unknown  and  probably  a  cor- 
ruption of  n-j^yj',  which  the  Chronicler  misread  mt:',  so  Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe. 
Ki.  corrects  from  2  K.,  but  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  present  text  of 
Ch.  could  have  come  from  ri-\>y:s. — aann^]  2  K.  +  vhnah  oyn  dpi. 
— 10.  'ui  n>  nnnc]  wanting  in  2  K.  8". 

11-15.  The  letter  of  Elijah. — A  pure  product  of  the  imagina- 
tion, since  Elijah  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  S.  kingdom,  and 


4i6  2    CHRONICLES 

clearly  was  not  living  at  this  time  (2  K.  3""  ),  although  such  an 
inference  might  have  been  drawn  from  2  K.  I'^  From  its  literary 
correspondence  with  the  rest  of  the  chapter,  the  letter  was  probably 
written  by  the  same  author.  The  motive  of  the  letter  is  to  heighten 
Jehoram's  character  as  an  obstinate  and  outrageous  sinner,  since 
he  had  neglected  to  heed  a  divine  warning  of  the  calamities  which 
afterward  befell  him. — 11.  Moreover  he  made,  etc.]  i.e.,  in  addition 
to  his  wickedness  described  in  v.  %  which  may  be  taken  as  the  sup- 
posed cause  of  the  revolt  of  Edom,  Jehoram  directly  institutes 
high  places,  or  seats  of  idolatrous  worship  {cf.  14'). — To  play  the 
harlot]  i.e.,  to  worship  deities  other  than  Yahweh.  The  people 
were  thought  of  as  married  to  their  God,  and  any  foreign  worship 
was  regarded  as  whoredom  or  harlotry.  (Cf.  i  Ch.  5".) — 12.  In 
the  ways  of  Jehoshaphat  thy  father  )wr  in  the  -d'ays  of  Asa  king  of 
Judah].  Both  Jehoshaphat  and  Asa  are  regarded  as  especially  good 
kings  {cf.  14'  ")  lys  20''-). — 13.  Like  as  the  house  of  Ahab  caused 
harlotry].  Ahab  through  the  influence  of  his  wife,  Jezebel,  was 
potent  in  introducing  the  worship  of  foreign  gods  in  Israel  (r/.  i  K. 
16^'  " ). — And  also  has  slain  ihy  brethren].  Cf.  v.*. — 14.  With  a 
great  stroke].  The  reference  is  to  the  calamity  of  vv.  '^ ' . — 15. 
And  thou  shall  have  great  sickness,  etc.]  the  disease  described  in 
vv.  '»  ' . — Day  by  day]  i.e.,  a  prolonged  sickness. 

11.  nn2]  ^,  U,  read  'lya  and  so  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki. — ?;">]  on  form  cf. 
Ges.  §  75^^. — niM]  thrust  aside  from  Yahweh  to  idolatry,  cf.  Dt.  i3'- 
11.  i4._i2.  -\z'n  nnn]  because  that,  cf.  Nu.  2$'^  Dt.  21"  22^9  28"  i  S.  26^1 
2  K.  22"  =  2  Ch.  342*  Is.  53'2  Je.  29"  50".— 13.  ^as  no]  (6  vloin 
trarpSs  aov  —  'h  >ii,  and  so  &  (following  (&);  this  is  the  stronger 
expression,  hence  may  be  original,  cf.  v.*. — 14.  f|jj]  (6,  "&,  &,  add  ^~s 
but  a  special  punishment  for  the  King  himself  is  narrated  in  v.". — 
nojc]  stroke,  used  in  the  double  sense  of  slaughter  in  battle  {cf.  i  S. 
4"  2  S.  i7»  18')  and  plague,  since  the  King's  ])Cople  and  family  were  to 
suffer  from  the  first  (vv.  "' )  but  the  King  himself  from  the  second,  a 
loathsome  disease. — 15.  o^^n]  intensive  pi.,  Gcs.  §  124^. — ao">]  some 
Mss.,  <&,  B,  a^y-t. 

16  f.  The  raid  into  Judah.— No  inkling  of  this  raid  with  its  dis- 
astrous conseciuenccs  is  given  in  Kings,  and  while  it  may  have  some 
historical  foundation  in  a  raid  of  nomads  into  soutliem  Judah 


XXI.  1-20.]  REIGN   OF  JEHORAM  417 

(Bn.),  yet  as  described  with  its  disastrous  consequences  it  probably 
never  took  place  (yet  accepted  throughout  by  Pa.  EHSP.  p.  214). 
The  narrative,  however,  does  not  necessarily  imply  a  sack  of  Jeru- 
salem, as  has  often  been  supposed  (Be.),  but  quite  otherwise  {v.  i.). 
The  history  of  the  city  was  too  well  known  for  the  writer  to  have 
presumed  upon  such  a  fiction. — 16.  Spirit].  Cf.  1  Ch.  5^^ — The 
Philistines  and  the  Arabians].  Cf.  17",  where  these  ver}'  people 
are  mentioned  as  giving  tribute  to  Jehoshaphat. — Which  are  beside 
the  Cushites].  Cf.  14^  <«>  i  Ch.  i^.  The  geographic  knowledge  of 
the  ancients  of  Ethiopia  and  southern  Arabia  was  very  indefinite. 
Herodotus  considered  all  the  land  east  of  the  Nile  Arabia  (11.  8,  1 2, 
15,  19),  which  could  thus  be  described  as  beside  the  Cushites. — 17. 
And  they  came  up  into  Judah  and  broke  through  into  it]  that  is, 
they  made  a  raid  into  the  land. — And  they  took  as  plunder  every 
possession  which  was  found  belonging  to  the  royal  house  and  his 
sons  and  his  wives].  This  language  most  naturally,  taken  by  itself, 
suggests  that  the  royal  palace  at  Jerusalem  was  plundered,  but  it 
need  not  imply  anything  more  than  the  taking  of  royal  stuff  which, 
with  children  and  wives,  might  have  been  in  camp  (so  essentially 
Ke.,  Zoe.,  Ba.).  This  also  seems  to  have  been  the  view  taken  by 
the  Chronicler  in  22'  {q.  v.),  if  ||  there  is  followed. — And  there  was 
not  left,  etc.].  This  statement  taken  with  v.",  where  Jehoram 
slew  all  his  brothers,  is  difficult  to  reconcile  with  2  K.  lo'"-, 
where  brethren  of  Ahaziah  (Jehoahaz)  king  of  Judah  to  the  number 
of  forty-two  are  mentioned.  Whence  came  these  latter  if  the  royal 
house  of  David  had  been  so  thoroughly  exterminated  (We.  Prol. 
p.  210)?  The  two  narratives  are  really  irreconcilable. — Jehoa- 
haz] elsewhere  Ahaziah  (22').  The  two  names  are  compounds 
of  Yahweh  and  the  verb  to  seize,  but  written  in  the  reverse  order. 

16.  nn]  wanting  in  (S. — 17.  mypa-ii]  break  through  or  into,  cf.  i  Ch. 
1112  2  S.  23'6  and  Hiph.  Is.  7'. — vsyji]  (&  Kai  ras  dvyar^pas  airov,  but 
cf.  V.  '^ — m>^^n^<]  one  ms.,  (B,  ^,  3,  invnN. 

18-20.  The  end  of  Jehoram. — 18  f .  In  his  bowels  with  an  in- 
curable disease,  etc.].  The  writer  probably  thought  of  some  vio- 
lent and  incurable  chronic  diarrhoea.  (For  a  detailed  description 
of  the  malady,  see  Ke.,  Zoe.). — 19.  And  it  came  to  pass  after  a  pro- 


4i8  2   CHRONICLES 

longed  time  and  at  the  time  when  the  end  [of  his  life]  came,  during 
two  days  his  bowels  were  going  out  by  reason  of  his  sickness  and  he 
died]  (v.  i.). — Made  no  burning  for  him]  i.e.,  of  spices,  cf  i6'<. 
The  King  was  treated  with  less  respect  than  his  fathers. — 20. 
Cf.  V.  K  The  Chronicler  is  quoting  here  from  2  K.  8"  and  then 
from  2  K.  8^^ — Without  being  desired]  i.e.,  without  being  lamented 
(v.  i.). — But  not  in  the  sepulchre  of  the  kings]  an  addition  of  the 
Chronicler  to  enhance  the  vileness  of  Jehoram. 

18.  .  .  .  pnS]  cf.  14"  I  Ch.  22'. — 19.  O'S-'D  OT^*^]  B  cumque  diei 
succederet  dies.  The  phrase  occurs  only  here  and  means  after  a  pro- 
longed time,  cf.  O'S^  Sp  D'D^  V. ",  also  d^jt  o^cS  Dn.  8^,  expressed 
more  briefly  by  DT'D  Ju.  11*  14'  15'. — '0  -ins;  d:;!^  o^n^h  ypn  rxs  r>'oi] 
a  difficult  passage,  since  the  preceding  O'cd  d-c?  implies  a  longer 
'  time  than  two  days.  To  remove  this  contradiction,  IB,  &,  and  most 
commentators  have  translated  two  years  (so  EVs.).  <5  rendered  Kal  ws 
7]\0€v  Kaipds  tQv  rjiJLepQv  ijfxdpas  5t/o.  On  Be.'s  at  the  end  of  two  times 
see  Ke.  More  recently  Bn.  has  suggested  that  (S  may  be  right,  and 
that  tradition  told  of  a  sudden  death  after  two  days'  illness.  The 
Midrash  made  a  long  illness  out  of  this,  and  the  confusion  arose  from 
a  gloss,  o^iv  D''n''S  yp2,  by  a  better-informed  reader.  But  <S  doubtless 
read  M.  It  is  better  to  consider  VP^  ^^^  f^>3i  as  a  phrase  describing  the 
approaching  end  of  life  as  a  consequence  of  the  disease,  a-jc  o^c  an 
accusative  of  duration  of  time  introduced  by  S  as  the  sign  of  the  ace; 
and  1NX%  pointed  isx;i,  an  impf.  of  continued  action  (Ges.  §  lojb); 
translating  and  at  the  lime  when  the  end  came,  his  bowels  were  going  out 
during  two  days.  Ke.'s  explanation  is  similar,  "  about  two  days 
(before  the  issue  of  the  end  of  the  disease)  then  the  bowels  went  out." 
— vSn  Di']  at  the  time  of  his  sickness,  but  perhaps  i'''rnr  should  be  read 
(BDB.  oy  1.  g). — 20.  n-i::n  n^3  n'^'i]  an  addition  by  the  Chronicler, 
cf.  2  K.  8"-  "».  Luther,  following  B  ambulavitque  non  recte,  rendered 
er  wandelte  das  nicht  fein  war  {i.e.,  he  lived  undesirably)  and  so  Oe. 
Others  render  and  he  departed,  mourned  by  none  or  without  being  desired, 
Ke.,  Zoe.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  EVs. 

XXII.  The  reign  of  Ahaziah  and  the  usurpation  of  Athaliah 

(c.  843-836  B.C.). — The  brief  reign  of  Ahaziah  (S43-842)  was 
marked  by  the  continuance  of  the  alliance  between  the  N.  and  S. 
kingdoms,  which  involved  Ahaziah  in  the  revolution  of  Jehu  and 
led  to  his  untimely  end.  The  Chronicler  has  used  all  the  material 
of  2  K.  concerning  this  reign  and  the  usurpation  of  Athaliah,  with 


XXn.  1-12.]  AHAZIAH   AND   ATHALIAH  419 

the  exception  of  the  narratives  of  the  death  of  Ahaziah  and  the 
massacre  of  the  princes  of  Judah.  In  giving  the  account  of  these 
(vv.  '-')  he  has  followed,  without  a  clearly  discernible  motive, 
another  source  (y.  i.). 

Ki.,  in  the  main,  after  Bn.,  assigns  v. '  to  M  and  holds  that  w. '-'• 
are  M's  recension  of  2  K.,  and  likewise  vv. '-'  are  from  M.  While  the 
Chronicler  doubtless  drew  the  variant  information  of  vv.'-  '■'  {v.  i.) 
from  a  Midrashic  source,  the  narrative  yet  bears  the  marks  of  his  composi- 
tion, especially  in  v.^^  in  the  use  of  nin>  tf-n  (1.  23),  noS  pxi  (1.  129), 
and  na  nxy  (1.  92). 

1-6.  Ahaziah's  character  and  brief  career. — Taken,  after  a 
composite  introductory  verse,  from  2  K.  S^^-". — 1.  And  the  inhab- 
itants  of  Jertisalem]  decide,  according  to  the  Chronicler,  who  shall 
be  king,  probably  in  view  of  the  disasters  which  the  Chronicler  holds 
to  have  befallen  the  royal  house.  Cf.  the  enthronement  of  Jehoa- 
haz  the  son  of  Josiah  by  the  people  after  the  disaster  at  Megiddo, 
2  K.  23'°.  Such  unusual  action  would  imply  that  the  succession 
was  disputed. — Ahaziah  the  youngest  soti].  Cf.  21". — For  all  the 
eldest,  the  band  who  came  with  the  Arabians  to  the  camp  slew]. 
This  describes  the  fate  of  the  royal  princes  who  seemingly  were 
slain  while  in  the  field  in  camp  by  a  marauding  band  at  the  time 
of  the  Philistine  and  Arabian  invasion  (21"  '•).  d,  however,  read 
differently,  making  the  word  camp  a  tribal  or  geographical  name 
of  the  Arabians  (v.  i.). — 2.  Forty-two  years]  i  K.  S^^  twenty-two. 
This  latter  number  is  much  nearer  correct,  since  according  to  21'° 
(2  K.  8")  Jehoram  the  father  was  only  forty  years  old  at  the  time 
of  his  death.  (S  has  here  twenty. — The  daughter  of'Omri].  'Omri 
was  the  father  of  Ahab,  the  founder  of  the  dynasty,  i  K.  i6i««-. 
Daughter  is  here  used  with  the  meaning  of  granddaughter,  since 
Athaliah  was  unquestionably  the  daughter  of  Ahab  (cf.  18'  21s). — 3. 
For  his  mother  was  his  counsellor  to  do  wickedly]  an  addition  to  the 
text  of  2  K.  8". — 4  f.  For  they  were  his  counsellors  after  the  death 
of  his  father  to  his  destruction.  He  walked  also  after  their  counsel] 
also  an  addition  to  2  K.  8"'-.  The  Chronicler  thus  emphasises 
the  evil  influence  of  the  association  of  the  house  of  David  with  that 
of  Ahab. — And  he  went  with  Jehoram,  etc.].  The  alliance  between 
the  N.  and  S.  kingdoms  thus  continued  (cf.  18'),  and  the  war  also 


420  2   CHRONICLES 

with  the  Syrians,  in  which  Israel  seems  to  have  gained  a  certain 
advantage,  since  Ramoth-gilead  (r/.  i8=),  ahhough  still  the  centre 
of  military  operations,  was  at  this  time  in  the  possession  of  Israel 
{cf  .2  K.  9'*). — Hazael]  the  former  general  of  Ben-hadad  King 
of  Syria  {cf.  i6=),  and  now  by  usurpation,  if  not  also  assassina- 
tion, his  successor  (cf.  2  K.  8'-'^). — Aud  the  Syrians\  Another 
reading  is  archers  {v.  i.). — Wounded  Joram].  The  two  names 
J  eh  Oram  (v.  ')  and  Joram  are  the  same,  simply  spelled  in  a  shorter 
or  longer  form  (y.  i.). — 6.  And  he  returned  to  be  healed  in  Jczreel 
of'*  the  wounds  with  which  he  had  been  smitten  (lit.  which  they  had 
smitten  him)].  Thus  this  sentence  is  to  be  read  after  2  K.  8-'. — 
Jezre'el]  mod.  Zerin  at  the  east  end  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon, 
about  midway  between  Megiddo  and  Bethshean.  It  is  located 
on  an  abrupt  hill,  terminating  the  range  of  Gill)oa,  some  two 
hundred  feet  above  the  plain,  of  which  it  commands  a  fine  view. 
Jezre  el  was  a  city  of  residence  for  the  royal  family  of  the  N.  king- 
dom. Ahab  had  a  palace  there  (i  K.  21'). — Ramah]i.e.,  Ramoth- 
gilead. — And  Ahaziah*  .  .  .  went  down].  The  expression  went 
down  seems  to  imply  that  the  visit  was  made  from  Jerusalem  (</. 
2  K.  9'«),  although  some  think  that  he  went  down  from  Ramotli- 
gilead. 

1.  n:nc?  D''3"(>3  N^h]  is  corrupt.  (S  ^t'  avrovs  ol  'ApajSes  oi 
'AXei/jLa^oveis  gives  no  aid,  except  by  suggesting  that  sni^v  may  have 
fallen  from  the  te.xt  after  K3n. — 2.  bvium  ov^^n]  (&^^  20,  (SS  &,  2  K. 
gM  22  which  was  probably  original  here  (v.  s.). — ''"'^i']  05''  Axaa^  is 
doubtless  a  correction,  cf.  2  K. — 3.  I'^n  n^n  dj]  2  K.  8"  i^m. — 5.  2-\i.t] 
2  K.  8"  D-)V  cf.  21 ». — Sn-^S'''  i'^c]  wanting  in  <6  and  2  K.,  possibly  a 
gloss  (Bn.). — Sy]  2  K.  c>. — Sum]  also  written  '^Nnm,  cf.  v.  «.  Both 
forms  occur  in  2  K. — nir'>3]  (^^  'Pa/xd,  ^  'Fafxad  point  to  nr">3  as  the 
original  vocalisation,  see  St.  SBOT.  on  i  K.  22'. — o^cin]  a  few  mss., 
B,  01,  and  2  K.  o^cis,  and  so  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Ki.  Koni.,  EVs. — 
6.  2^'>^]  (&  +  'Iwpd/x,  2  K.  8"  -|-  nSon  onv. — >d]  about  twelve  mss.,  <5, 
&,  2  K.  p  which  read  with  Be.,  Ke.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  et  al. — inrn]  2  K.  ^r^:•' 
the  former  is  more  natural,  but  the  latter  allowable,  cf  Dr.  Til.  §  27  (7), 
also  St.  SBOT. — 2  K.  adds  the  subject  s-c^n,  which  is  supported  by  (S. 
— innrjn]  a  copyist's  error  for  in^inNi,  which  is  found  in  fifteen  mss., 
Vrss.,  and  2  K. 

7-9.   The  death  of  Ahaziah. — This  differs  from  the  account 
given  in  2  K.  in  the  following  particulars.     There  the  death  of  the 


XXn.  1-12.]  AHAZIAH   AND   ATHALIAH  42 1 

princes  is  placed  subsequent  to  Jehu's  attack  upon  Ahaziah  (2  K. 
10"  '■),  while  the  Chronicler  or  his  source  places  their  death  ap- 
parently first.  Ahaziah  also,  according  to  2  K.,  rides  forth  with 
Joram  and  meets  Jehu,  and  witnessing  the  death  of  Joram  flees  and 
is  pursued  by  Jehu  and  wounded  in  his  chariot  near  Ibleam  by  one 
of  Jehu's  men,  but  he  reaches  Megiddo  and  dies  there.  Then  his 
servants  carry  him  to  Jerusalem  (2  K.  9"  '•).  Here,  on  the  other 
hand,  Ahaziah  is  represented  as  caught  while  hiding  in  Samaria 
and  slain,  having  been  brought  forth  to  Jehu.  This  narrative  is 
irreconcilable  with  the  other  and  probably  comes  from  some  nar- 
rator who,  thinking  of  the  close  association  between  Ahaziah  and 
the  house  of  Ahab,  and  its  evil  consequences,  imagined  that  he 
sought  refuge  in  Samaria  and  was  from  thence  dragged  forth  and 
slain. — 7.  And  from  God  was  the  destruction  of  Ahaziah  so  that 
he  came  to  Joram]  i.e.,  it  was  divinely  purposed  that  Ahaziah  should 
go  to  Joram  to  his  destruction. — And  when  he  came  he  went  out 
with  Joram  unto  JeJiu].  The  two  kings,  according  to  2  K.  9^", 
rode  out  together,  each  in  his  own  chariot,  to  meet  Jehu. — Whom 
Yahweh  had  anointed  to  cut  off  the  house  of  Ahab].  According  to 
I  K.  19'%  Yahweh  commanded  Elijah  to  anoint  Jehu  king  over 
Israel.  This  was  carried  out  by  one  of  the  sons  of  the  prophets 
commissioned  by  Elisha  (2  K.  9'-*),  and  the  act  was  done  further- 
more, according  to  the  compiler  of  Kings,  with  the  direct  purpose 
that  the  house  of  Ahab  might  be  destroyed  (2  K.  g'-'"). — 8.  And 
the  sons  of  the  brethren].  (B  omits  sons  and  preserves  probably  the 
true  reading  (v.  i.).  If  sons  is  correct,  then  these  victims  were 
little  lads,  since  their  grandfather  Joram  was  only  forty  years  old 
on  his  death  in  the  previous  year.  The  phrase  ministering  also 
means,  properly,  serving  as  state  officials  or  officers  of  the  army 
(v.  i.),  and  it  seems  probable  that  these  victims  were  so  intended, 
and  that  we  have  here  a  tradition  of  the  death  of  brothers  or  kins- 
men of  Ahaziah  quite  different  from  that  of  2  K.  lo'^  '•,  where  forty- 
two  of  them  were  slain  by  the  command  of  Jehu,  on  their  way  to 
visit  their  cousins  of  the  house  of  Ahab.  The  latter  also,  as  already 
noted,  met  their  death  a  day  or  two  after  the  death  of  Ahaziah, 
while  these  are  slain  apparently  before  that  event. — 9.  And  he 
sought  Ahaziah  and  they  took  him — now  he  had  hidden  himself  in 


42  2  2    CHRONICLES 

Samaria — attd  they  brought  him  to  Jehu  and  put  him  to  death"]  a 
totally  different  representation  of  the  death  of  Ahaziah  from  that 
given  in  2  K.  9"  (z'.  s.). — And  they  buried  him"]  apparently  in 
contrast  to  leaving  his  body  unburied,  as  was  usual  with  a  person 
who  met  a  violent  death  at  a  king's  command.  According  to  2  K. 
9*8  his  servants  carried  his  body  from  Megiddo,  where  he  died  from 
the  effect  of  his  wound,  in  a  chariot  to  Jerusalem,  "and  buried  him 
in  his  sepulchre  with  his  fathers  in  the  city  of  David."  But  the 
Chronicler  seemingly  could  not  bring  himself  to  record  so  honour- 
able a  fate  for  a  king  so  reprobate  and  such  an  object  of  divine 
judgment;  and  the  burial  granted  him  the  Chronicler  allowed 
given  only  for  the  sake  of  his  pious  grandfather : /or  they  said 
he  is  the  son  of  Jehoshaphat  who  sought  Yahweh  uith  his  whole 
heart. — And  the  house  of  Ahaziah  had  no  strength  to  hold  the  king- 
dom] hence  it  passed  into  the  control  of  Athaliah. 

7.  ron.i  f]  from  D12  tread  down,  trainple. — NiaV]  V  with  infinitive 
pointing  to  positive  consequence,  Koe.  iii.  §  4o6e. — nx'  Lsaai]  a  late 
idiom,  Dr.  TH.  p.  157  n. — nidi  Sn]  more  clearly  in  2  K.  9"  '>  PNipS. 
— 8.  tofliyna]  some  MSB.  '■"i3.  Niph.  expresses  reciprocal  action,  cf. 
BDB.  tacsy  Niph.,  Ges.  §  ^id. — •'J3]  wanting  in  (g  and  2  K.  10"  where  it 
wa.s  the  brethren  of  Ahaziah  who  were  slain.  This  was  likely  original  here 
and  a  glossator  inserted  ''J3,  since  Ahaziah's  brethren  had  already  been 
slain  according  to  the  Chronicler's  account,  v.  '. — dviiut]  denotes 
royal  officers,  cf.  178 1  Ch.  27'  28'  Est.  i'»  Pr.  29'2,  BDB. — 9.  N3n.-ic  Nim] 
(&  laT p€vbix€vov  =  N?'^nc. — ^in,-"c>i]  read  sg.  -inr —  with  (6,  B,  &,  so 
Oc.,  Ki. — 'yS  .  .  i''Ni]  inf.  with  TN",  an  unusual  construction.  Dr. 
TH.  §  202  (I.),  Ges.  §  114/.  (1.  129). 

10-12.  The  usurpation  of  Athaliah. — Taken  from  2  K.  ii'» 
with  slight  variations.  The  usual  formulas  introducing  and  closing 
a  reign  are  omitted  in  the  case  of  Athaliah,  because  she  had  unlaw- 
fully seized  the  government. — 10.  All  the  royal  seed]  i.e.,  all  the 
male  seed,  not  necessarily  limited  to  the  children  of  Ahaziah. — 11. 
Daughter  of  the  king]  i.e.,  a  daughter  of  King  Jehoram,  but  proba- 
bly by  another  wife  than  Athaliah  (so  Jos.  Ant.  ix.  7,  i). — ///  the 
bed  chamber]  presumably  that  of  the  royal  palace,  from  which 
Joash  was  transferred  to  the  Temple  (v.  '=). — The  wife  of  Jehoiuda 
the  priest]  wanting  in  Kings  and  probably  a  mere  surmise  on  the 
part  of  the  Chronicler  due  to  the  fact  that  the  infant  prince  en- 


XXm.-XXIV.]  REIGN   OF  JOASH  423 

joyed  the  protection  of  Jehoiada  and  was  placed  by  him  on  the 
throne;  yet  a  negative  cannot  be  proved.  Ew.  held  that  the  state- 
ment was  certainly  genuinely  historical  {Hist.  IV.  p.  135).  (Per- 
haps also  GAS.  /.  II.  p.  100.) 

10.  nnx^]  2  K.  Ill  nnxm.  Ch.  preserves  the  original  text.— natni] 
2  K.  n^xni  is  supported  here  by  some  mss.  and  Vrss.  and  should  be 
followed,  so  Be.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  et  a/.— min>  n>3^]  added  by  the  Chron- 
icler.—11.  nyaa-in^]  2  K.  u^  yaa-in^  and  so  (gBL  (ia,cra/3ee),  and  since 
n  could  have  crept  in  through  the  influence  of  the  following  n^,  the 
reading  of  2  K.  is  regarded  as  original  by  Ki.,  Gray,  HPN.  p. '255, 
Cheyne  in  EBi.  art.  Jehosheba.  But  (6*  lo,aaM  may  be  original  (S 
(cp.  the  uncials  €  and  9)  and  B  supports  JH,  hence  the  text,  though 
uncertain,  had  better  be  allowed  to  stand.— iScn  na]  wanting  in  (&^, 
which  text,  however,  is  not  likely  original  ($,  cf.  ^^  ^.  2  K.  adds  oiv 
innnN  ninN,  but  Ch.  has  N^n  >j  ]no7\  yiMn>  ncN  Dmn>  -^Scn  na  nyac-im 
innnN  niriN  nn^n  later  in  the  verse,  hence  it  has  been  conjectured  that 
the  closer  description  of  Jehoshabeath  fell  out  (the  words  'nn  na  re- 
maining), and  was  later  added  on  the  margin,  whence  it  crept  into  the 
text  after  the  second  Jehoshabeath  (Bn.).  The  possibility  remains  that 
the  Chronicler  himself  in  copying  from  2  K.  accidentally  omitted  the 
words  after  nSn  and  subsequently  inserted  them  where  they  now  stand. 
— D^nnon]  2  K.  Kt.  a>nniDDn,  Ch.  preserves  the  original  reading,  cf. 
St.  5S0r.— tnni]  was  added  by  the  Chronicler  apparently  to  make 
inpj>D  DNi  inN  clearer.  The  latter  seems  to  be  a  gloss  in  2  K.,  St. 
550r.— im>nDni]  2  K.  inN  nnoM.  Ch.  again  preserves  the  better 
text,  St.  SBOT.~^7\^\^\'^•ar\]  2  K.  nnin.— 12.  dhn]  2  K.  ii^  nnN.— 
D>n'?Nn  n>a]  2  K.  r^^r^^  'a. 

XXIII-XXIV.  The  reign  of  Joash  {c.  836-796  b.c.).— In  the 
main  a  simple  reproduction,  with  marked  revision  and  amplifica- 
tion in  places,  of  2  K.  i  i^-i  2='.  Nowhere  else  does  the  Chronicler's 
method  of  interpreting  history  and  introducing  notions  of  his  own 
time  as  controlling  factors  in  the  earlier  history  more  clearly  appear. 
(These  chapters  are  allowed  to  be  his  composition  by  Ki.,  but  only 
c.  23  by  Bn.,  who  holds  c.  24  in  the  main  from  the  Chronicler's 
source.)  The  outline  of  the  narrative  is  as  follows :  The  youthful 
prince  Joash,  who  had  been  hidden  six  years,  is  crowned  and 
received  as  king,  while  the  old  queen-mother  Athaliah  is  slain.  A 
covenant  is  made  by  the  people  to  serve  Yahweh.  The  temple  of 
Baal  is  destroyed  and  his  priest  slain  (c.  23).     Then  comes  an 


424  2    CHRONICLES 

account  of  the  activity  of  Joash,  who  repairs  the  Temple  and 
serves  Yahweh  during  the  life  of  Jehoiada  the  priest,  who  had 
placed  him  upon  the  throne.  But  after  the  priest's  death  he  yields 
to  the  princes  of  Judah  and  cultivates  the  worship  of  Baal.  For 
this  he  is  denounced  by  the  prophet  Zechariah,  who  at  the  com- 
mand of  the  King  is  stoned.  The  religious  defection  and  murder 
of  the  prophet  are  not  mentioned  in  2  K.  and  may  be  a  surmise  of 
the  Chronicler  or  one  of  his  school,  because  some  sin  was  thought 
necessary  to  explain  the  disasters  which,  related  ne.xt,  befell  Joash 
through  Hazacl  King  of  Syria.  After  these  events  his  servants 
conspired  against  him  and  slew  him. 

XXIII.  1-11.  The  coronation  of  Joash. — Based  upon  2  K.  1 1  <  ", 
but  completely  rewritten,  with  the  following  points  of  agreement 
and  difference.  Both  narratives  agree  in  the  fact  that  Jehoiada 
conspired,  at  first,  with  Ihe  centurions  (v.'  2  K.  11').  But  accord- 
ing to  2  K.,  these  centurions  were  ofificers  of  the  Carites  and  run- 
ners, i.e.,  the  royal  foreign  body-guard  elsewhere  called  Cherethites 
and  Pelethites  (2  S.  8"  15"  20^),  who  took  a  prominent  part  in 
the  enthronement  of  Solomon  (i  K.  i"-  •").  These  captains  are 
brought  into  the  Temple  and  there,  with  an  oath,  the  youthful 
prince  being  shown  to  them,  the  compact  is  made.  In  Chronicles 
the  Carites  and  runners,  or  foreign  troops,  are  not  mentioned  and 
the  centurions  are  clearly  Levitical  chiefs,  whose  names  are  given. 
They  also  act  as  the  intermediaries  for  a  much  larger  conspiracy. 
Through  them  the  Levitcs  and  the  principal  men  of  Israel  are 
gathered  out  of  all  the  cities  of  Judah  and  all  this  congregation 
enters  into  a  covenant,  and  unto  this  multitude  it  is  declared  that 
the  King's  son  shall  reign.  According  to  2  K.,  the  youthful  prince 
is  crowned  and  hailed  first  as  king  in  the  midst  of  the  foreign 
troops,  who  have  been  arranged  for  his  protection  and  stand  guard 
within  and  without  the  Temple.  According  to  Chronicles,  the 
companies,  who  have  been  arranged  and  stand  guard,  are  Levites 
and  companies  of  the  people,  and  only  priests  and  Levites  are 
admitted  within  the  Temple  and  special  care  is  taken  that 
no  others  enter  the  sanctuary.  The  narrative  of  2  K.  is  prob- 
ably an  accurate  account  of  the  event.  The  coronation  of  the 
young  prince  was  a  bold  coup  d'etat  undertaken  by  the  priest 


XXm.  1-21.]  CORONATION   OF  JOASH  425 

with  the  assistance  of  the  foreign  body-guard.  Solomon  was 
made  king  in  a  somewhat  similar  manner.  A  conspiracy  such 
as  is  described  in  Chronicles  formed  with  leaders  throughout 
all  Judah,  who  assemble  at  Jerusalem,  could  hardly  have 
escaped  the  notice  of  Athaliah  or  met  with  no  counter  move- 
ment on  her  part;  but  according  to  both  narratives,  she  was  com- 
pletely surprised.  The  motive  of  the  Chronicler's  reconstruction 
of  the  narrative  is  clear.  In  view  of  the  stringency  with  which  the 
Temple  in  his  time  was  guarded  from  profanation  by  foreigners,  he 
could  not  conceive  that  the  high  priest  could  have  called  upon  the 
royal  foreign  body-guard  for  service  in  the  Temple.  Hence  he 
transformed  the  Carites  and  runners  into  Levites,  and  made  the 
whole  movement  an  ecclesiastical  one.  But  we  have  the  express 
testimony  of  Ezekiel  that  foreigners  were  admitted  into  the  sanctu- 
ary (Ez.  44« ' ).  Hence  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  early 
kings  did  guard  the  Temple  with  foreign  troops,  and  from  this 
historical  point  of  view  the  revision  of  the  Chronicler  was  a  mis- 
taken one.  A  reconciliation  of  the  two  accounts  has  been  sought 
on  the  theory  that  both  accounts  mention  merely  the  main  points 
of  the  proceedings — the  author  of  2  K.  emphasising  the  part  taken 
in  the  affair  by  the  royal  body-guard,  the  Chronicler  on  the  other 
hand  emphasising  that  taken  by  the  Levites;  so  that  both  ac- 
counts mutually  supplement  one  another  and  only  when  taken 
together  give  a  complete  accoimt  of  the  circumstances  (Ke.,  Mov., 
H-J.).     But  this  is  not  tenable. 

1.  StrengtJiened  himself]  a  favourite  phrase  of  the  Chronicler 
{cf.  I').  2  K.  11^  has  "sent." — 'Azariah  the  son  of  Jeroham,  etc.] 
not  in  2  K.  The  fact  that  these  personal  names  are  given  has 
been  regarded  as  an  evidence  of  the  writer's  exact  historical  infor- 
mation (so  Ke.,  Zoe.),  but  where  history  was  a  blank  the  Chroni- 
cler and  his  school  were  fond  of  reconstructing  it  in  detail  with  such 
elements  as  personal  names.  (Cf.  the  lists  of  names  in  i  Ch.  23- 
26.)  In  2  K.  the  centurions  are  over  the  Carites  and  rtinners 
(v.  s.). — 2.  This  verse  is  lacking  in  2  K.  (v.  s.). — 3.  And  all  the 
congregation]  i.e.,  through  their  representatives,  made  a  covenant 
with  the  king  in  the  house  of  God].  This  formal  state  affair  in 
Chronicles  takes  the  place  of  the  private  compact  of  Jehoiada  with 


426  2   CHRONICLES 

the  captains  of  the  guards  mentioned  in  2  K.  11*. — As  Yahweh 
hath  spoken  concerning  the  sons  of  David]  wanting  in  2  K.,  a 
characteristic  touch  of  the  Chronicler  to  colour  the  whole  transac- 
tion as  far  as  possible  with  religious  motives. — 4  f.  This  is  the 
thing  which  you  shall  do  a  third  part  of  you  that  come  in  on  the 
Sabbath]  taken  verbatim  from  2  K.  11'-',  which  continues,  "shall 
be  keepers  of  the  watch  of  the  king's  house;  (6)  and  a  third  part 
shall  be  at  the  gate  Sur  and  a  third  part  at  the  gate  behind  the 
guard  so  shall  ye  keep  the  watch  of  the  house  and  be  a  barrier  (7) 
and  two  companies  of  you,  even  all  that  go  forth  on  the  Sabbath, 
shall  keep  the  watch  of  the  house  of  Yahweh  about  the  king." 
This  passage  is  not  entirely  clear,  since  the  e.xact  routine  and  dispo- 
sition of  the  Temple  and  palace  guards  are  unknown.  The  te.xt 
also  appears  not  without  corruption.  The  usual  explanation  of  the 
passage,  regarding  v.«  as  an  unintelligible  gloss,  is  that  on  week- 
days one-third  of  the  guard  was  at  the  Temple  and  two-thirds  at  the 
palace,  but  on  the  Sabbaths  the  reverse.  Jehoiada  now  arranges 
that  the  three  companies  should  be  concentrated  together  at  the 
time  of  the  change  of  the  guards  at  the  Temple  and  that  Athaliah 
should  have  no  troops  at  her  disposal  at  the  palace  (Ki.,  Bn.,  St. 
SBOT.,  Bur.,  Sk.).  According  to  another  and  older  interpreta- 
tion, retaining  v.  •,  it  was  the  custom  on  the  Sabbath  for  two- 
thirds  of  the  royal  guards  to  be  free  and  one-third  to  be  on  duty  at 
the  palace.  This  last  third  Jehoiada  orders  to  be  subdivided  into 
three  companies,  one  to  guard  the  king's  house,  i.e.,  the  palace;  one 
the  gate  Sur,  perhaps  an  entrance  to  the  palace;  and  the  third  the 
gale  behind  the  guard,  another  entrance  probably  to  the  palace, 
perhaps  "the  gate  of  the  guards"  (2  K.  11").  Thus  communica- 
tion with  the  city  would  be  cut  off  and  Athaliah  held  as  in  a  trap  by 
her  own  guards  (a  supposition  not  exactly  in  keeping  with  her 
subsequent  entrance  into  the  Temple,  v.  •'  2  K.  11",  yet  v.  i.).  The 
two  divisions  of  the  guard  who  are  off  duty  Jehoiada  orders  to 
assemble  at  the  Temple  and  surround  the  King  (Be.,  Oe.,  Ba.). 
How  far  the  Chronicler  understood  the  original  arrangement  is 
uncertain.  He  was  concerned  in  substituting  the  priests  and  the 
Levites  for  the  foreign  guard,  and  since  he  retained  the  text  of  2  K. 
as  far  as  possible,  consistency  is  not  to  be  sought  in  his  account. 


XXm.  1-21.]  CORONATION   OF   JOASH  427 

Under  those  thai  come  in  on  the  Sabbath  he  understood  the  priestly 
and  Levitical  courses  of  that  day.  Of  these  he  made  three  divi- 
sions, one  gatemen  at  the  thresholds,  i.e.,  the  entrances  presumably 
of  the  Temple;  one  at  the  house  of  the  king;  and  one  at  the  gate  of 
the  foundation  ("flD''), — 2  K.  at  the  gate  Sur  OID).  Both  read- 
ings are  unintelligible.  Probably  the  original  in  Kings  was  at  the 
horse  gate  (DID)  (cf.  v. '5).  The  reasons  of  the  appointment  at 
these  three  stations  are  not  clear,  unless  we  interpret  after  the  fol- 
lowing verse,  to  protect  the  sanctity  of  the  Temple,  but  why  then 
should  one  station  be  at  the  house  of  the  king?  The  probability  is 
that  the  Chronicler  neither  understood  nor  cared  about  the  details 
of  the  arrangements. — And  all  the  people  shall  he  in  the  courts  of 
the  house  of  Yahweh]  wanting  in  2  K.  But  according  to  the 
Chronicler's  narrative  (vv.  2'),  the  conspiracy  was  sufficiently 
widespread  to  cause  a  crowd  of  the  adhering  people  to  be  present. 
The  Chronicler  also  may  have  thought  of  the  usual  gathering  in 
his  day  at  the  Temple  on  the  Sabbath. — 6.  But  let  none  .  .  .  for 
they  are  holy]  wanting  in  2  K.  On  the  last  clause  cf.  35'. — And 
all  the  people  shall  observe  the  injunction  of  Yahweh]  i.e.,  shall  not 
enter  the  sacred  precincts  of  the  Temple.  In  2  K.  11'  the  words 
shall  observe  the  injunction  appear  with  a  different  meaning  in  the 
command  that  the  guards  shall  keep  the  watch  of  the  house  of 
Yahweh  about  the  king,  i.e.,  shall  be  on  guard  at  the  Temple,  where 
the  King  was. — 7.  The  Levites]  an  addition  of  the  Chronicler. 
In  2  K.  II'  this  command  is  given  to  the  royal  guards. — Into  the 
house]  2  K.  within  the  ranks.  The  representations  are  quite 
different.  According  to  the  Chronicler  any  one  who  should  at- 
tempt to  enter  the  sacred  precincts  of  the  Temple  is  to  be  slain, 
according  to  the  narrator  of  2  K.  any  one  who  should  attempt 
to  pass  the  ranks  of  the  guards  who  were  encircling  Joash  should 
be  slain.  The  object  of  the  former  command  is  to  preserve  the 
sanctity  of  the  Temple.  The  object  of  the  latter  is  to  protect  the 
prince  from  any  possible  violence. — And  be  ye  with  the  king  when 
he  comes  in  and  when  he  goes  out]  i.e.,  on  all  occasions.  In  2  K. 
the  last  clauses  are  reversed,  "  when  he  goes  out  and  when  he 
comes  in,"  i.e.,  when  he  left  the  Temple  and  entered  the  palace 
(r/.v.«o). 


428  2    CHRONICLES 

8.  The  Levites  and  all  Jiidah]  2  K.  ii»,  "the  captains  over 
hundreds." — Those  that  were  to  come  in  on  the  Sabbath  and  those 
that  were  to  go  out].  Thus  the  whole  guard,  and  not  two-thirds, 
was  assembled  at  the  Temple. — For  J ehouida  the  priest  dismissed 
not  the  courses]  i.e.,  he  retained  in  the  Temple  both  the  priests  and 
Levites  who  were  coming  in  to  serve  and  those  who  had  finished 
their  turn  of  service.  2  K.  has  "and  they  {i.e.,  the  guards  just 
mentioned]  came  to  Jehoiada  the  priest." — 9.  And  Jehoiada  the 
priest  delivered,  etc.].  This  statement,  while  perfectly  natural  in 
Chronicles,  since  the  priests  and  Levites  would  not  be  thought  of 
as  ordinarily  armed,  yet  appears  out  of  place  in  2  K.  ii",  since  the 
royal  guards  would  naturally  have  their  own  weapons;  so  that  it 
is  felt  to  be  a  gloss  there,  taken  from  Chronicles  (Ki.,  Bn.,  St. 
SBOT.,  Bur.,  Sk.).  Ewald  thought  that  the  weapons  were  David's 
own  spear  and  shield  which  had  been  preserved  in  the  Temple  and 
played  some  part  at  every  coronation  ceremony  (Hist.  IV.  p.  136). 
But  this  is  an  improbable  fancy. — 10.  And  he  set  all  the  people] 
2  K.  II",  "and  the  guard  stood." — From  the  right  (south)  corner 
of  the  temple  ttnto  the  left  (north)  corner  of  the  temple  by  the  altar 
and  by  the  temple  round  about  the  king].  The  guards  extended 
from  one  comer  of  the  Temple  to  the  other,  enclosing  thus  within  a 
semicircle  the  altar  and  the  front  of  the  Temple.  The  last  phrase, 
round  about  the  king,  seems  out  of  place,  since  the  King  had  not 
yet  been  brought  out,  unless  it  is  used  by  anticipation.  The  troops 
have  been  regarded  as  placed  in  a  circle  half  facing  east  and  half 
west,  thus  encircling  the  King  (Be.)  (but  v.  i.).— 11.  The  testimony] 
(so  also  2  K.  II")  i.e.,  the  law-book  which  was  laid  upon  him  or 
given  him  with  the  symbolical  meaning  that  he  should  rule  accord- 
ing to  its  precepts  (Be.,  Ba.,  H-J.).  But  there  is  no  evidence  of 
such  a  custom  and  the  context  and  the  construction  demand  some 
emblem  of  royalty  (Oe.),  hence  testimony  (miy)  in  2  K.  is 
probably  a  corruption  of  bracelets  (nnj/i"),  which  were  an  in- 
signia of  royalty  (r/.  2  S.  i'°)  (Bn.,  Ki.,  Bur.,  Sk.,  St.  SBOT.  after 
We.  Comp.  p.  361).  The  corruption  probably  antedates  the 
Chronicler,  and  testimony  should  be  read  in  his  text. — And 
Jehoiada  and  his  sons].  In  2  K.  11"  the  subject  of  anointed  is 
indefinite.     The  Chronicler  thought  of  this  act  as  a  priestly  func- 


XXm.  1-21.]  CORONATION   OF   JOASH  429 

tion. — And  they  said]  2  K.,  "and  they  clapped  their  hands  and 
said." 

1.  ptnpn]  {v.  I')  2  K.  II*  nStr.  The  latter  was  inappropriate  to  the 
Chronicler  because  the  Levitical  centurions  (v.  s.)  would  be  closely 
associated  with  Jehoiada  the  priest. — '^^^  p  nnrj?"']  wanting  in  2  K. 
h  appositive,  Dav.  Synt.  §  73  R.  7,  Koe.  iii.  §  289k.. — Dn^;]  CI  Icopo/x, 
cf.  I  Ch.  27".— ••■»3t]  (gBA  Zaxapia  =  nnsr;  l  Zexp^.—ri'^^2]  CS^a  eh 
ohov,  *  +  kU,  L  conflates.  ^  (supported  by  ^)  preserves  original  05, 
but     probably  nn33    is    the    original    ^    reading,  yet  cf.  2  K.    11*. — 

3.  hrypn  ^0]  (g  +  loiida;  wanting  in  2  K.  ii^.— D^n'-Nn]  2  K.  r\yn\ — 
iScn  d;']  (i&BA  -|-  Kal  eSei^ev  aiirois  (L  Kal  ^xP"''**')  ''■^''  ^^^^  ''■<''' 
/SocrtX^ws,  a  scribal    addition    from    2   K. — 3^  is    wanting    in    2  K. — 

4.  'ui  D-'jnDS]  an  addition  by  the  Chronicler. — d^ddh  nyrS]  cf.  i 
Ch.  9". — 5.  n''i:"Sa'ni].  The  Chronicler  having  assigned  a  new  duty 
to  the  first  third  of  2  K.  gives  the  duty  of  the  first  company  to  the 
second  by  this  insertion.— I'^rn  no2]  2  K.  ii^  I'^cn  no  mcs'D  >icum. 
— niDin  -lyrD]  B  ai  portam  quee  appellatur  Fundamenti.  <&  iv  rrj  irijXri 
ry  fxiuT)  =  IiJ''n(n)  'c'3  read  a  corruption  of  M.  &  |  tl^^?  |ji9ii.s 
(coquorum)  =  Heb.  DTiri?  which  in  plural  has  the  sense  of  body-guard 
(=  a''X-i)  and  so  also  the  Aram,  word  cf.  Dn.  2»;  hence  the  reading 
of  &  is  merely  a  correction  from  2  K.  2  K.  11^  "11D  '  ^^  was  probably 
originally  did  {cf  v. '«  with  2  Ch.  23",  so  Oe.,  Ba.)  of  which  TiD^n  is  a 
corruption. — 'iJi  Sdi]  wanting  in  2  K. — 6.  Wanting  in  2  K. — aN  '3]  as 
adversative  conjunction,  only,  Koe.  iii.  §  372i. — D'':n3n]  (g  +  Kal  ol 
Aeveirai. — 7.  Dm'^h  is^ini]  2  K.  i i8Dni3|ini  addressed  to  the  nnin  ^nr  v. '. 
-non  Sn]  2  K.  nmtrn  Sn.— rni]  nine  mss.,  C5,  SI,  H,  vni.— insxai  waa] 
order  reversed  in  2  K. — 8.  min>  S31  DM^n]  2  K.  ii»  nvNcn  ntt". — 
'1JI  nS  ^3]  an  addition  by  the  Chronicler  taking  the  place  of  Sx  ix3''i 
pan  jjT'irT'  of  2  K. — lus]  set  free  from  duty,  c/.  i  Ch.  9"  Qr. — 9.  j?Tiin> 
niNDH  n-j'S  jnort]  wanting  in  (I^a. — a\-i''jnn]  2  K.  n''jnn,  but  Vrss.  Dip — . 
Ch.  probably  original,  so  Th.,  Klo.,  Bn.,  et  al.—r^i::>T:'^  hni]  wanting 
in  2  K. — 0iC3Si:'n]  either  a  general  term  armour  (Ba.  on  i  Ch.  18' 
and  Expos.  T.,  Oct.  1898,  p.  43/),  or  shields  (EVs.)  as  seems  de- 
manded by  Ct.  4*,  see  Bur.  on  2  K.  iii».— 10,  Djjn  So  nx  injJM]  2  K.  11" 
cxnn  npjJM. — inSr]  a  late  word  which  the  Chronicler  has  used  instead 
of  2  K.  vh3^,  cf  325  Ne.  4"-  "  Jb.  3318  36'=  Jo.  28.— n^aSi  narnS]  EVs. 
along  by  the  altar  atid  the  house { temple),  but  S  in  the  sense  along  by  is  a 
doubtful  usage.  Klo.  (2  K.)  interpreting  the  passage  as  it  stands,  thinks 
of  two  lines  of  men,  one  facing  the  altar  and  the  other  the  house,  and 
each  forming  a  semicircle,  30D.  Kau.  renders  bis  zum  altar  und  [wilder] 
bis  zum  Tempel  hin  and  considers  the  following  words  a  gloss  (in  2  K.), 
since  the  King  does  not  appear  until  v.  ",  so  also  St.  SBOT.  Bur. 
(2  K.)  following  a  hint  in  &  reconstructs  noSi  naicS  20D,  round  about 


43©  2   CHRONICLES 

the  altar  aud  the  temple  and  regards  iSsn  Sy  a  gloss  inserted  to  explain 
3'3D  after  that  word  had  been  wrongly  placed.  The  Chronicler  copied 
the  phrase  from  2  K.  without  regard  to  its  exact  meaning. — 11. 
UHM  .  .  .  iN'xrt]  <S  2  K.  ii'2  in>i  .  .  .  NXV1.  The  latter  seems  to  have 
been  original  here,  yet  the  Chronicler  may  have  thought  of  Jehoiada  and 
his  sons  as  the  actors.  Either  (&  ot^  has  suffered  intentional  alterations 
and  has  been  made  to  agree  in  number  with  the  preceding  or  with  the 
following  verbs,  respectively. — inncDM  .  .  .  wSd^i]  so  also  2  K.  where 
<8  shows  the  sg.  probably  original,  so  St.  SBOT. 

12-15.  The  death  of  Athaliah.— Taken  from  2  K.  11"  •«,  with 
slight  changes  and  additions  in  vv.  "  '■  (v.  i.). — 12.  Of  the  people 
running].  In  2  K.  ii'^  the  word  running  (Cif""!")  refers  to  the 
"guard"  mentioned  in  v. «  2  K.  \i*  •  "  (r/.  12'°). — And  praising 
the  king]  wanting  in  2  K. — 13.  By  his  pillar  at  the  entrance]  i.e., 
at  the  King's  customary  place,  which  the  Chronicler  probably 
thought  of  at  the  entrance  from  the  outer  or  people's  court  into  the 
inner  or  priests'  court.  In  2  K.  ii'<  the  e.xpression  is  "by  the  pillar 
according  to  his  custom,"  and  the  writer  may  have  meant  by  the 
side  of  one  of  the  two  great  pillars  of  the  porch  called  Jachin  and 
Boaz  (r/.  3"). — And  the  trumpets]  i.e.,  the  trumpeters. — And  the 
singers  with  musical  instruments  also  leading  the  singing  of  praise] 
wanting  in  2  K.,  a  characteristic  addition  of  the  Chronicler. — 14. 
And  Jehoiada  the  priest  commanded,  or  possibly,  And  Jehoiadci  the 
priest  went  out  unto  the  captains]  (v.  i.). — 15.  And  they  laid 
hands  on  her]  (Kau.,  Ki.,  Sk.)  better  than,  And  they  made  way 
for  her,  the  rendering  of  ancient  Vrss.  (e.xcept  U),  Be.,  RV. — Horse 
gate]  lit.  gate  of  horses,  an  entrance  into  the  palace  (cf.  v.  '). 
The  connection  of  this  gate,  if  any,  with  the  horse  gate  of  the  city 
wall,  which  seems  to  have  been  near  the  palace,  is  not  clear  (cf. 
Ne.  3"  Je.  31^°). 

12.  O'Xin  D-;n]  2  K.  11"  cy.-  rxin,  where  r*"*^  (on  Aram,  form,  see 
Ges.  §  87^),  used  in  the  sense  of  guard,  is  a  gloss,  so  Bn.,  Ki.,  Bur.,  St. 
The  Chronicler  understood  it  as  a  participle  modifying  3>n,  so  (S  of  2  K., 
hence  transposed. — I'^cn  pk  O'SSncm]  wanting  in  2  K. — o>n  '^n]  (6  incor- 
rectly vpbs  rbv  /3a(riX^o. — n^a]  =  noa. — 13.  Nn-ia  ni":?]  2  K.  ii'< 
BOB'nD  ■\K-;r\. — Dni:'ni]  a  few  mss.  Dnrn>,  and  so  (8  (ifiSol)  in  2  K. — 
^P]  2  K.  incorrectly  ^h. — '^''nS  a^ymsi  -r-e-n  'Saa  c>-\->-j'sni]  wanting 
in  2  K. — 14.  xxri]  read  after  2  K.  11"  «'i,  so  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba., 


XXm.  1-21.]  CORONATION   OF   JOASH  43  T 

et  a/.— ni|->D]  read  with  05,  H,  and  the  corrected  text  of  2  K.  n^iD,  so 
Kau.,Ki. — nmcn  noo  Sn]  so  also  in  2  K.  nmB-n  occurs  also  in  2  K.  ii» 
with  the  meaning  ranks,  and  as  a  technical  term  of  building  with  unknown 
meaning  in  i  K.  6',  see  BDB.  p.  690.  In  2  K.  the  word  may  be  a 
corruption  for  nnxnS  and  n-'^a  a  consequent  substitution  for  vm?:,  cf. 
Haupt  on  2  K.  ii'',  SBOT.  Kau.  regards  the  phrase  as  a  meaningless 
gloss  in  2  K.  which  was  either  taken  over  by  the  Chronicler  or  later 
interpolated  into  his  work.— nci>]  2  K.  ncn.— nm^cn  nS]  2  K. 
PDin  Sn.— 15.  ir^  NOD  Sn]  2  K.  iii«  nud  im.— mn>2M]  2  K.  ncini. 

16-21.  The  covenant,  the  destruction  of  the  temple  of  Baal, 
and  the  enthronement  of  the  King.— Taken  from  2  K.  11"  ^o 
with  a  few  minor  changes,  except  w.  '^ '-,  which,  with  exception  of 
the  first  clause,  are  additions  by  the  Chronicler.  This  section  shows 
very  clearly  that  the  movement  to  supplant  Athaliah  by  Joash  was 
religious  as  well  as  political,  and  like  the  revolution  of  Jehu,  against 
Baal-worship,  probably  Tyrian,  and  introduced  through  the  influ- 
ence of  the  northern  alliance,  by  Joram,  and  continued  under  Atha- 
liah to  the  neglect  of  the  worship  of  Yahweh.— 16.  And  Jehoiada 
made  a  covenant  between  himself  and  between  all  the  people  and  be- 
tween the  king  to  be  the  people  of  Yahweh]  i.  e.,  Jehoiada,  the  people, 
and  the  King  obligated  themselves  to  recognise  Yahweh  as  their 
God.     2  K.  1 1"  read  "between  Yahweh"  in  place  oi  between  himself. 
The  Chronicler  omitted  the  first  as  superfluous  and  introduced  the 
second  to  give  Jehoiada'  greater  prominence. — 17.  And  all  the 
people,  etc.].     This  violence  against  the  house  and  priest  of  Baal 
shows  that  Jehoiada's  movement  was  religious  as  well  as  political 
(v.  s.).—Mattan]  is  probably  a  contraction  of  Mattan  Baal  (gift  of 
Baal,  a  name  common  in  Phoenician),  appearing  in  Mttthumballes, 
a  name  in  Plautus  {Poen.  V.  2,  35)  {COT.  p.   88).— 18.  And 
Jehoiada  appointed  overseers  of  the  house  of  Yahweh]  so  far,  2 
K.  ii's,  implying  the  restoration  of  the  worship  of  Yahweh  in  the 
place  of  that  of  Baal;    Under  the  authority  of  the  priests  and  the 
Levites]  with  the  remainder  of  the  verse  an  addition  of  the  Chron- 
icler, who  naturally  could  conceive  of  no  officers  of  the  Temple 
not  subject  to  the  priests  and  Levites,  if  indeed  not  from  among 
them.— Whom   David  had  distributed,   etc.].     According  to  the 
Chronicler,  David  determined  the  personnel  of  the  servitors  in 
the  Temple  (cf.  i  Ch.  23,  24,  26),  while  the  sacrificial  ritual  was 


432  2  CHRONICLES 

according  to  the  law  of  Moses,  i.  e.,  P  or  the  entire  Pentateuch  {cf. 
I  Ch.  6"  <«»>),  but  both  the  personnel  and  the  ritual  of  the  singers  he 
regarded  as  established  by  David  (i  Ch.  6"  ''■>  25'").  The  prob- 
ability, however,  is  that  the  Chronicler  wrote  of  the  courses  and  not 
the  personnel  according  to  the  reading  of  (&  {v.  i.). — 19.  Ayid  he  set 
the  gate-keepers,  etc.]  a  continuation  of  the  addition  of  the  Chroni- 
cler, who  thus  held  that  Jehoiada  re-established  the  complete 
Davidic  equipment  of  the  Temple — in  reality  the  equipment  of  the 
Chronicler's  own  time,  i.e.,  priests  with  attendant  Levites  and 
Levitical  singers  and  gate-keepers  (on  the  last  cf.  1  Ch.  26'-")- — ' 
That  no  one  unclean  in  any  respect  should  enter  in]  not  simply 
persons  ceremonially  unclean,  but  also  aliens  who  might  be  so 
designated  {cf.  Is.  35*  52'). — 20.  The  nobles  and  the  rulers  of  the 
people]  is  a  substitute  for  "the  Carites  and  the  guard"  of  2  K. 
II"  {cf.  V.  '). — And  they  brought  the  king,  etc.]  a  description  of  the 
removal  of  the  newly  crowned  King  from  the  Temple  to  the  palace 
and  a  continuation  of  the  narrative  of  v.  ". — Through  the  upper 
gate]  a  gate  of  the  Temple,  cf.  27'.  In  2  K.  "by  the  way  of  the 
gate  of  the  guard,"  probably  a  gateway  connecting  the  precincts  of 
the  Temple  with  those  of  the  palace — hence  a  gate  of  both  Temple 
and  palace.  The  Chronicler,  writing  when  the  palace  had  ceased 
to  exist,  would  naturally  fix  a  locality  by  its  connection  with  the 
Temple.     The  use  of  the  term  "guard"  also  he  avoided  {v.  s.). 

The  episodes  of  the  entrance  and  death  of  Athaliah,  of  the  formation 
of  the  covenant,  and  of  the  destruction  of  the  temple  of  Baal  (vv. "'• 
2K.  11'=-'*),  interrupting  the  direct  narrative  in  2  K.  of  the  coronation  and 
enthronement  of  Joash,  taken)  with  the  double  notice  of  the  death  of 
Athaliah  (v.  "  v.  "  2  K.  1 1'^  2"),  suggest  that  extracts  from  two  documents 
have  been  placed  together  in  2  K.  11:  vv.  '-'*  "*>■"  representing  one 
document  and  vv.  " ""'  the  other  (the  view  of  Stade,  ZAW.  1885,  pp. 
280  /.,  SBOT.  accepted  by  Bur.,  Sk.,  et  al.). 

16.  1J'3]  2  K.  11"  nin>  y^  followed  by  Ki. — 2  K.  11'"',  which 
probably  arose  through  dittography  (Klo.,  St.),  is  wanting. — 17.  in3m] 
so  also  2  K.  II",  but  (8  in  both  places  sg.,  hence  St.  corrects  in  2  K., 
but  no  weight  can  be  attached  to  (&  in  such  cases. — ojrn  S3]  (8,  2  K. 
T-iNH  uy  Sa,  f^  \^fSa^^  {^lO^k  <jl1jn3.  Text  of  2  K.  probably  origi- 
nal here,  though  <&  may  be  corrected  from  v.  ". — 'id  tni]  2  K.'tc  ."N;  Ch. 
original. — n^r]  2  K.  +  aa^n. — 18.  j,"\'i'^']<8"* -t-  6Ie/)fi>s  likely  a  scribal 
addition,  cf.  (&^,  B,  ^,  2  K.  only  pDn.— c»^n]  two  MSS.  cited  by  Ken- 


XXIV.  1-27]  REIGN    OF   JOASH  433 

nicott,  d,  H,  &,  01  D^Sm,  cf.  5'  where  Vrss.  also  add  copulative.  Oe., 
Ki.  Kotn.  BH.  read  1  with  Vrss.  1  may  have  been  omitted  by  a 
scribe,  since  the  Levites  were  not  permitted  to  offer  the  bunU-offering, 
although  the  Chronicler  doubtless  intended  to  convey  the  meaning  that 
the  priests  should  offer  the  hurnt-offering  while  the  Levites  stood  by 
with  rejoicing  and  with  singing.  See  on  i  Ch.  2331. — ynMrr'  dcm 
nin^  T'la  Sy  T>n  pSn  nrx  onSn  cd  D^jnon  T13  nini  n>3  mpo].  There  seems  to 
be  a  lacuna  between  D''iSn  and  "WH,  since  all  priests  and  not  special 
officers  (but  lit.  offices  mpD)  were  permitted  to  offer  the  burnt-offering. 
p'^n  also  is  not  used  elsewhere  meaning  distrihitte  (i  Ch.  24'' •  '  do  not 
support  it,  BDB.  pSn  Qal  2).  (&  inserts  at  this  point /cai  aviaTijffe  tAj 
i<pri/j.eplas  tSjv  iep^uv  Kal  twv  Aeviruv  =  D^iSni  D'^jnan  mpSriD  PN  ^I;^',M. 
This  addition  removes  the  difficulty  in  M,  and  has  the  marks  of  the 
Chronicler  (note  the  significance  of  ^cy''^,  the  word  nipSnn,  and  the 
co-ordinate  genitives),  hence  was  a  part  of  the  original  text  and  fell 
out  by  homoeoteleuton.  The  whole  passage  may  be  rendered,  Jchoiada 
placed  the  offices  of  tlie  house  of  Yahweh  in  the  hand  of  the  priests  and 
the  Levites  and  he  appointed  the  courses  of  the  priests  and  the  Levites, 
which  David  divided,  over  the  house  of  Yahweh  to  offer,  etc. — nin>3] 
many  mss.,  (&,  B,  nin^S. — T^n  ni  Sy]  at  the  hands  of  David,  i.e.,  accord- 
ing to  the  system  of  song  inaugurated  by  David.  Possibly  ''So  has  fallen 
from  text,  cf.  29='  n^n  ^Sa  n^  hy,  but  Vrss.  support  M,  cf.  Ezr.  31". — 
19  is  wanting  in  2  K. — 13T  S3S]  S  of  specification,  Koe.  iii.  §  328k. — 
20.  Dj.'2  D^'?:;'icn  nsi  onnxn  tni]  2  K.  iii'  D^x-in  nt<i  iion  pki. — tmm]!!, 
2  K.  pi. — linj]  2  K.  '\'\'\. — piSyn  -ipa-]  on  omission  of  art.  before  substan- 
tive, see  Dr.  TH.  §  209  I.,  Koe.  iii.  §  334q. — ?i''':'JJn]  2  K.  Disin. — 
^SD^  HK  n^'cn]  2  K.  aifM. — naSncn]  2  K.  a^oScn. — 21.  2->n3]  2  K. 
ii2o  -I-  ^SD(.^)  no. 

XXIV.  1-3.  An  introductory  notice  of  the  King's  reign. 

— Taken  from  2  K.  12'-^  (1121-12'),  from  which  the  .synchronism 
with  the  N.  kingdom  as  usual  is  omitted  (v.  =  o)^  and  also,  as 
incompatible  with  the  new  regime  under  Joash  and  Jehoiada,  the 
statement  that  the  high  places  were  not  removed  and  were  fre- 
quented by  the  people  (v.  ■•  ">).  The  Chronicler  also  adds  v.  '. 
— 2.  All  the  days  of  Jehoiada].  It  is  doubtful  whether  this 
limitation  is  found  in  2  K.  12^  {v.  i.). — 3.  And  Jehoiada  took  for 
him  two  wives]  since  he  stood  in  loco  parentis. — And  he  begat  sons 
and  daughters].  The  Chronicler  magnifies  his  favourites  by  giv- 
ing them  the  honour  of  large  families  (cf.  n's  s.  1321). 

1.  iTN^]  2  K.  12'  e'Ninv — idSd3]2K.  (122)  -f-  ty^ini  ']hn  Nin^S  yaa*  pjipa. 
— 2.  pan  y•\>^r\>  ^d>  So]  2  K.  12'  pan  j;T>in^  iniin  itfN  vn>  So,  "All  his 


434  2  CHRONICLES 

days  wherein  Jehoiada  the  priest  instructed  him"  <R,  V,  Ki.,  RV.; 
"All  his  days  forasmuch  as  Jehoiada  instructed  him"  Th.,  Kamj)., 
Kau.,  Bur.,  Sk. — 3.  Wanting  in  2  K. 

4-14.  The  repair  of  the  Temple. — Based  upon  2  K.  12'", 
but  completely  rewritten.  This  passage  in  2  K.  describes  the  origin 
of  certain  regulations  for  the  repair  of  the  Temple  which  probably 
remained  in  force  to  the  time  of  the  exile  (cf.  2  K.  22).  Previous 
to  the  reign  of  Joash  the  Temple  had  been  maintained  at  the  expense 
of  the  King;  but  then  the  attempt  was  made  by  Joash,  doubtless 
owing  to  the  impoverished  condition  of  the  royal  exchequer,  to 
make  the  Temple  self-supporting.  He  tried  first  to  lay  the  responsi- 
bility upon  the  priests,  and  ordered  the  repairs  to  be  made  from 
money  which  they  received  as  dues  or  free-will  offerings  from  the 
people.  But  Jehoiada  and  the  other  priests  failed  to  comply  with 
this  order.  Thereupon,  having  been  rebuked,  they  were  freed  from 
this  obligation  and  also  deprived  of  the  privilege  of  collecting  the 
money,  but  all  the  money  brought  to  the  Temple  the  priests  were 
allowed  to  retain,  save  that  brought  for  guilt-offerings  and  sin- 
offerings,  which  was  ordered  placed  in  a  chest  and  from  thence, 
under  the  supervision  of  the  King's  scribe  and  the  high  ( ?)  priest, 
applied  for  the  repair  of  the  Temple.  While  the  plan  provided 
money  sufficient  for  the  repair  of  the  Temple,  not  enough  accrued 
for  refurnishing  the  utensils  of  the  Temple.  This  narrative  in 
Kings,  reflecting  little  credit  upon  the  priests,  was  unthinkable  from 
the  point  of  view  of  the  Chronicler.  It  allowed  that  the  King  was 
superior  to  the  priests,  and  the  real  guardian  and  master  of  the 
Temple.  To  demand  also  the  dues  of  the  priests,  even  for  such  a 
worthy  and  ecclesiastical  object,  was  an  infringement  of  their  sacred 
rights  and  privileges.  No  blame  then  could  attach  to  Jehoiada  and 
the  others  for  their  passive  resistance  of  this  illegal  invasion.  Hence 
the  narrative  was  rewritten.  The  priests  and  the  Levites  were 
summoned  to  go  among  the  people  and  collect  money  for  the  repair 
of  the  Temple.  They  proceeded  slowly.  So  the  King,  to  hasten 
matters,  placed  a  collection-box  at  the  Temple  and  urged  the 
contribution  of  the  ancient  tax  levied  by  Moses  in  the  wilder- 
ness; and  to  this  the  people  and  rulers  responded  most  joyfully 
and  most  liberally.     A  great  abundance  of  money  was  collected, 


XXIV.  1-27]  REIGN   OF  JOASH  435 

more  than  enough  for  the  house,  and  with  this  balance  gold  and 
silver  utensils  were  made  for  the  Temple. — 4.  And  it  came  to 
pass  afterwards]  a  mere  phrase  of  transition. — 5.  The  Levites]. 
Only  priests  are  mentioned  in  the  narrative  of  2  K. — Go  out 
into  the  cities  of  Judah].  In  2  K.  nothing  is  said  about  collect- 
ing money  outside  of  Jerusalem,  but  the  priests  are  to  apply  for 
the  repairs  all  the  money  that  came  into  the  Temple  treasury 
both  from  regular  assessments  and  free-will  offerings  (2  K.  12*). 
— The  Lez'ites  hastened  it  not]  2  K.  12^  "In  the  twenty-third 
year  of  king  Jehoash  the  priests  had  not  repaired  the  breaches 
of  the  house." — 6.  The  tax  of  Moses]  the  half  shekel  required  of 
every  male  for  the  support  of  the  sanctuary  according  to  Ex.  30"-" 
38"  <■  (v.  also  i.). — 7.  For'AthaliahJhe  wicked  one  and^  her  sons, 
etc.].  These  statements  are  wanting  in  2  K.  Since  according  to 
the  Chronicler  Ahaziah's  uncles  and  brothers  had  all  been  slain 
(21*  22'),  we  have  either  an  example  of  the  Chronicler's  complete 
disregard  of  historical  consistency,  or  sons  is  used  figuratively  de- 
noting adherents  (Ba.).  The  reading  "her  priests"  has  been  pro- 
posed (Oe.,  Bn.)  {v.  i.). — Broke  into  the  house  of  God]  probably 
in  the  sense  of  plundered. — A^id  also  all  the  consecrated  furniture  of 
the  house  of  Yahweh  they  used  for  Ba  alitn]  i.e.,  in  the  worship  of 
Baal,  cf.  Ho.  2'"  («). — 8.  And  set  it  at  the  gate  of  the  house  of 
Yahweh  on  the  outside].  According  to  2  K.  12'  the  chest  was 
placed  by  the  altar,  but  from  the  Chronicler's  point  of  view  laymen 
were  not  permitted  within  the  court  where  the  altar  stood,  hence 
the  change  of  its  position  in  the  narrative  of  the  Chronicler  to  the 
outside. — 10.  Then  all  the  princes  rejoiced  and  brought  [the  tax] 
and  cast  [it]  into  the  chest  unto  the  full]  i.e.,  either  until  all  had 
given  (Be.,  Kau.,  BDB.  Th'2  Pi.  d)  or  until  the  chest  was  full  (J^,  H, 
Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ki.).  The  latter  is  preferable. — 11.  And  it  came  to  pass 
when  they  brought  the  chest  for  the  oversight  of  the  king  by  the  hand 
of  the  Levites]  i.e.,  the  chest  was  brought  by  the  Levites  for  the  in- 
spection of  the  King,  or  more  probably  for  royal  inspection  through 
the  Levites,  who  represented  the  King  (Ke.,  Oe.,  Zoe.,  Ki.). — The 
scribe  of  the  king  and  the  inspector  of  the  chief  priest].  The  latter 
oflBcer  is  apparently  an  invention  of  the  Chronicler  to  place  the  high 
priest  on  the  same  level  with  the  King;  "if  the  King  sends  his 


436  2  CHRONICLES 

scribe  the  high  priest  also  does  not  appear  personally  but  causes 
himself  to  be  represented  by  a  delegate,  cj.  2  K.  12"  "»>"  (We.  Prol. 
p.  200). — 12.  The  doers  of  the  work  of  the  servue  in  the  house  of 
Yahweh'l  i.e.,  those  having  charge  of  the  Temple  (r/.  i  Ch.  9"). — 
14.  Whereof  were  made  vessels  for  the  house  of  Yahweh]  a  direct 
contradiction  of  2  K.  12",  where  it  is  stated  that  utensils  for  the 
Temple  were  not  made — the  contributions  evidently  not  sufficing 
for  this.     The  Chronicler's  representation  forbade  such  a  lack. 

4.  Wanting  in  2  K.— p  >->nN  ^hm]  cf.  i  Ch.  18'. — VHv  aS  ay  n^n]  it 
was  with  the  heart  of  Joash,  i.e.,  it  was  his  intention,  cf.  i  Ch.  22'.  On 
simple  pf.  after  ''n>i  see  Koe.  iii.  §  370b. — 5.  nt]  p  +■''!=  out  of  the 
abundance  of  hence  as  often  as  and  in  combination  with  njuo  njs'  = 
yearly,  cf.  i  S.  7'6  Zc.  I4'8  (see  BDB.  p.  191b). — om'^h  y^r^-z  n'^i]  an 
explanation  for  the  delay  in  making  the  repairs  ditTcrent  from  2  K.  12'. 
— 6.  I'^cn]  (^  +  'Iwds  which,  although  agreeing  with  2  K.  12',  is  proba- 
bly a  scribal  expansion. — r^<^^]  the  c/ne/ [priest],  cf.  v."  19"  31'°  2  K. 
]^^Ty  +  O'ljnaSi. — hnc's]  root  n^'j  carry,  lift,  hence  burden,  portion,  only 
here  and  v. '  of  sacred  contribution,  tax  (BDB.),  cf.  offering  to  Yahweh 
Ez.  20^''. — "  lay]  (&  dvdpdnrov  {rov)  deoO,  cf.  v. '. — Sn-^S"*?  '^npni]  (g  dre 
i^eK\ricrla(T€  rbv  Iffp.  leads  Bn.  to  read  "  Sn,-!,  but  (6  doubtless  read 
our  if  as  Hiph.  pf.  Koe.  regards  Snpm  as  a  second  nomcn  rectum 
after  n.srs  (iii.  §  376b)  and  ':'Niif>S  as  in  apposition  with  the  preceding 
noun  {ib.  §  28of).  The  latter  is  more  simply  explained  as  a  gen.,  so 
Zoe.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  EVs. — 7.  rjjsnsn  f]  wickedness,  godlessness,  i.e., 
Athaliah  the  (embodied)  godlessness. — n'ja]  05,  B,  ®  +  i  considered 
unnecessary  by  Be.,  Oe.,  but  added  by  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.  ^^'A^^  is  a 
suggestion  of  Oe.  and  Bn. — 8.  idnm]  and  he  commanded,  the  command 
itself  being  omitted  for  conciseness  as  often  after  ">5N,  cf.  Jo.  2"  Ps. 
I05"'  '<  Jb.  9',  Koe.  iii.  §  369k. — inx  p-\N']  as  in  2  K.  12"'  jnN  not  in 
cstr  ,  as  Ew.  §  286  d,  but  a  form  like  men .  jnN  appears  only  with  the 
article  (Ges.  §  35"),  so  St.  SBOT.  on  2  K.  12'°,  see  Koe.  iii.  §  3iod. — 
— 9.  Sip]  proclamation,  cf.  30*  36"  Ezr.  i'  10^  Ne.  Si". — pnu'c]  <S  Kadus^ 
flirev  =  1CN  -\Z'H2,  cf.  I  Ch.  15". — 10.  incu"i]  <6»a  UuKav. — n^^*^  ny] 
cf.  31',  to  be  classed  with  other  cases  of  inf.  abs.  after  prep.  Koe.  iii. 
§  225b.  S  nj?  =  earlier  ijJ,  cf.  1  K.  13"-  ",  Ew.  §  315  c  (3). — 11.  nya] 
at  the  time  when,  cstr.  before  a  relative  sentence,  cf.  Ps.  4*  Jb.  6", 
Ew.  §  332  d. — N'a']  freq.  impf.,  Dr.  TH.  §  30,  Koe.  iii.  §  157b. — 
O'l'^n  T3  ^^^^  mpo  Sk  inxn  pn  n'a''  pya]  wanting  in  2  K.  12". — '^''\'a\ 
wanting  in  2  K. — tt'N-\n  jdd]  2  K.  Snjn  \r^-2T\. — ny'i]  lay  bare,  by  remov- 
ing contents,  so  empty.  1  with  the  imperfect  for  older  i"^;'m,  Ew 
§  343  c. — '1JI  ni'M]  2  K.  n1^^  p'a  Nxcjn  fison  pn  ij:m  nx-i. —  cva  cr'^J 


XXIV.  1-27]  REIGN    OF   JOASH  437 

a  modified  form  of  011  or,  Koe.  iii.  §  89. — 12.  j.-inn^i]  i  ms.,  (g  +  Pdh. 
— nirnj;]  read  with  14  MSS.,  <B,  TJ,  and  as  in  v.'^  lU'iy,  so  Bn.,  Ki.  (&  els 
before  mi3j?  =  'yS  (cp.  M  with  (§  in  352  i  Ch.  28=')  suggests  that  n  is 
original  but  belongs  as  the  art.  with  nasSo,  cf.  2  K.  la'^. — 13.  nonx] 
properly  healing,  hence  restoration  of  walls,  cf.  Ne.  4',  also  with  nSy. 
— 14.  iNon  DniSo3i]  a  late  idiom,  c/.  vv.  22b.  25^  Dr.  Tlf.  p.  157  n. — 
'IJ1  intt'y>i]  two  objects  after  verbs  of  making,  building,  etc.  Koe.  iii. 
327W. — mtt']  inf.  cstr.  as  gen.  Ges.  §  1146. 

15-22.  The  apostasy  of  Joash. — Wanting  in  2  K.,  introduced 
by  the  Chronicler,  since  some  such  apostasy  was  necessary  from  his 
point  of  view  to  explain  the  disasters  of  the  Syrian  invasion,  vv. 
23-24 — 15  f,  yj  hundred  and  thirty  years  old  was  he  ivhen  he  died  and 
they  buried  him  in  the  city  of  David  with  the  kings].  This  long  life 
of  Jehoiada  and  respect  paid  at  his  death  are  delightful  touches 
of  the  Chronicler  to  the  honour  of  the  priest.  How  illy  it  fits  into 
the  narrative  is  seen  from  the  fact  that  his  wife  Jehoshabeath 
(22"),  the  daughter  of  Jehoram  and  sister  of  Ahaziah,  cannot  well 
have  been  older  than  twenty-five  or  twenty-six  years  at  the  time 
of  the  massacre  of  the  royal  family  by  Athaliah,  while  Jehoiada 
according  to  the  age  here  given  would  have  been  then  an  old 
man  between  ninety  and  one  hundred.  According  to  2  K.  12' 
he  was  alive  and  active  in  the  twenty-third  year  of  the  reign  of 
Joash,  and  presumably  lived  some  years  beyond  the  period  of 
the  restoration  of  the  Temple. — 17.  Came  the  princes  of  Judah]. 
The  existence  of  a  party  at  court  favouring  the  worship  of  Baal 
and  desiring  its  restoration  is  historically  extremely  probable. 
This  movement  may  be  regarded  as  a  revolt  of  the  nobility  against 
the  hierarchy  (Erbt,  Die  Hebrder,  p.  121).  Certainly  some  ul- 
terior motive  besides  the  mere  desire  of  Baal-worship  must  have 
been  behind  it.— 18.  The  Asherim  and  the  idols].  Cf.  14'. 
Both  terms  are  probably  used  here  with  about  the  same  force 
— that  of  the  latter. — And  wrath  was  upon  Judah,  etc.]  mani- 
fested in  the  invasion  of  Hazael,  vv.  "f-. — 20.  And  the  spirit  of 
Go  J  c/o/Aec?]  i.g.,  took  possession  of  him,  r/".  i  Ch.  12",  also  2  Ch. 
15'. — Zechariah  the  son  of  Jehoiada  the  priest]  not  mentioned 
elsewhere  in  the  OT. — And  he  stood  above  the  people].  He  ad- 
dressed them  from  some  elevation.     Cf.  Je.  36'"  where  Baruch 


438  2  CHRONICLES 

reads  Jeremiah's  roll  from  the  window  of  an  upper  chamber,  and 
Ne.  S*  where  Ezra  reads  the  Law  from  a  pulpit  of  wood  (Ba.). 
A  reference  to  the  elevation  of  the  inner,  the  priests'  court,  com- 
pared with  the  outer,  or  people's  court  (Ke.,  Zoe.),  does  not 
seem  appropriate. — Because  ye  have  forsaken,  etc.].  Cf.  15'. — 21. 
And  they  conspired  against  him].  Perhaps  the  proceedings  were 
the  same  as  in  the  case  of  Naboth  (i  K.  21'  ' ),  i.e.,  a  mock  trial 
and  a  formal  execution  at  the  commandment  of  the  king  (Ba.). 
This  martyrdom  of  Zechariah  is  mentioned  by  Christ  (Mt.  23'« 
Lk.  1 1 51)  in  a  way  that  shows  that  the  Jewish  Scriptures  were 
practically  the  present  Heb.  Canon  beginning  with  Genesis  and 
closing  with  i  and  2  Chronicles. — In  the  court  of  the  house  of 
Yahweh].  The  tradition  of  the  NT.  times  defined  this  more 
exactly  "between  the  sanctuary  and  the  altar." 

15.  0'2''  .  .  .  ]pvi]  cf.  I  Ch.  23'. — 17.  rx]  with  pf.  emphatic  result 
Koe.  iii.  §  138. — 18.  no  pn]  wanting  in  ^'''^,  #*. — nxt  a.-iccN3]  (ft"* 
iv  Tj  17/x^p^  TavrTj.  pnt  without  art.  after  subst.  defined  by  a  pronom. 
suf.  Dr.  TH.  §  209  Obs.,  Koe.  iii.  §  334}'. — 19.  ^i^i  Sn]  (S^a  _[_  ^^2  ovk 
^KODo-a;',  so  also  &. — 20.  n^njr]  (6^*  rbv  ^A^apiav  =  ^\yV,-2r;-_)]  impf. 
consec.  since  the  reference  is  to  what  is  past,  Dr.  TH.  §  127  (7). — 21. 
incJiM  pN]  double  object  after  0J-\,  elsewhere  pvSj,  Lv.  20',  Koe.  iii. 
§3270. — 22.  ncs  i.ii::3i]  1).  5.  v.". 

23-24.  The  Syrian  invasion. — Based  upon  2  K.  12'^'-, 
although  the  narrative  has  been  entirely  rewritten.  According 
to  2  K.,  Hazael,  King  of  Syria,  who  had  made  an  inroad  into  the 
tvirritory  of  Philistia  and  taken  the  city  of  Gath,  proposed  to  move 
against  Jerusalem  and  was  bribed  by  the  treasures  of  the  Temple 
and  the  palace  to  leave  the  city  unmolested.  According  to  the 
Chronicler,  the  Syrians  came  against  Judah  and  Jerusalem  and 
destroyed  all  the  princes  of  the  people  and  sent  their  spoil  unto 
the  King  of  Damascus.  Thus  the  Chronicler  brings  upon  the 
princes  a  just  retribution  for  their  seduction  of  Joash  into  idolatry 
(v. ").  The  Syrians  also  with  a  small  force  gained  a  victory  over 
a  very  great  host,  because  they  had  forsaken  Yahweh  the  God  of 
their  fathers — a  good  illustration  of  the  Chronicler's  pragmatic  con- 
struction of  history. — 24.  Atid  upon  Jo'ash  tlicy  executed  judgments] 


XXIV.  1-27]  REIGN   OF   JOASH  439 

a  fitting  summary  showing  the  Chronicler's  view  of  this  contact 
between  Judah  and  Syria,  and  his  sole  interest  in  the  narrative. 
25-27.  The  death  of  Joash. — Based  upon  2  K.  i2i'-2'. — 
25.  And  when  they  departed  from  him].  This  immediate  con- 
nection between  the  departure  of  the  Syrians  is  not  found  in  2  K. 
— For  they  had  left  him  very  sick]  (lit.  in  many  diseases)  also 
not  mentioned  in  2  K.,  and  probably  a  retributive  touch  of  the 
Chronicler,  who  felt  that  Joash  should  suffer  to  the  uttermost  for 
his  sins.  Cf.  the  sicknesses  of  Asa  (i6'2)  and  Joram  (21"  «•).  Ke. 
saw  in  the  diseases  wounds  received  in  battle  with  the  Syrians. — For 
the  blood  of  the  son*  of  Jehoiada  the  priest].  Neither  this  motive 
nor  any  other  is  recorded  in  2  K.  for  the  assassination  of  Joash. — 
On  his  bed]  also  lacking  in  2  K.  12'°,  which  says  that  he  was 
slain  "at  the  house  of  Millo,"  an  obscure  reference. — And  they 
buried  him  in  the  city  of  David,  but  not  in  the  sepulchres  of  the 
kings].  The  parallel  (2  K.  122')  reads,  "And  they  buried  him 
with  his  fathers  in  the  city  of  David."  The  Chronicler's  modi- 
fication was  doubtless  due  to  his  desire  to  make  the  end  of  Joash 
as  unfortunate  as  possible  and  therefore  he  refused  him  a  place  in 
the  tombs  of  the  kings. — 26.  Zabad]  2  K.  12"  (21)  "Jazacar  "  (v.  i.). 
— Shime ath  the  A^nmonitess  and  .  .  .  Shimrith  the  Moabitess]  a 
curious  change  of  the  Chronicler.  In  2  K.  12"  "^  we  have  "Shim- 
eath"  and  "Shomer,"  the  names  of  the  fathers  of  the  conspira- 
tors. Here  they  have  become  their  mothers  and  their  descent  is 
made  half  heathen.  Thus  the  fate  of  Joash  is  made  still  more 
opprobrious,  and  the  Chronicler  likewise  expresses  thus  his  aver- 
sion to  the  marriage  of  Hebrews  with  foreigners — their  offspring 
are  murderers  (Tor.  Ezra  Studies,  pp.  212/.). — 27.  And  the  great- 
ness of  the  burden  upon  him].  The  burden  is  not  the  tribute 
exacted  from  him  by  the  Syrians  (Kau.),  an  old  opinion,  since 
that  is  not  mentioned  in  Chronicles,  nor  the  tribute  collected  for 
the  Temple,  also  an  old  opinion,  but  the  prophetic  utterances 
against  him  (Ke.,  Ki.,  Bn.,  Ba.,  RVm.). — And  the  rebuilding]  (lit. 
founding).  Cf.  w.  '"f.. — xhe  Midrash  of  the  Book  of  Kings]. 
Cf.  Intro,  p.  23. 

23.  rfiipnS]  at  the  coming  round,  circuit,  i.e.,  at  the  completion  (of  the 
year),  cf.  Ex.  34-  (JE)  1  S.  1=°,  Ps.  19^  f- — '"<^'''  O"*^  '^'"  ^''^>'  !^'^>']  on  pf. 


440  2  CHRONICLES 

after  'Hm  v.  s.  v.  ',  and  on  collectives  construed  with  sg.  and  following 
pi.  see  Koe.  iii.  §  346d. — a;-:]  (6  read  uyz,  B,  &,  omit. — prc-n]  c/.  16' 
I  Ch.  18*  '•. — 24,  ij-'xc]  a  small  thing,  equivalent  to  ^>"C,  cf.  Gn.  19"-  " 
(J)  (of  city),  Jb.  8' (of  Job's  fortunes),  Is.  63'*  (of  time)  f-— 25.  dps'^^i 
nB'pnn  .  .  .]  cf.  same  construction  in  v. '♦. — a''>'?na  f]  cf.  0't<Sn.-i  21". 
— 'ja]  read  with  <S,  B,  J3  cf.  v.  20,  so  Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  et  al.  Present 
text  may  be  due  to  dittography. — inaa  Sj;  injin'i]  2  K.  12"  cnv  pn  13'i 
kSd  nT>n  kSd  n'3. — 'iji  imapM]  2  K.  12"  in  n"'>a  vp3n  ay  i."n  napM. 
— 26.  n^amcn  nnc^  p  laiinM  n''jis;'n  r^^cc  p  nar]  2  K.  12=^  12  -isnM 
iDB'  p  nannii  nj'nc.  Ki.  thinks  ^at  derived  from  following  i3Tin>  and 
corrects  to  nst,  but  «5^  Zo/3e\  (A  for  A)  and  <6^^  ZajSetf,  Za/Satf  read 
n3T.  Many  mss.  of  2  K.  read  ^\21V^,  which  the  Chronicler  may  have 
shortened  intentionally  because  of  the  following  -i3iin\ — 27.  3ii]  Qr. 
3T.  probably  intended  to  give  the  sense,  and  as  regards  his  sons,  may 
tJie  oracle  against  him  increase.  Better  read  Kt.  3ii  with  Kau.,  Oe., 
et  al.,  but  text  is  probably  corrupt.  (&  khI  vpoa-TJMov  read  i3-\pi,  also 
ntron  for  Narn. — •y-\ir:]  see  on  13". 

XXV.  The  reign  of  Amaziah  (r.  796-782  b.c). — A  reproduc- 
tion of  the  narrative  of  2  K.  14'",  with  the  characteristic  modifica- 
tions and  embellishments  of  the  Chronicler.  The  statements  of 
2  K.  14*  that  "the  high  places  were  not  taken  away"  and  that 
"the  people  still  sacrificed  and  burnt  incense  in  the  high  places," 
are  omitted,  doubtless  because  too  derogatory  to  Amaziah  in 
the  beginning  of  his  reign,  when  he  won  the  victory  over  the 
Edomites.  The  story  of  this  victory  very  briefly  narrated  in  2 
K.  14'  is  enlarged  by  the  Chronicler.  The  size  of  the  army  of 
Amaziah  is  given  (v. '),  and  details  of  the  slaughter  of  the  Edomites 
(v.  '=);  and  especially  a  new  episode  is  introduced  in  the  account 
of  the  rejection,  at  the  command  of  a  prophet,  of  troops  hired  at 
a  large  expense  of  northern  Israel  (vv.  «-"').  This  rejection  fur- 
nishes (according  to  Bn.)  a  ground  for  the  subsequent  victory  over 
the  Edomites  as  a  reward  of  obedience  and  reliance  upon  Yahweh. 
Yet  quite  contrary  to  this  notion  of  reward  is  the  plundering  of  the 
cities  of  Judah  by  these  mercenaries  mentioned  in  v.  ".  Hence  this 
plundering  has  been  taken  as  an  interpretation,  found  in  one  of 
the  sources  of  the  Chronicler,  of  the  disaster  which  befell  the 
S.  kingdom  through  Amaziah's  unfortunate  contest  with  the  N. 
kingdom  (2  K.  i4»'0,  this  source  having  made  the  disaster  very 
inconsiderable,  while  the  Chronicler  himself,  on  the  other  hand, 


XXV.  1-28]  REIGN    OF   AMAZIAH  441 

accepted  the  record  of  2  K.  and  allowed  the  disaster  to  remain 
to  its  full  extent  but  supplied  an  adequate  reason  by  introducing 
the  sin  of  the  worship  of  the  gods  of  Edom  (vv.  i^-'^)  (Bn.)- 

Agreeable  to  the  above  view,  Bn.  and  Ki.  assign  vv. '-"  to  M,  but  they 
have  the  marks  of  the  Chronicler's  style:  in  v.  ^  ^Dy  Hiph.  (1.  89),  n>3 
ni:iN  (1.  14),  V  with  ace.  also  in  v.  'o  (1. 128),  mna  (cf.  ii'  133-  >'),  njxinciinN 
(c/.  ii'2  14');  in  v.«  V^n  inj  {cf.  13=  i7'«');  in  v.s  prn  r\v^  {cf.  19'" 
Ezr.  loO  and  iiry'?  (1.  84);  in  vv.''  "  nnJ  (1.  17);  in  v."  prnn-'i  (1.  38); 
and  in  v."  mz  (1.  10). — Graf  thought  that  some  historical  event  not 
recorded  in  K.  was  at  the  basis  of  the  story  of  the  hire  of  the  Israelitish 
troops  and  their  subsequent  plundering  {GB.  p.  15S).  This  seems  not 
unlikely,  and  the  narrative  then  may  be  the  Chronicler's  interpretation  of 
these  facts  from  whatever  source  he  may  have  derived  them. 

1-4.  The  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Amaziah.— Taken  with 
slight  omissions  and  variations  from  2  K.  14' -^ — 2.  But  not  with  a 
perfect  heart]  with  reference  to  the  apostasy  described  in  v.  '^  In 
the  place  of  this  2  K.  14'  reads,  "  Yet  not  like  David  his  father:  he 
did  according  to  all  that  Joash  his  father  had  done."  Then  comes 
V. ",  concerning  the  retention  of  the  high  places,  which  the  Chron- 
icler has  omitted  {v.  s.). — 3.  His  servants  who  had  killed  the  king 
his  father].  Cf.  24"  2  K.  1221  (^o.— 4.  But  he  put  not  their  children 
to  death].  The  sparing  of  the  children  of  the  guilty  was  evidently 
a  new  departure  in  jurisprudence,  indicating  an  advance  in  the 
moral  sentiment  of  the  community.  When  Naboth  was  con- 
demned his  children  perished  with  him  (2  K.  9=^)^  and  likewise  the 
children  perished  with  the  father  in  the  story  of  Achan  (Jos.  7^^  '  )• 
— But  did  according  to  that  which  was  written  in  the  law  in  the 
book  of  Moses].  The  writer  of  2  K.  found  in  this  mercy  of  Amaziah 
an  application  of  the  command  given  in  Dt.  24'^  This  principle 
was  emphasised  by  the  prophets  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  (Je.  31^'  '■ 
Ez.  182°). 

1.  i-;';.in>]  (g^  2  K.  14=  Kt.  piym^  f-— 2.  ^v  23S2  nS  p-\J  instead  of 
the  longer  statement  in  2  K.  \i?^-  *  {v.  5.).— 3.  rSj?]  ten  mss.,  CH,  &,  2  K. 
145^^3. — jihm]  2  K.  T'i,  same  change  from  2  K.  1221  in  24^5  (i;.  s.). 
4.  Dn>j3]  2  K.  i4«  a^sDn  >J3. — ■'Di]  wanting  in  2  K.,  possibly  due  to 
dittography,  so  St.  SBOT.  on  2  K.  146.— nu-D  idD3  mina  3in33]  ® 
omits  n-\in2,  (6  /card  t\\v  Siad-^Kriv  {rov)  vdfiov  Kvplov  Kadws  ■yiypairTai, 
(gL  +  iv  p(,fi(^  MuffTJ.  H,  &,  2  K.  ntt-s  n-\in  noDa  2i.n:;3.— innn;]  three 


442  2  CHRONICLES 

times,  2  K.  insv  twice  (but  Vrss.  imn;);  third  time  nr;  Kt.,  so  (6,  &,  ®, 
and  Qr.  nnv.  Dt.  24''  ircv  three  times,  but  (6,  &,  B,  ."cr  third  time. 
The  Chronicler  either  followed  2  K.  (text  of  Vrss.)  or  simply  quoted 
inaccurately. — ^d-]  with  adversative  force,  Koe.  iii.  §  372c.  2  K.  ex  ''3, 
wanting  in  Dt. 

5-13.  The  campaign  against  Edom. — This  is  tersely  de- 
scribed in  2  K.  14"  in  a  single  verse,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  sup- 
pose that  the  additions  of  the  Chronicler  rest  upon  any  additional 
information,  but  are  wholly  a  product  of  Alidrashic  fancy.  The 
Edomites  subjugated  by  David  and  made  tributary  to  Judah  had 
revolted  successfully  during  the  reign  of  Jehoram  (21'").  Whether 
the  conquest  of  Amaziah  resulted  in  the  permanent  possession  of 
Edom  by  Judah  is  uncertain.  Perhaps  no  real  conquest  took 
place.  Indeed  the  whole  campaign  has  been  felt  to  be  improbable, 
since  Edom  was  then  tributary  to  Assyria,  and  Judah  possibly  a 
vassal  of  northern  Israel  (the  view  of  Winck.  KAT.^  p.  261,  also 
Bn.  cf.  HC.  2  K.  14'). — 5.  Three  hundred  thousand].  The  army 
of  Amaziah  is  thus  much  smaller  than  that  ascribed  to  Asa,  14'  <«>, 
and  also  to  Jehoshaphat,  i;'^''-.  This  diminution  of  troops  (ac- 
cording to  Ke.)  furnished  a  reason  for  hiring  additional  ones  from 
northern  Israel. — 6.  A  hundred  talents  of  silver]  if  heti\y  weight, 
some  9,650  pounds  of  silver,  or  if  light  weight,  about  half  that 
amount. — 7.  A  man  of  God]  the  most  general  OT.  designation  of 
a  prophet;  used  of  Moses  30"  i  Ch.  2y*  Dt.  ^;i^  Jos.  14'  Ezr.  3'; 
also  of  David  8'<  Ne.  i2«<-  ";  also  of  the  angel  who  clearly  in  the 
guise  of  a  prophet  appeared  unto  Manoah  and  his  wife,  Ju.  ly-  '; 
cf.  for  general  use  i  S.  2"  9'  "•  i  K.  12"  13'-  "  i7'»-  "<  202'  2  K. 
i»  et  al. — Let  not  the  army  of  Israel  go  with  thee].  From  the  point 
of  view  of  the  Chronicler,  an  alliance  with  Israel  was  sinful  and 
could  only  be  followed  by  evil  consequences,  cf.  19'  20". — All 
the  children  of  Ephraim]  an  e.xplanation  of  the  preceding  Israel, 
since  Israel  is  often  used  as  equivalent  to  the  S.  kingdom  {cf.  12'). 
— 8.  But  go  thou,  i.e.,  by  thyself,  do  valiantly,  be  strong  for  the 
battle,  for  God  shall  not*  suffer  thee  to  fall  before  thy  enemy  for  God 
has  power  to  help  and  to  cast  down].  For  other  renderings  of  this 
verse,  whose  te.xt  is  corrupt,  v.  i.  The  sinfulness  of  any  alliance 
with  the  N.  kingdom  is  brought  out  very  strongly. — 9.  Yahweh  is 


XXV.  1-28]  REIGN   OF   AMAZIAH  443 

able  to  give  thee  much  more  than  this]  a  very  beautiful  teaching. 
— 10.  Wherefore  their  anger  was  greatly  kindled  against  Judah  and 
they  returned  home  in  fierce  anger].  Mercenary  troops  serve  not 
only  for  their  hire,  which  these  men  are  represented  to  have 
received,  but  also  for  renown  and  booty  which,  through  dismissal, 
they  would  lose.  This  loss  they  are  represented  to  have  made 
good  in  a  way  by  plundering  cities  of  Judah  (cf.  v.  "). — 11.  The 
valley  of  Salt]  from  2  K.  14',  mentioned  also  as  the  place  of 
Joab's  victory  over  the  Edomites,  cf.  i  Ch.  i8'^ — 12.  And  ten 
thousand  did  the  children  of  Judah  carry  away  alive,  etc.].  Of 
this  capture  and  massacre  the  record  in  2  K.  knows  nothing, 
although  the  rock  (Sela')  is  mentioned  as  a  place  (2  K.  14')  often 
identified  with  Petra,  but  this  is  by  no  means  certain  {cf.  Moore, 
Ju.  on  V^). — 13.  From  Samaria  even  unto  Beth-horon].  Samaria 
was  evidently  the  point  from  which  the  troops  started  on  their 
raid  and  Beth-horon  its  limit  southward.  On  the  location  of  Beth- 
horon  cf.  I  Ch.  724.  The  raid  may  be  thought  of  as  having  taken 
place  while  Amaziah  was  in  Edom. 

5.  n•\V^>  nx]  <&,  #,  »  nO)  QI  '>  rrx. — pijai]  (S^^  /cai  ''lepovaoK-f^tx. 
since  only  Judeans  were  gathered  together,  cf.  14^  17'^  ^  . — 6.  '22]  3 
pretii,  Ges.  §  iigp,  Koe.  iii.  §  332  o. — 8.  ax  >3]  with  adversative  force, 
only,  but,  cf.  23',  merely  a  slightly  strengthened  ^3,  BDB.  ON  'D  2  h,  Koe. 
iii.  §  2721. — ncnSo'?  prn  nrp  nns  N3]  (§  viroXdprjs  kcltktx^''''^''  ^^  toijtois, 
O5I'  +  iv  tQ  ■n-o\4iJU{},  B  piitas  in  robore  exercitus  bella  consistere,  i.e., 
nDnSD*?  pjnx  nxtJ  ncNn  (Oe.  so  also  Bn.,  with  slight  changes).  Ki. 
reads  nun  prnV  at'nn  nns,  but  if  thou  thinkest  to  prevail  in  this  way 
(i.e.,  with  help  from  the  N.  kingdom)  tlien  will  God  cause  thee  to  fall 
before  the  enemy.  It  is  simpler  to  retain  M  and  before  iSiC'3>  to  insert 
nSi  (?;.  s.  soEw.,  Be.).  Hitzig  read  p.rn  nvy  nns  03  Dx  >3  (7;.  Be.).  As  the 
text  stands  the  imv.  is  followed  by  jussive  inapodosis,  Dr.  TH.  §  152  (2). 
— For  0''n':<x  (g  twice  nin\ — 9 .  mryS  nc]  similar  to  use  of  inf.  with  *?  after 
substantive  verb  expressing  the  idea  of  destination,  cf.  2  K.  4"  Is.  5\  see 
Dr.  TH.  §  203. — n'^KcS]  Kt.,  but  read  Qr.  hn?':,  which  is  also  in  many 
Mss.  as  Kt. — nn'?  '•'h  B"]  Yahweh  is  able  to  give,  on  use  of  inf.  with  S 
after  ^\  see  Dr.  TH.  §  202  (i). — 10.  injn*?]  ace.  with  *?  in  apposition 
with  pronom.  suf.  D-^,  Koe.  iii.  §  289k,  a  construction  emphasising  the 
noun,  Ew.  §  2776. — 11.  Jnj>i]  ■(/  drive,  conduct,  hence  lead  out  a.n  army 
to  battle  (late),  cf.  i  Ch.  20».— nSnn  nu]  so  in  i  Ch.  iS'^  and  Kt.  of  2  K. 
14'  but  Qr.  and  Vrss.  nSn  nu. — -\^';s^  ij3  m]  2  K.  14^  diin  pn. — 12. 


444  2  CHRONICLES 

j'Son]  probably  to  be  taken  as  a  proper  name,  cf.  2  K.  14'  {v.  j.)- — 13- 
n^Sc]  inf.  with  p  of  separation  Koe.  iii.  §  406  o. — larcM]  predicate  intro- 
duced by  \  with  subject  prefixed,  cf.  Gn.  22^*  30",  Dr.  TH.  §  127  (a). 

14-16.  Amaziah's  idolatry. — An  introduction  to  the  disas- 
trous war  with  the  N.  kingdom  not  given  in  2  K.  {y.  s.). — 14.  The 
gods  of  the  children  ofSeir].  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  of  the  ancient 
rehgion  of  the  Edomites,  so  closely  associated  with  Israel,  nothing 
definite  is  known  beyond  the  names  of  certain  deities  derived  from 
theophorous  proper  names. — 15.  Who  have  not  delivered  tlieir 
people  from  thy  hand]  {cf.  w.  "  ' )  and  hence  were  no  gods.  The 
test  of  deity  was  ability  to  deliver.  The  fundamental  reason  for 
worshipping  Yahweh  was  the  deliverance  from  Egypt  (Ex.  20' 
cf.  Is.  37'=). — 16.  Have  we  made  thee  a  counsellor  for  the  king?]. 
With  this  question  corresponds  the  answer,  /  know  that  God  hath 
counselled  to  destroy  thee. 

14.  Tjpi  .  .  .  ninri:"]  freq.  impf..  Dr.  TH.  §  30  (2)  (a),  Koe.  iii.  % 
157b. — 15.  NOJ]  C  4-  Baneam.  (5  read  O'N'JJ  (irpocpriTas)  from 
which  with  a  transposition  of  3J  may  have  come  the  Baneam  of  C- — 
16.  'Ui  Ti"""^^]-  The  question  expresses  strong  repudiation,  Dav. 
Syn.  §  126  R  5. — lunj]  pi.  for  sg.  as  an  expression  for  majesty,  Koe. 
iii.  §  207b. — ^13']  indef.  subj.  expressed  by  third  pers.  pi.,  Dav.  Syn.  % 
108  (b). 

17-24.  The  disastrous  war  with  the  N.  Kingdom.— Taken 

from  2  K.  14'-'%  with  additions  in  vv.  "•  '"  to  connect  with  the  in- 
troduction (vv.  ■«-"),  and  also  an  addition  in  v.  ". — 17.  Took 
counsel]  or  possibly  we  should  render  was  counselled  with  the  im- 
plication that  it  was  by  divine  agency  {cf.  v. '«).  The  phrase  (|*y"i'»1) 
is  introduced  by  the  Chronicler  to  connect  the  passage  closely 
with  the  foregoing  verse.  Othenvise  the  verse  agrees  essentially  with 
the  te.xt  of  2  K.  14'. — Let  us  look  one  another  in  the  face]  {cf.  v.") 
a  challenge  to  war  in  sheer  insolence  (Be.,  Zoe.,  Sk.)  or  a  vassal's 
assertion  of  independence  (Bn.,  Winck.  KAT.')  or  a  proposal  to 
meet  one  another  as  equals,  Amaziah  seeking  satisfaction  for  the 
raid  of  the  mercenaries  (v.  ")  (Oe.,  Ba.).  This  last  is  a  plausible 
suggestion  if  the  account  of  the  raid  is  historical;  but  2  K.  does 
not  mention  the  raid.     The  proposal  may  have  been  for  a  meeting 


XXV.  1-28]  REIGN   OF   AMAZIAH  445 

with  the  view  of  a  marriage  aUiance  (v.  '«). — 18.  This  fable,  re- 
minding one  of  Jotham's  parable  (Ju.  9'  ^■),  was  a  cutting  insult 
to  Amaziah,  implying  that  he  was  in  no  way  on  an  equality  with  the 
King  of  Israel.  Whether  the  particulars  of  the  fable  were  signifi- 
cant, reflecting  actual  events,  is  unknown. — 20.  For  it  was  of  God, 
etc.]  an  addition  of  the  Chronicler  connecting  the  narrative  with 
w.  '^-'^ — 21.  Looked  one  another  in  the  face]  {i.e.,  joined  in 
battle)  either  a  direct  or  an  ironical  application  of  the  words  of 
v.  ".  If  ironical,  cf.  the  similar  double  application  of  the  phrase 
"lift  up  the  head,"  Gn.  401^-  '^ — Beth-shemesh].  Cf.  i  Ch.  6"«9). 
■ — Which  belongeth  to  Judah].  This  statement  in  2  K.  14"  shows 
that  the  story  of  this  contest  is  of  northern  Israelitish  origin. — 22. 
And  then  fled  every  yuan  to  his  tent]  i.e.,  fled  to  his  home,  cf.  7'°  10", 
— 23.  The  son  of  Jehoahaz]  i.e.,  the  son  of  Ahaziah,  cf.  21". 
— And  broke  down  the  wall  of  Jerusalem  from  the  Gate  of  Ephraim 
unto  the  Gate  of  the  Corner,  four  hundred  cubits]  i.e.,  a  portion  of 
the  oldest  northern  wall  which  was  probably  built  in  the  time  of 
Solomon  (cf.  GAS.  /.  i.  p.  206,  and  on  the  location  of  this  wall, 
pp.  241  ff.). — Gate  of  Ephraim]  i.e.,  the  gate  through  which  the 
road  to  Ephraim  passed,  on  the  line  of  the  street  running  to  the 
present  Damascus  Gate. — Corner  gate*]  (v.  i.)  probably  the 
north-west  angle  of  the  wall  {cf.  GAS.  /.  ii.  p.  116). — 24.  With 
Obed-edom]  an  addition  of  the  Chronicler  to  2  K.  14'^  The 
family  of  Obed-edom,  according  to  i  Ch.  26'=,  had  charge  of  the 
storehouse  of  the  Temple. 

17.  n-nn>  ^'7D  in>xcN  I'yn]  wanting  in  2  K.  148. — nSa'^i]  2  K.  4- 
oonSd. — r^']  cf.  Nu.  23"  Ju.  19"  2  K.  hd*;".  Possibly  pointed  according 
to  2  K.  when  -\^^  was  intended,  so  Oe.  in)  dS  accompanying  the  expres- 
sion of  a  wish,  cf.  Gn.  1932  31"  and  ref.  above,  Koe.  iii.  §  355g. — 
QijD  HNnnj]  let  us  look  one  another  in  the  face,  cf.  v.  ^i  (z;.  5.),  is  probably 
a  shortened  form  for  D'-jd  Sn  a^:fl  hn-ipj,  Ges.  §  156c,  n.  i. — 18.  ninn 
(twice)]  05  transliterated,  ^x<>f",  "-X^^X  ^0X°t,  <'-X°^X^  the  last  being 
original  (&,  cf.  Tor.  ATC.  p.  65. — 19.  niCvx]  wanting  in  2  K.  14'°  (but 
supported  by  Vrss.),  may  be  a  later  insertion  by  some  one  who  read  piDn 
as  first  pers.,  so  Bn.,  St.  SBOT.  on  2  K.  14'",  but  the  insertion  may  be 
from  the  Chronicler.  05  read  both  as  second  pers. — njn]  is  certainly  a  mis- 
reading of  2  K.  nrn,  so  Ki.  Kom.  BH.,  Bn.,  St.  SBOT.  on  2  K.,  but 
probably  the  original  in  Ch.,  cf.  (g.     &,  here  as  elsewhere,  appears  to  be 


446  2  CHRONICLES 

corrected  from  2  K. — '^"r^]  should  probably  be  pointed  or^zri. — 
T33nS]  Hiph.  as  iiitrans.  dub.  2  K.  i^rn  imv.  Niph.  (6  v  Papua,  B  in 
superbiatn,  &  |fi  i/|.  The  insertion  of  S  has  connected  the  word  with 
what  precedes,  contrary  to  2  K.  <B  probably  read  i2:r\  and  B  "'^^n'^. 
#  was  doubtless  corrected  fr.  2  K.  Read  larn  or  larnj?,  so  Oe.,  Ki. — 
nny]  wanting  in  2  K. — naif]  2  K.  ar. — nnS]  2  K.  ncSi.  St.  SBOT.  con- 
siders hdS  original  in  K.;  Bur.  thinks  1  original  there  with  sarcastic 
force. — 20.  MJi  'NHD  13]  a  characteristic  addition  by  the  Chronicler, 
cf.  10'*  22'.  0,  corrected  from  2  K.,  omits. — i-a  orr]  (6^*  toO  irapadovvai 
avrbp  th  x^'P'*^  =  Dn>3  Vnn,  (&^  +  Ia;as,  V  in  manus  hostium.  Oe. 
suggested  no.  Perhaps  read,  as  suggested  by  <&,  a"j;a  inn,  k>  give  him 
into  their  hand.  If  text  is  correct  T"  is  without  the  art.  as  in  familiar 
expressions,  Dav.  Syn.  §  22  R  3,  Koe.  iii.  §  294f. — 21 .  &  transposes 
Kin  D'^fl  iNi.-iM  and  min>  nSn  in>SDNi. — 23.  inNin'>  p]  wanting  in  (S"*; 
six  MSS.,  (&^,  2  K.  14",  innnN  ]3.  ?nN'in'>  ja  has  either  been  transposed  from 
a  position  after  Sn-\C'>  ^Sc,  or  Tnxin>  is  a  variant  spelling  or  scribal  error 
for  in^nx  ,  cf.  21". — inx^aM]  2  K.  iX3'i.  Ch.  preserves  the  original 
reading,  so  Bn.,  Ki.,  St.,  Bur.,  Sk. — ijre'c]  2  K.  nyco.  Ch.  also 
original  in  K.,  so  Bn.,  Ki.,  St.,  et  al. — njion]  doubtless  a  scribal  error 
for  njsn  of  Vrss.  and  2  K.,  so  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  and  most  commen- 
tators.— 24.  Sai]  2  K.  14",  S3  ns  np'^i,  is  read  by  Oe.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  Bn. 
(&^  inserts  IXa/Sei/  before  3S'>i,  which  is  considered  its  original  posi- 
tion in  2  K.  by  Bn.  (on  2  K.),  St.  SBOT.  The  late  form  of  the 
verb  in  K.  suggests  that  it  was  added  to  fill  a  lacuna,  see  Ges.  §  \12pp 
(6  (">). — a'nSsn  r''3a]  2  K  nini  no. — anN  naj?  d>']  wanting  in  2  K. — 
ni3i>nn  <j3]  hostages,  so  also  2  K  14'^  f- 

25-28.  The  end  of  Amaziah's  reign. — Taken  from  2  K. 
14""',  with  a  characteristic  addition  of  the  Chronicler  in  v." 
(v.  i.). — 25.  This  verse,  a  copy  of  2  K.  14",  is  without  point  in 
the  narrative  of  the  Chronicler,  who  systematically  ignores  the  N. 
kingdom.  In  2  K.  it  is  a  note  inserted  by  a  scribe  to  mark  the 
interval  between  the  death  of  Jehoash,  just  mentioned,  and  the 
death  of  Amaziah  immediately  described. — 26.  Book  of  the  kings 
of  Judah  and  Israel].  The  Chronicler  substitutes  for  "the  book 
of  the  chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Judah"  of  2  K.  i4'«  his  own 
principal  noncanonical  source  (cf.  Intro,  p.  22). — 27.  Now  from 
the  time  that  Amaziah  turned  away  from  after  Yahweh]  a  char- 
acteristic addition  of  the  Chronicler,  who  thus  gives  from  his  point 
of  view  an  adequate  cause  for  the  conspiracy.  It  was  probably  a 
popular  insurrection  in  favour  of  the  young  Uzziah,  a  result  of  the 


XXVI.  1-23]  REIGN   OF   UZZIAH  447 

misfortunes  into  which  the  state  had  been  plunged  by  the  folly  of 
Amaziah  in  provoking  the  war  with  northern  Israel. — Lachish]. 
Cf.  II'. — 28.  In  the  city  of  David'*].  The  reading  city  of  Judah 
of  M,  is  clearly  a  scribal  error  {v.  i.),  yet  in  the  Assyrian  in- 
scriptions Asarhaddon  called  Manasseh  king  of  the  city  of 
Judah  (GAS.  /.  i.  p.  268). 

26.  DijnnNni  o^ja's-in]  a  characteristic  addition  to  the  text  of  2  K.  i4'8 
cf.  9"  I  Ch.  29". — Djn  NSn]  three  MSS.,  #,11,  omit  nSh.  Seven  MSS.,  ©,  2 
K.  14'*  an  for  ajn.  Since  the  Chronicler  uses  both  forms,  an  nVh  2  Ch.  9^9 
I2'5,  and  ajn  16"  20'''  24",  the  original  is  uncertain. — Sxitt'n  n-\in>  13SD] 
2  K.  14"  mini  is'^s'?  a^c^n  nai.— 27.  nini  .  .  .  rj;si]  wanting  in  2  K. 
14". — nyni]  05  Kal  iv  t<?  KaipQ,  so  also  ?I. — nLT'pM]  predicate,  intro- 
duced by  5  after  time-determinations,  Dr.  TH.  §  127  (^),  Koe.  iii.  §  366I. 
— 28.  iriN  -nar!']]  2  K.  1420  a'?B'iT'2  13ti  t.  the  change  to  act.  in  Ch. 
necessitating  the  insertion  of  the  object. — mini  i^yj]  twelve  MSS.,  Vrss., 
2  K.  "cn,  and  so  most  commentators. 

XXVI.  The  reign  of  Uzziah  (c.  782-737  b.c.).— The  book  of 
Kings  contains  only  a  very  meagre  account  of  the  reign  of  Uzziah 
(2  K.  15'  -'))  ^^'^  yst  his  reign  was  one  of  the  longest  in  Judah  and, 
according  to  the  glimpses  given  in  the  prophetical  books,  one  of 
unusual  prosperity  (cf.  especially  Is.  2  /.).  This  prosperity  is 
brought  out  in  the  Chronicler's  account  in  w.  «-'*,  which  are  en- 
tirely independent  of  2  K.,  but  have  a  place  in  the  Chronicler's 
reconstruction  of  that  narrative.  According  to  2  K.  15^,  Uzziah 
was  a  leper,  and  the  Chronicler,  compelled  by  his  theory  of  royal 
history  to  find  a  cause  for  this  affliction,  does  so  in  the  presumptu- 
ous sin  of  unlawfully  offering  incense  (vv. '^-^o);  and  this  act  of 
pride  is  closely  linked  with  the  King's  prosperity  and  greatness 
(vv. '=■').  On  the  source  of  vv. «-'5  see  the  note  introductory  to 
the  comments  upon  them. 

1-5.  Uzziah's  accession  to  the  throne. — Vv.  >-<  are  a  tran- 
script of  2  K.  14"  '■  152  '•;  v. 5  is  from  the  Chronicler. — 1.  And  all 
the  people  of  Judah  took  Uzziah  .  .  .  and  made  him  king].  This 
action  was  occasioned  by  the  untimely  death  of  Amaziah.  Ordi- 
narily the  people  are  not  mentioned  as  determining  the  royal 
succession  (cf.  22').  Since  Uzziah  was  only  sixteen  years  old  and 
Amaziah  was  fifty-four  at  his  death,  probably  older  brothers  and 


448  2    CHRONICLES 

thus  a  first-bom,  were  set  aside  in  favour  of  Uzziah. —  Uzzuih] 
2  K.  14='  "Azariah,"  and  so  2  K.  generally,  while  the  Chronicler  has 
Uzziah  (v.  i.).  The  connection  between  the  two  names  is  not 
entirely  clear.  They  are  quite  similar  in  Hebrew  r!''1Ty  and 
""•TJ?,  and  the  latter  may  have  arisen  through  a  corruption  of 
the  former  {DB.  IV.  p.  843).  The  names  are  somewhat  similar  in 
meaning;  Azariah  means  "  Yahweh  has  helped,"  Uzziah,  "  Yah- 
weh  is  my  strength."  This  fact  may  have  led  to  their  interchange. 
—2.  He  built  Eloth,  etc.].  On  Eloth  or  Elath^^  i.  Elath  {cf.  8'') 
had  apparently  been  captured  by  Amaziah  in  his  war  against 
Edom  (25"  '■)  and  then  lost  during  the  disastrous  war  with  north- 
em  Israel,  and  its  recovery  was  one  of  the  first  exploits  of  Uzziah. 

This  is  the  natural  meaning  of  this  verse,  especially  in  its  connection 
here,  but  in  2  K.  14"  it  is  a  part  of  the  narrative  of  the  reign  of  .'\maziah, 
hence  its  first. half,  He  built  Eloth  and  restored  it  to  Judah,  is  held  to  refer 
to  Amaziah  and  to  belong  in  the  history  of  Amaziah  with  the  account  of 
the  war  against  Edom  (2  K.  14O  (^'^47".' p.  261,  Bn.).  Then  the  second 
half  of  the  verse  belongs  wnth  the  preceding  verse  or  is  a  gloss. 

5.  The  Chronicler  now  omits  2  K.  15*,  which  says  that  the  high 
places  were  not  taken  away  and  that  the  people  still  sacrificed  and 
burnt  incense  in  them,  and  writes  this  verse  to  explain  the  prosper- 
ity of  Uzziah  described  in  y\. «". — Zechariali].  This  prophet  is  not 
mentioned  elsewhere.  It  is  barely  possible  that  the  name  is  derived 
from  the  mention  of  Uzziah  in  the  book  of  Zechariah  (14'). — 
Who  gave  instruction  in  the  fear*  of  God]  (v.  i.). 

1.  '\n>v;]  so  also  w.  '•  «■  s.  n.  14.  is.  is.  19.  21.  22.  23  272  Is.  i'  6'  7'  and 
2  K.  15".  »<•,  HM^^  Ho.  I'  Am.  I'  Zc.  14'  and  2  K.  15"  '»;  n;-;rt;  2  K. 
1421  151-  '•  "•  23.  27  I  ch.  3'2;  in;->'v:  2  K.  i5«-  8;  in  Assy,  inscrip. 
Azriyd'H,  {COT.  2  K.  15'),  but  now  denied  (A'.-ir.^p.  262,  PB.  IV.  pp. 
844/.).  Thus  Azariah  appears  only  once  outside  of  2  K.,  and  that  in  Ch., 
while  Uzziah  is  found  four  times  in  2  K.  Both  forms  of  the  name  are  used 
for  a  descendant  of  Kchath,  cp.  i  Ch.  6"  <2'>  and  62'  (ss)^  also  for  a 
son  of  Hcman  (with  'el  for  Yah),  cp.  1  Ch  25^  and  25". — 2.  mS'N]  <S 
Al\de,  13  Ailalh,  2  K.  1422  n^>H,  and  so  Ki.  SBOT.,  Kom.,  but  r^'^'N 
also  in  2  Ch.  8"  i  K.  9»  2  K.  i6«  f  and  n'p'N  in  Dt.  2"'  2  K.  i6»  •  f.— 'inn 
33tf]  temporal  clause  introduced  by  nnN  with  inf.,  see  Koe.  iii.  §  401a. 
—3.  n>S'3>]  Kt.  r\f^^>2:,  Qr.  n;'^3^_  cf.  2  K.   152  in;';.^  f-     <8"  ^'^'^^O'  = 


XXVI.  1-23]  REIGN   OF   UZZIAH  449 

XoXta  (A  for  A),  ai-  lexeXta,  H  lechelia. — 5.  trniS  ^dm]  he  was  in  the  act 
of  seeking,  inf.  with  *?  after  t\''T\  to  express  the  idea  of  aiming  at  a  definite 
purpose  or  turning  toward  an  object,  Ges.  §  114A.1,  Dr.  TH.  §  204, 
Koe.  iii.  §  3997. — Qin^Nn  PNia  p^nn]  who  had  understanding  in  tlie 
vision  of  God,  is  strange,  hence  read  rather  pni.".?,  with  many  mss.,  (&, 
g*,  QI,  who  gave  instruction  in  the  fear  of  God,  so  Ke.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Ki., 
Bn. — DinVxcH)   (three  times)]  (&  nin\ 

6-15.  Uzziah's  military  and  industrial  prosperity. — Tliis 
section  is  without  parallel  in  2  K.  and  yet  seems  to  contain 
historical  reminiscences. 

Bn.  thinks  the  Chronicler's  immediate  forerunner  {Die  Vorlage)  had 
here  reliable  ancient  traditions,  and  Ki.  sees  in  it  (save  v.  s^  and  vv. " 
and  "i")  material  taken  from  some  ancient  reliable  source.  The  compo- 
sition, however,  is  throughout  that  of  the  Chronicler,  and  there  is  no 
reason  why  these  verses  may  not  have  been  entirely  written  by  him, 
though,  possibly  they  were  taken  from  his  chief  source  the  Midrash 
{v.  p.  22).  The  following  are  the  marks  of  the  Chronicler's  composition 
in  w.6-'5:  in  w. '•  '^  iry  (1.  84);  in  v. «  xuV  iy  (1.  127)  and  rh'^vh 
(1.  87);  in  v. »  nnj  (1.  17);  in  v."  aT>  Sj?  (1.  86);  in  v.  '^  h  in  'j^xSi 
(1.  128). 

6.  Gath].  Cf.  I  Ch.  721. — Jabneh]  mentioned  in  OT.  only  here, 
unless  after  Oi»  in  Jos.  15^"^  and  as  Jabne'el  Jos.  15",  mod.  Yebiia, 
twelve  miles  south  of  Joppa  and  four  miles  from  the  sea.  Known 
by  its  Greek  name  Jamnia,  it  figures  considerably  in  Jewish  history 
from  the  time  of  the  Maccabees  and  onward.  After  the  fall  of  Jeru- 
salem (70  A.D.)  the  great  Sanhedrin  removed  thither,  and  for  quite 
a  period  it  took  the  place  of  Jerusalem  as  the  religious  and  na- 
tional centre  of  the  Jews  (/£.  vii.  p.  18). — Ashdod]  the  famous 
Philistine  city  about  half-way  between  Joppa  and  Gaza,  two  or 
three  miles  from  the  sea,  the  mod.  EsdUd  (Jos.  11"  15^^  '•  i  S.  5*  ^■ 
ct  a!.). — And  he  built  cities  among  the  Philistines'^]  (v.  i.). — 7. 
'Arabians}.  Cf.  17". — Gur-baal-W  an  unidentified  place,  and 
the  reading  is  doubtful  {y.  i.). — Me'unim].  Cf.  i  Ch.  4". — 8. 
And  the  Ammonites  gave  tribute],  (g  has  "the  Meunim"  (v.  i.), 
which  reading  is  adopted  by  Bn.  as  demanded  by  the  context  from 
the  connection  with  the  Philistines  and  Arabians  and  the  following 
statement  that  Uzziah's  7iame  spread  abroad  even  to  the  entrance  of 
Egypt,  a  direction  quite  opposite  from  that  of  the  territory  of 


45° 


2  CHRONICLES 


Ammon.  Ki.,  on  the  other  hand,  retains  Ammonites.  This  is 
agreeable  to  the  mention  of  table  land  in  v. '"  (v.  i.)  and  their  later 
conquest  by  Jotham  (27').  Probably  they  should  be  retained  and 
the  notice  considered  as  of  no  historical  value.  On  the  tribute, 
cf.  17"  27^ — And  his  name  spread  abroad  even  to  the  entrance  of 
Egypt]  i.e.,  his  fame,  or  better,  his  power  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.). — 9. 
The  corner  gate]  the  north-west  comer  of  the  w-all  (cf.  25"). — 
The  valley  gate]  formerly  located  at  or  near  the  Jaffa  gate  on 
the  west  of  the  city  (Rob.  BR.^  i.  p.  43;  Schick,  ZDPV.  viii. 
p.  272);  but  more  probably  near  the  south-west  comer  of  the  wall 
(cf.  Ne.  2"  3")  (so  Guthe,  MuNDPV.  1895,  pp.  10  ff.,  also 
Mitchell,  JBL.  1903,  pp.  108/.,  cf.  GAS.  /.  i.  pp.  177  ff.).—At 
the  angle].  C/.  Ne.  3'5- 'o- ".  While  there  might  be  many  of  these 
angles  where  the  wall  tumed  (Bn.),  yet  some  particular  one  seems 
to  have  been  meant,  probably  at  north-east  comer  (BDB.). — 10. 
Towers]  for  the  protection  of  his  herds  (cf.  i  Ch.  27"  Mi.  4'). — 
In  the  wilderness]  the  pasture  land  of  Judah. — Cisterns].  The 
Heb.  word  may  also  mean  wells,  but  artilicial  reservoirs  were  con- 
structed in  Palestine  from  the  earliest  times  for  the  storage  of 
water  for  man  and  beast. — The  lowland]  the  Shephelah ;  cf.  1 
Ch.  27=«  2  Ch.  i>5  9". — The  table  land]  i.e.,  the  elevated  plateau 
between  the  Am  on  and  Heshbon  east  of  the  Jordan,  since  mishmor 
denotes  this  (Dt.  3'°  4"  Jos.  139-  >••  "•  "  20'  Je.  48'-  2')  (Be.,  Ke., 
Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.).  This  agrees  with  the  subjugation  of  the  Am- 
monites implied  in  v. ';  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  restriction 
of  meaning  to  the  territory  east  of  the  Jordan  is  necessary. — 11. 
Going  out  to  war  in  detachments  by  the  number  of  their  muster] 
descriptive  of  the  thorough  organisation  of  the  host  (Ke.,  Zoe.). 
This  is  better  than  to  think  the  word  in  detachments  ("Hi^) 
refers  to  marauding  expeditions  (Ba.). — 12.  The  heads  of  the 
fathers^  houses].  Cf.  i  Ch.  9".  The  troops  were  mustered  by 
households  or  families. — Even  the  mighty  men  of  valour]  i.e., 
landed  proprietors  and  other  well-to-do  people  (cf.  2  K.  15"). — 
Two  thousand  six  hundred]  a  number  agreeable  to  actual  condi- 
tions during  Uzziah's  reign.  These  are  assumed  to  have  been  the 
commanders  of  the  troops. — 13.  Three  hundred  and  scz-en  thousand 
and  five  hundred].     Cf.  the  armies  of  Amaziah,  300,000  (25*),  and 


XXVI.  1-23.]  REIGN   OF  UZZIAH  45 1 

the  greater  ones  of  Asa  (14')  and  Jehoshaphat  (17"  »•). — 14. 
Shields].  Cf.  14^  <«>  17"  i  Ch.  $'K — Spears].  Cf.  ib. — Helmets] 
mentioned  with  the  shield  in  Ez.  27"  38^;  cf.  also  i  S.  17^  Je.  46* 
fig.  Is.  59"  t- — Cuirasses]  mentioned  also  m  18^3  i  K.  223*  i  S.  175- '' 
Ne.  4'°  "«)  fig.  Is.  59»'. — Bows  and  sling-stones]  the  weapons  of  the 
light-armed  troops  assigned  so  frequently  to  Benjamin  (14^  <8'  i 
Ch.  122  Ju.  201S). — 15.  And  he  ?nade  contrivances  the  invention  of 
inventive  men  .  .  .  to  shoot  arrows  and  great  stones].  Such  engines 
of  warfare  are  not  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  canonical  OT.,  but 
were  probably  used  by  the  Assyrians  in  the  days  of  Uzziah,  and  he 
may  have  introduced  them  as  weapons  of  defence  for  Jerusalem  (so 
apparently  Bn.),  or  their  mention  may  merely  reflect  the  methods 
of  defence  used  in  the  period  of  the  Chronicler  (so  EBi.  IV.  col. 
4510,  cf.  GAS.  /.  ii.  pp.  121/.). 

That  the  statements  of  these  verses  are  in  substance  historical 
appears  from  the  following  facts:  (i)  Hezekiah  seems  largely  to 
have  had  control  of  Philistia,  and  this  is  most  reasonably  explained 
upon  the  ground  of  the  strong  military  policy  of  Uzziah;  (2) 
Jerusalem  made  a  strong  defence  during  the  reign  of  Hezekiah 
against  the  Assyrians  and  this  was  probably  due  to  the  preparations 
made  by  Uzziah;  (3)  the  prosperity  of  the  days  of  Ahaz  revealed 
in  the  prophecies  of  Isaiah  (v.  s.)  {DB.  IV.  p.  844).  The  mention 
also  of  Arabians  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  among  the  de- 
fenders of  Jerusalem  against  Sennacherib  has  been  thought  to 
sustain  the  statement  that  Uzziah  subjugated  them  (this,  how- 
ever, is  rather  remote)  {v.  DB.  s.). 

6.  nntt'xa  any]  can  only  mean  cities  in  the  territory  of  Ashdod,  but 
then  the  additional  a^n'-r'SflJi  is  strange.  Probably  nntrsj  is  a  copyist's 
repetition  and  the  text  should  read  cna'SijJ  onynj^M  (Ba.).  Winckler 
thinks  that  original  text  of  source  was  nj3''  nmn  pni  pj  nnin  pn  v'ifl''%and 
that  the  remainder  of  the  verse  has  come  from  a  marginal  note  which  first 
read  ■ina'Na  niy  "  a  city  in  the  territory  of  Ashdod  "  (z.e.  Jabneh),  and  that 
this  had  been  reconstructed  into  its  present  form  {KAT.^  p.  262). — 7. 
D^anyn]  Qr.  D''3iyn. — Vya  lua]  (&  4irl  t^j  irirpas  Kal  iirl  roiii  Meivalovs, 
i.e.:  (i)  -\iX3  also  the  text  of  H*  in  Turhaal  adopted  by  Ki.  Kom.\  (2)  06 
read  hy\  instead  of  Sy2  adopted  by  Bn.  after  Winck.,  who  sees  in 
lu  Guri  a  name  of  Edom  in  the  Amarna  Tablets  (Gesch.  i.  46). 
We  then  read  against  the  Arabians  in  Gur  and  against  the  Meunim. 


452  2    CHRONICLES 

The  Greek  translator  probably  thought  of  Petra.  S  has  n-^jp  favoured 
by  Zoe.,  Ba. — a'jij.'-^i]  five  mss.,11  2'rr;:ni,  <&  'M{€)ii'alov^,  cf.  20'. — 8. 
D'j12j,m]  (6  M(e)ivaioi  as  though  0''JV?':i  which  Bn.  adopts  after  Winck. 
(KAT.^  p.  262),  but  (&  may  have  been  influenced  by  the  preceding 
M(e)ivalovs,  c/.  20'. — 'ui  ^;?  isc  ^'?■'^]  according  to  Ki.  an  annotation  of 
the  Chronicler. — a^'iss]  Winck.  also  sees  in  this  the  Arabian  Musri. 
— 10.  -\v;"33i  nSfia'31]  both  in  the  lowland  and  in  the  plain;  1'  is 
wanting  in  <&. — anas]  wanting  in  (§»*. — Ssio]  neither  Mt.  Carmel  nor 
Carmel  in  southern  Judah  (i  S.  25=  '),  but  garden  land,  fruitful  fieMs  (Is. 
29"  Je.  2'). — nms  ans]  lover  of  husbandry,  or  possibly  tillage,  see  BDB. 
nms  i;cf.  'NH  c'-'N  Gn.  920  (J). — 11.  Nas  •'Nsr]  cf.  i  Ch.  5'8. — icDta 
'IJ1]  wanting  in  &.— ''Ni;'>]  Kt.  'ij?>,  Qr.,  (5,  B  '>;:\— 14.  SaS  .  .  .  on*-] 
the  noun  made  prominent  by  referring  to  it  first  through  its  pron.  Ew. 
§  309  c,  Koe.  iii.  §  340  o. — o^ySp  'jas]  sling-stones,  cf.  jjSp  'n  Jb.  41'"'. 
PI.  in  nomen  rectum  occasioned  by  pi.  in  nomen  regens,  Koe.  iii.  §  2670. 
— 15 .  nijas'n]  contrivances,  cf.  Ec.  72'  also  pi.  abs.  f. — xn'S]  Qal  inf. 
cstr.  from  \/  t\-\\  but  following  the  analogy  of  verbs  n»S,  Ges.  §  75''r. — 
ntynS  NiSijn '3]  Hiph.  expressing  an  action  in  a  definite  -direction,  the 
principal  idea  being  contained  in  the  inf.,  Ges.  §  ii4«  and  n.  3. 

16-23.  Uzziah's  leprosy  and  the  conclusion  of  his  reign. 

— Based  on  2  K.  15*'.  The  narrative  of  2  K.  simply  records  that 
Uzziah  was  a  leper;  but  the  Chronicler  (or  his  forerunner,  Bn.) 
adds  the  cause,  which  he  finds  in  his  presumptuous  exercise  of  the 
priests'  sacred  right  of  burning  incense  and  in  his  anger  against  the 
high  priest  and  his  associates  when  they  rebuked  him.  This  is 
doubtless  a  mere  legend  to  explain  the  King's  leprosy,  since  that 
disease  was  felt  to  be  a  token  of  special  divine  judgment  {cf.  the 
leprosy  of  Miriam  Nu.  12"  "■  and  Gehazi  2  K.  5",  v.  also  Bn.  Arch. 
pp.  481  /.).  A  reflection  of  a  real  controversy  between  Uzziah  and 
the  priesthood  has  been  seen  in  this  story  (Bn.,  Ki.),  and  the  possi- 
bility of  such  an  historical  kernel  must  be  admitted,  but  no  indica- 
tion of  it  is  given  elsewhere. — 16.  To  offer  incense  upon  the  altar 
of  incense]  an  especially  sacred  act,  and,  according  to  P,  lawful 
only  for  the  seed  of  Aaron  (cf.  v.  '«  Ex.  30'-'"  Nu.  i6'°  i8'')- — 17. 
And  AzariaJi  the  priest]  not  identified  or  mentioned  apart  from 
this  narrative  (cf.  v.  ");  a  favourite  name  in  priestly  genealogies 
(cf.  I  Ch.  5"  <°  (6»'0).— 19.  A  nd  while  he  was  wroth  with  the  priests 
the  leprosy  broke  forth,  etc.].  Cf  the  sudden  appearance  of  leprosy 
in  Gehazi,   2  K.  5"". — 20.   Vahweh   had  smitten  him]  adapted 


XXVI.  1-23.]  REIGN   OF   UZZIAH  453 

from  2  K.  155-',  which  is  here  taken  up. — 21.  In  a  separate  house'] 
{v.  i.).  The  King  as  a  leper  kept  by  himself  and  retired  from  royal 
functions. — For  he  was  cut  off  from  the  house  of  Yahweh]  is  not 
found  in  2  K.,  a  natural  observation  from  the  Chronicler,  who  laid 
great  stress  on  worship. — 22.  Did  Isa'iah  the  prophet  the  son  of 
Amoz  write].  The  reference  is  either  to  an  independent  work  by 
Isaiah  (Ke.),  which  is  most  unlikely,  or  a  part  of  the  Book  of  the 
Kings  of  Israel  and  Judah  (Be.,  Zoe.),  or  possibly  the  statement 
is  derived  from  the  fact  that  the  present  book  of  Isaiah  mentions 
Uzziah. — 23.  And  they  buried  him  with  his  fathers  in  the  field  of 
the  burial  which  belonged  to  the  kings;  for  they  said,  he  is  a  leper]  i.e, 
he  was  not  buried  in  the  tombs  of  the  kings,  lest  they  should  be 
defiled  by  a  leprous  body,  but  in  the  field  adjoining  these  tombs. 
The  Chronicler  thus  departed  from  the  statement  of  2  K.  15% 
"And  they  buried  him  with  his  fathers  in  the  city  of  David." 

16.  vnprnDi]  a  late  idiom,  Dr.  TH.  p.  157  n. — uV  n2j]  he  became 
haughty,  lit.,  his  heart  was  lifted  up,  cf.  32^5  Ps.  131'  Pr.  i8'=  Ez.  282-  s.  i7, 
and  in  the  same  sense  without  iS  Is.  3'^  Je.  1315  Ez.  16'^''  Zp.  3". — Sj'dm] 
cf.  V.  1*  I  Ch.  2^ — 19.  lypi)  13^131]  out  of  humour,  dejected,  but 
only  here  enraged,  a  late  sense  like  Aram,  t-fi^*}  rage  against. — 
'sm]  1  with  the  apodosis  as  an  emphatic  copulative  after  a  temporal 
conditional  inf.,  Koe.  iii.  §  4157. — nmt]  rise,  come  out,  usually  of 
sun,  only  here  of  leprosy. — 20.  innf>']  wanting  in  (S^^a,  &  l-'lo^- — 
fimj]  hasten  (late),  cf.  Est.  612  and  in  Qal  pass.  pt.  Est.  31^  8"  f- — 
mn'>  1JUJ  •'d]  2K.  is^-iSdh  on  nin'i  pn. — 21,  rr-a]  =  ni^a. — n-ia'ijnn]  so  Kt. 
and  ten  mss.  in  2  K.,  but  Qr.  and  2  K.  i-fy' — f-  Meaning  is  obscure. 
(gB  a,<p4>ov(n<j3v,  A  aTr(povffwO,  l  a<p<pov<rwd,  hence  original  (H  doubtless 
a<f><povcrud  as  in  2  K.,  cf.  Tor.  ATC.  p.  65.  H  {in  dome)  separata. 
r-^t'on  nniaa,  apart  in  his  palace  (Klo.,  Ki.,  et  al.,  on  2  K.  and  Ki. 
SBOT.,  Kom.  on  Ch.,  yet  see  St.  SBOT.  on  2  K.).  Stade  {ZAW.  vi.  pp. 
156  jf.)  emends  to  linn  n^33  in  the  winter-house;  Gratz  nnoDcn  in  the 
house  of  eruption;  Haupt  (note  in  SBOT.  on  K.)  n^sonn  n>2,  either 
place  of  detention  or  place  of  bandaging.  But  05,  a(f>4>ov(Tiod,  seems  to 
have  read  niu'sn,  a  verb  used  only  of  leprosy  (Lv.  13,  14),  hence  n>33 
D^z•5r\  in  the  house  of  spreading,  i.e.,  a  house  rendered  unclean  by  the 
spreading  of  the  leprosy  after  an  attempt  had  be^n  made  to  cleanse  it 
(Lv.  14^*)  was  appropriated  for  the  King's  use. — nin^  n>3n  ntJJ  ''3  >nxD] 
not  in  2  K. — iSsn  n'3  hy  1J3]  05  0  vibs  aiirov  iiri  ttjs  paffiKelas  airov, 
2  K.  .-113.1  h'j  ^'^n^  p. — 22.  yiDN  p]  wanting  in  Q5^a_ — 23.  vpsn  dj;^] 
wanting  in  six  MSS.  and  & ;  probably  dropped  as  inconsistent  with  the 


454  2    CHRONICLES 

following  clause. — Nin  >-»ix::  niN  •«3  d's'^'c':'  i^n  mnpn  niuo]  2  K.  15' 
nn  Tj,'3.  The  motive  for  the  Chronicler's  expansion  is  evident. — S  new] 
used  because  nomen  regens  is  compound,  Koe.  iii.  §  282c. 

XXVII.  1-9.  The  reign  of  Jotham  (co-regent  c.  751-737; 
reigned  c.  737-735  B.C.). — From  2  K.  153338^  ^yjth  slight  changes 
and  the  addition  of  new  material  in  vv.  =•«,  which,  like  26'-",  con- 
tain a  tradition  probably  of  historical  worth  (Pa.  EHSP.  p.  232). 
They  show  that  Jotham  continued  the  vigorous  policy  of  his 
father.  (For  source-analyses  of  vv.  =-«  see  vv.  ^  '•.) — 1.  A  copy  of 
2  K.  15". — Zadok]  possibly  the  high  priest  mentioned  in  i  Ch. 
5"  (6'-)  (Be.). — 2.  Only  he  did  not  enter  into  the  temple  of  Yahweh] 
a  reference  to  Uzziah's  sacrilege  (26'*  ^■)  naturally  wanting  in 
2  K. — And  the  people  did  yet  corruptly].  The  fuller  statement  of 
2  K.  15"  is,  "  Only  the  high  places  were  not  removed;  the  people 
still  sacrificed  and  burnt  incense  in  the  high  places." — 3.  He  built 
the  upper  gate  of  the  house  of  Yahweh]  from  2  K.  15";  the  re- 
mainder of  the  verse  and  vv.  <■«  are  independent  of  2  K.  (v.  s.). 
The  upper  gate  was  probably  the  one  in  the  north  wall  of  the 
Temple  court  mentioned  in  Je.  20^  as  "the  upper  gate  of  Ben- 
jamin" (Bn.,  Sk.).—  Ophel].  Cf  33'^  Ne.  3"|,  a  spur  south  of 
the  Temple  by  some  held  identical  with  the  city  of  David  (so 
GAS.  EBi.  II.  col.  2418,  cf.  also  /.  i.  pp.  is^f-)-  ^f-  on  this 
verse  and  the  following  the  activity  of  Uzziah  (26" ),  which 
Jotham  in  all  probability  continued. — 5.  lie  fought  also  with  the 
king  of  the  children  of  'Amnion]  accepted  by  Ki.  as  a  trust- 
worthy tradition,  but  rejected  by  Bn.  on  the  ground  that  the 
S.  kingdom  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Ammonites,  and  hence 
either  a  fiction  or  a  misreading  of  Aleunim  the  people  of  Ma  on 
{cf.  26'  ' ). — A  hundred  talents  of  silver  and  ten  thousand  measures 
of  wheat]  i.e.,  in  United  States  value  and  measure  some  $187,500 
and  120,331  bushels.  This  statement  is  assigned  by  Ki.  to  the 
Chronicler,  while  otherwise  v. «,  from  and  on  the  wall,  and  v. '  are 
assigned  to  some  ancient  reliable  source  {cf.  26'-"). — 6.  This  verse 
is  clearly  an  observation  of  the  Chronicler. — 7.  Corresponds  with 
the  summary  of  2  K.  15". — The  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel  and 
Judah]  {v.  Intro,  p.  22).  The  Chronicler  omits  2  K.  15",  "In 
those  days  the  Lord  began  to  send  against  Judah  Rezin  the  king 


xxvn.  i-xxvm.  27.]  reigns  of  jotham  and  ahaz         455 

of  Syria  and  Pekah  the  son  of  Remaliah,"  a  statement  out  of 
harmony  with  his  view  of  the  reign  and  character  of  Jotham  {cf. 
V. «). — 8.  A  repetition  probably  from  a  copyist  of  v.',  yet  cf.  28'. 
— 9.  A  copy  of  2  K.  15^8^  with  shght  changes  {v.  i.). 

1.  r\m-\-'']  2  K.  1533  ii-yy-\^  t-— 2.  i^aN]  in  2  K.  is'^  is  followed  by  a 
superfluous  ntt'y. — nini  So-in  Sn  N3  nS  p-i]  added  by  the  Chronicler. — 
DTi-'ntt'D  D>"n  •^v;^]  2  K.  1535  nic33  anapoi  o^'natD  oyn  mjj. — 3.  nj3  .  .  .  a] 
builtat,  cf.  Ne.  4"  "")  Zc.  6",  see  BDB.  3, 1.  2.  b  and  nja,  1.  h. — 4.  nvn^a] 
(61' adds  iv  lepomaX-qfi,  cp.  (gcomp..  ;jjj  ig  probably  original.  nvn''3,  cf. 
17'^  t- — 5.  nSc]  wanting  in  two  MSS.,  A,  by  copyist's  and  translator's 
correction,  although  iSd  may  be  a  gloss  as  is  suggested  by  oniSy, 
which  (6  has  corrected  to  iir''  aiirbv. — x^nn  njira]  (&  kut  iviavrbv. 
— a'lBn  Dno]  nouns  in  apposition,  Ges.  §  13 1(^;  Koe.  iii.  §  333d. — 
pny  "1J35]  (S^A  +  /car'  iviavrbv  iv  t(^  irpd)Tt{)  an  unnecessary  addition 
due  to  the  mistranslation  of  NTin  nj;ra  {v.  s.). — 8.  Wanting  in  (S^,  f^. 
— 9.  ins  nnn-i]  2  K.  1538  +  vnax  o]?  -i2f3»i. — T^n]  2  K.  +i''3n. 

XXVIII.  The  reign  of  Ahaz  (r.  735-715  ?  b.c.).— In  this 
chapter  we  have  one  of  the  best  examples  of  the  reconstruction  of 
history  by  the  Chronicler  (or  his  Midrashic  source  (Bn.,  Ki.)). 
According  to  2  K.  16=  Is.  7'  «•  Rezin,  King  of  Syria,  and  Pekah, 
King  of  Israel,  together  invade  Judah.  But  the  Chronicler  pictures 
their  invasion  as  two  separate  and  distinct  events,  both  fraught 
with  signal  disasters  far  exceeding  those  mentioned  in  2  K.  or  Is. 
(vv.  5-8)  and  accompanied  also  with  prophetic  activity  and 
influence  (vv.  ^-i^).  According  to  2  K.  16'  Ahaz  sought  success- 
fully the  help  of  Tiglath-pileser  against  the  combined  hostility 
of  Syria  and  Israel,  but  according  to  Ch.  (vv.  '«■'«)  the  Assyrian 
King  was  invoked  against  the  Edomites  and  the  Philistines,  and 
his  aid  availed  nothing,  but  resulted  rather  in  the  oppression  of 
Judah.  According  to  2  K.  168  Ahaz  sent  unto  Tiglath-pileser,  to 
secure  his  services,  a  present  of  the  treasures  of  the  Temple  and 
of  the  palace;  but  according  to  Ch.  (v.  =1)  these  treasures  were 
vainly  given  to  secure  immimity  from  the  oppression  of  the 
Ass}Tian  King.  According  to  2  K.  i6'«->«  Ahaz  introduced  into  the 
Temple  a  new  altar,  copied  from  one  at  Damascus,  and  modified 
the  ritual  of  sacrificial  worship.  This  in  Ch.  (v.  2')  becomes  an 
act  of  sacrifice  to  the  gods  of  Damascus.     According  to  2  K.  16'^  •• 


456  2    CHRONICLES 

Ahaz  cut  up  the  bases  or  stands  of  the  lavers  of  the  Temple  (r/.  4« 
I  K.  7"  "  )  and  also  the  base  of  the  great  laver  (4'  '  i  K.  7"  ■  ) 
clearly  to  secure  money  for  the  tribute  paid  to  the  King  of  Ass)Tia, 
and  he  made  some  structural  changes,  not  clear,  in  an  entrance  to 
the  Temple;  in  Ch.  (vv.  "  ' )  he  cuts  in  pieces  generally  the  utensils 
of  the  Temple  and  closes  the  building,  erecting  in  the  mean  time 
altars  in  every  corner  of  Jerusalem  and  in  every  city  of  Jiidah 
high  places  to  burn  incense  unto  other  gods.  The  motive  for 
this  new  treatment  of  the  reign  of  Ahaz  is  clear.  It  brings  into 
greater  relief  punishment  for  sins.  The  disasters  which  befell 
Judah  are  multiplied,  and  Ahaz  becomes  more  and  more  con- 
spicuous as  a  sinful  and  wicked  ruler.  His  reliance  upon  Assyria 
brings  only  trouble.  The  Chronicler  could  not  conceive  of  it 
otherwise.     He  thus  entirely  reconstructs  the  history. 

The  sources  of  this  chapter,  omitting  vv.  '-'»  (3Ji)  ""<  from  2  K., 
according  to  Ki.  (Kom.)  (after  Bn.),  are  vv.  -''-'''  from  the  Chronicler; 
w.  6-'6-  19-25  M;  and  vv.  "•'*,  separating  v.  "  and  v.  "  and  of  a  different 
character,  are  from  another  source,  one  of  historical  value.  These  last 
are,  however,  parallel  to  2  K.  i6«  (so  Ki.  Kom.)  and  might  even  have  been 
introduced  in  a  Midrashic  reconstruction  of  2  K.  16'--°.  They  are  also 
closely  bound  in  unity  with  the  remainder  of  the  chapter  by  the  reference 
to  captives  in  v.  '^  (cf.  vv.  *■  "■  •').  The  following  marks  of  the  Chron- 
icler's style  appear  in  vv.  ^-^:  in  v.  '  omission  of  rel.  after  1?'3  (1.  120), 
DiccS  ny  (1.  127);  in  w.  '«■  "  risz'H  (1.  7);  in  v."  ^ju'=!i'  (1-  115);  in  v.  '* 
list  of  proper  names;  in  v.  '<  nra  (1.  10);  in  v.  "  npj  (1.  75)  and  S  in  SaS 
(1.  i28d);  in  vv.  '»•  «  S>'0  (1.  68);  in  v.  ^"^  verb  omitted  (1.  1176);  and 
in  V.  ^  n^jJi  n^jJ  S331  (1.  124). 

1-4.  The  character  of  the  reign  of  Ahaz. — Taken  from  2  K. 
16'-^  with  a  few  cliaractcristic  additions. — 2.  And  made  also  molten 
images  for  the  Baalim]  an  addition  of  the  Chronicler,  yet  the 
use  of  images  in  worship  during  the  reign  of  Ahaz  is  abundantly 
proved  by  Is.  2""  ". — 3.  Moreover  he  burnt  incense  in  the  valley 
of  the  son  of  Hinnom]  wanting  in  2  K.  Added  by  the  Chroni- 
cler as  introductory  to  the  mention  of  the  sacrifice  of  his  son,  since 
this  valley  was  the  scat  of  human  sacrificial  worship  (cf.  Je.  7"). 
The  valley  of  the  son  of  Ilinnom  lies  to  the  south  and  south-west 
of  Jerusalem,  the  mod.  cr-Rabdbi  (cf.  GAS.  J.  i.  pp.  173  jf.). — 
And  he  burnt  his  children]  in  2  K.  16'  "And  made  his  son  pass 


XXVm.  1-27.]  REIGN   OF   AHAZ  457 

through  the  fire,"  i.e.,  sacrificed  his  son  (v.  i.).  The  stories  of 
Abraham's  sacrifice  of  Isaac  (Gn.  22)  and  of  Jephthah's  vow 
(Ju.  11'"  *•  "  ^•)  show  that  human  sacrifice  was  not  unlcnown  in  the 
early  days  of  Israel,  but  it  probably  was  of  very  rare  occurrence 
until  the  period  of  Ahaz,  who  clearly  fostered  the  rite,  as  did  also 
Manasseh  {t,^!^  2  K.  2i«),  and  thus  in  the  later  years  of  the  kingdom 
of  Judah  it  became  a  not  uncommon  feature  of  religious  worship 
{cf.  2  K.  17"  21"  23'"  Mi.  6''  Je.  7='  19^  Ez.  162°  '•  Ps.  106"  '■). — 
4.  And  he  sacrificed,  etc.}  (2  K.  i6<)  not  merely  allowed  the 
people  to  do  so,  as  the  best  of  his  predecessors  had  done. — Under 
every  spreading  tree]  n  Deuteronomic  and  Jeremianic  expression 
(Dt.  12^  I  K.  1423  2  K.  16^  (here  copied)  171"  Je.  2"  3«-  '=).  The 
usual  rendering  "  green  "  is  slightly  misleading.  The  reference 
is  not  so  much  to  colour  as  to  condition  and  size.  A  large,  fine 
tree  is  meant. 

1.  ontry  p]  MS.  593^  (gMss.^  ^^  ^  ^  tt'DHi,  which  makes  a  more  suitable 
age,  cf.  29',  and  so  Ew.,  Th.,  Be.,  Oe.,  and  Ki.  Kom.,  BH.  (doubtfully); 
but  (gBAL  follow  M,  and  the  variants  may  be  due  to  the  influence  of  27'-  * 
29".  However,  27 «  may  be  a  marginal  gloss  to  28'  which  crept  into  the 
wrong  place. — thn]  in  Assy,  inscrip.  la-u-ha-zi  {KB.  ii.  p.  20,  COT. 
on  2  K.  168)  =  inxin;,  which  is  the  full  name. — rnm]  many  MSB.  and 
2  K.  162  +  pnSx  probably  a  scribal  addition,  so  St. — 3.  Djn  p  Nij]  so 
Je.  731-  32  192-  6  3225 ;  'H  '2  ^J  2  Ch.  ^s^  Jos.  158 18'6  2  K.  2311'  Qr.  (Kt. 
'n  1J2  ij);  'H  N^jNe.  ii^";  'n  u  Jos.  is^iS'^f. — nj;:i:i]oneMS.,C6,&ia_?'j_, 
2  K.  16'  ipy/"!,  and  so  Be.,  Kau.,  Bn.,  but  others  hold  that  la;?  is  euphe- 
mistic for  the  earlier  lya,  hence  Ch.  retains  the  original  form,  Ba.,  Ki, 
SBOT.,  V.  Geiger,  Urschr.  p.  305. — VJ3]  &,  2  K.  M2  and  so  Oe.,  Ba., 
Bn.,  but  ^  probably,  as  elsewhere,  is  corrected  from  2  K. — nini]  2  K. 
+  aris. 

5-7.  The  disasters  through  Syrian  and  Israelitish  inva- 
sions.— Recorded  as  punishments  for  the  idolatry  of  Ahaz.  The 
results  of  the  war  here  given  are  very  different  from  those  mentioned 
in  2  K.,  where  the  allied  armies  besieged  but  could  not  take  Jerusa- 
lem (16^)  and  caused  the  loss  of  Elath  (i6*').  The  Chronicler's 
account  has  been  held  to  supplement  the  other  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe., 
Ba.),  and  probably  some  historical  events  grossly  exaggerated  un- 
derlie the  stories  of  the  captives  taken  and  of  the  great  slaughter. 
— 5.  The  king  of  Syria]  i.e.,  Rezin  (cf.  2  K.  16^  Is.  7'-  «  8«). — A 


458  2   CHRONICLES 

great  muliilude  of  captives].  Nothing  like  this  is  recorded  in  2  K. 
— And  he  was  also  delivered  into  the  hand  of  the  king  of  Israel].  In 
2  K.  and  Is.  the  invasion  of  the  two  kings  is  a  joint  one.  Here 
the  representation  is  of  two  independent  ones  (v.  s.). — 6.  For 
Pekah  slew  in  Judah  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  in  one  day]. 
Nothing  of  this  is  mentioned  in  2  K.  Such  a  great  number  of 
the  slain  is  a  usual  feature  of  the  Midrash  (r/.  13"). — 7.  And 
Zichri].  On  the  occurrence  of  the  name  cf.  i  Ch.  8",  for  that  of 
the  following  names,  v.  i.  Zichri  probably  was  a  real  hero  of 
northern  Israel  in  this  war  (Bn.). — The  king's  son]  if  historical, 
probably  a  brother  or  uncle  of  Ahaz. — Ruler  of  the  house]  i.e.,  oi 
the  palace,  probably  the  treasurer  or  steward  is  meant  (cf.  Is.  22" 
36'). — That  was  next  to  the  king]  scarcely  the  captain  over  the 
host,  but  the  grand  vizier,  sometimes  called  the  recorder  ("l""?!??) 
(cf.  Now.  Arch.  I.  p.  308). 

5.  ps>D-n]  cf.  I  Ch.  i85. — jnj]  (S  +  avrbv.  1  may  have  dropped  out 
before  the  following  T'i;  thus  Bn.  reads  urj. — 6.  S3;>"3]  in  their  for- 
saking, i.e.,  because  they  had  forsaken,  causal  clause,  Koe.  iii.  §  403a. 
— 7.  •'-\y]  (&^  Zoxaptaj.  This  is  interesting  because  •'"\3t  is  an  abbre- 
viation of  mnot,  EBi.  III.  col.  3292. — in'cyc]  {cf.  i  Ch.  6=^). — apnr;*]  cf. 
I  Ch.  323.— non]  (^,  U,  m-'?.— njpS.v]  cf.  i  Ch.  G'.—i^zn  njfs]  njro 
governing  another  noun  in  cstr.  st.,  Ew.  §  287  /. 

8-15.  The  return  of  the  captives. — A  good  example  of  Mid- 
rash. — 8.  Two  hundred  thousand,  women,  sons,  and  daughters]  the 
men  are  assumed  to  have  been  slain  (cf.  v.  «  Nu.  31'  '). — 9.  But 
a  prophet  of  Yahweh  was  there].  For  similar  intervention  of 
prophets  cf.  12'  15'  20'^ — Oded].  Since  the  name  means  "re- 
storer" it  may  have  been  suggested  by  the  incident,  yet  the  same 
name  appears  of  a  prophet  or  a  prophet's  father  in  15'  '  f. — On 
account  of  the  wrath  of  Yahweh  the  God  of  your  fathers  against 
Judah  he  hath  delivered  them  into  your  hand].  Therefore  this 
victory  was  not  due  to  Israel's  prowess  or  an  evidence  of  the 
righteousness  of  their  cause,  and  hence  also  Judah  should  have 
been  treated  with  restraint  instead  of  with  rage  which  hath  reached 
up  to  heaven,  i.e.,  to  God,  and  thus  commanded  his  attention  and 
rendered  Israel  liable  to  punishment. — 10.  The  purpose  also  of 


XXVm.  1-27.]  REIGN   OF   AHAZ  459 

enslaving  the  people  of  Judah  is  most  severely  condemned. — 
Are  there  not  surely  with  you,  you  even,  trespassers  against  Yahweh 
your  God?].  The  writer  had  probably  in  mind  the  guilt  of  the 
defection  of  the  N.  kingdom,  especially  in  worship  (r/.  13*  «•), 
hence  they  should  not  incur  additional  guilt  by  enslaving  their 
brethren.  One  Hebrew  might  hold  another  in  bondage  for  a 
limited  period  (cf.  Ex.  21=  «•  Lv.  25'^-"  Dt.  i5'''-'«),  but  such 
wholesale  slavery  of  fellow-countrymen  by  reprisal  in  war  was  never 
contemplated. — 15.  The  city  of  palm  trees]  an  alternative  name 
of  Jericho  (cf.  Dt.  34'  Ju.  i'«  3''). — Beside  their  brethren].  Jericho, 
it  is  assumed,  belonged  to  the  N.  kingdom  but  was  in  close  prox- 
imity to  the  territory  of  the  southern. 

8.  didnd]  (i»BA  TpiaKoalas. — 9.  jjun  didb'S  n;?  lyta]  relative  omitted,  v. 
1.  120,  also  cf.  Koe.  iii.  §  361b. — S  ip]  unto,  as  far  as  to,  for  earlier  "ly, 
Dav.  Syn.  §  loi  R.  i  (b). — 10.  bodS  .  .  .  oSirnii  min>  ijj]  obj. 
before  the  inf.,  a  pure  Aram,  usage  found  occasionally  in  Heb.,  cf.  31^ 
36'9  (?)  Lv.  199  2i2i  Dt.  28^6  2  S.  ii'9  Is.  49S  Ges.  §  142/  n.  2.— B-ajS] 
cf.  Je.  34»-  16  Ne.  55. — bddj;  dhn]  d.in  strengthens  the  pronom.  suf.  02, 
Koe.  iii.  §  19,  the  position  of  the  pron.  in  front  rare,  cf.  Ec.  2"  Gn.  49', 
Ew.  §  311  a. — 13.  run]  Q5  +  irpbs  rj/ias. — r|N]  three  MSS.,  U  +  r\^r\^•,  (g^A  ^iso 
+  Kvpiov  GeoO. — 15.  lapj]  alvi^ays  followed  by  ninB'3,  designated  by  name, 
cf.  I  Ch.  12". — an'-DnjiD  f]  their  nakedness,  cf.  BDB.  iiy  II. — mSyjM]  a 
denom.  from  Sj?j,  sandal,  cf.  Ez.  16'°  (Qal)  f. — SriD'SaS]  Ew.  §  310  a. 
— Sxn]  in  proximity  to,  beside,  used  after  a  verb  of  motion  only  in  late 
vnritings,  cf,  Dn.  8'-  ". 

16-21.  The  intervention  of  the  King  of  Assyria. — Accord- 
ing to  2  K.  16^  Ahaz  sought  the  assistance  of  Tiglath-pileser  III 
against  the  combined  attack  of  the  Kings  of  Syria  and  Israel,  and 
this  corresponds  to  the  actual  historical  situation,  but  the  Chroni- 
cler's narrative  of  the  return  of  captives  destroys  the  need  for  such 
an  intervention  or  aid  at  least  against  Israel,  hence  the  Chronicler 
introduces  as  the  cause  of  this  application  for  help  the  Edomite 
and  Philistine  invasions. 

The  Edomite  invasion,  however,  and  such  an  order  of  events  are 
suggested  by  the  mention  of  the  Edomite  capture  of  Elath  (2  K.  166 
according  to  the  true  reading  RVm.)  in  the  verse  immediately  preceding 
the  statement  that  Ahaz  invoked  the  aid  of  Tiglath-pileser. 


460  2   CHRONICLES 

16.  Ai  that  time]  i.e.,  the  lime  of  the  disasters  from  Syria  and 
Israel,  a  chronology  derived  from  2  K. — The  king*  of  Assyria]. 
Tiglath-pileser  III. — 17.  For  again]  either  with  reference  to  the 
former  attacks  of  the  Edomites  (rf.  21'  «•)  or  with  the  meaning  of 
"besides,"  "moreover,"  i.e.,  in  addition  to  the  attacks  of  the 
Syrians  and  the  N.  kingdom  (Ke.,  Zoe.).  That  Judah  suffered  at 
this  time  a  loss  of  territory  through  the  encroachments  of  Philistines 
as  well  as  Edomites  is  not  unlikely,  yet  no  mention  of  such  a  fact 
appears  in  2  K.  or  in  Is. — 18.  Beth-shemesh].  Cf.  i  Ch.  6**  <"'. — 
Aijalon].  Cf.  1  Ch.  6**  <«". — Gederoth]  (Jos.  15^'  f)  mod.  Katra, 
south-west  from  Jabneh. — Soco].  Cf.iV. — Timnah]  mod.  Tibne, 
near  Beth-shemesh. — Gimzo]  mod.  Jimzu,  three  miles  south- 
east of  Lydda. — 19.  King  of  Israel]  equivalent  to  King  of 
Judah,  cf.  II'  128  19'  21'-  *.  The  same  usage  appears  in  v.  ". — 
He  acted  without  restraint]  i.e.,  in  irreligion  or  idolatry. — 20.  Came 
unto  him]  in  a  hostile  sense  (Be.,  Ke.),  yet  this  is  not  necessarily 
implied  by  the  Heb. — And  distressed  him  and  did  not  strengthen 
him].  Tiglath-pileser  is  thus  represented  as  having  come  to  Ju- 
dah, not  as  a  deliverer,  but  as  an  oppressor  and  exacter  of  tribute, 
taking  even  the  treasures  of  the  Temple  and  palace  (v. ").  The 
narrative  of  2  K.  and  the  Assy.  ins.  know  of  no  such  advent  of 
Tiglath-pileser  in  Judah,  and  it  is  not  at  all  probable  that  either 
he  (Ke.)  or  a  detachment  of  his  army  (Oe.)  entered  Judah. — 21. 
For  Ahaz  plundered  the  house  of  Yahweh,  etc.]  an  adaptation 
and  wrong  setting  of  2  K.  i6».  An  adjustment  has  been  sought  by 
a  pluperfect  rendering — For  Ahaz  had  plundered,  etc.  (Ke.,  Zoc., 
Oe.),  but  the  Chronicler's  meaning  is  clearly  different.  He  con- 
nects this  plundering  the  Temple  with  an  oppression  of  the  Assyr- 
ian and  not  with  a  gift  to  secure  his  help  (Bn.). — But  it  helped  him 
not].  Tiglath-pileser  continued  his  oppression.  The  gift,  accord- 
ing to  2  K.  i6»,  did  help  Ahaz  in  securing  the  intervention  of  the 
Assyrians,  who  attacked  the  kingdoms  of  Damascus  and  northern 
Israel,  and  removed  Judah's  danger  from  that  quarter,  but  the 
Chronicler  recognised  nothing  of  this.  Ke.  and  Oe.  reconcile  this 
statement  with  2  K.  by  the  interpretation  that  "  It  did  not  really 
help  him,"  since  thereby  Tiglath-pileser  only  strengthened  himself 
and  made  use  of  his  power  to  oppress  Ahaz. 


XXVm.  1-27.]  REIGN   OF   AHAZ  461 

16.  o'^c]  one  MS.,  Vrss.,  and  2  K.  16'  sg.  and  so  Be.,  Oe.,  Ki.  SBOT., 
Bn.,  but  from  pi.  in  32*  Ki.  in  Kom.  expresses  doubt. — 17.  ^1y1]  either 
and  again  or  and  besides. — 18.  htu^  tni  T\ir:r^  tn]  wanting  in  (6^, 
doubtless  by  homoeoteleuton. — 19.  Snis''']  Q5,  B,  &  niini  and  so  Bn., 
but  M  is  supported  by  the  use  of  Snib"  elsewhere,  for  Judah  {v.  s.). — 
pnsn]  acted  without  restraint.  The  verb  has  this  force  only  here. 
Wanting  in  05. — '^''J'Ci]  inf.  abs.  continuing  a  finite  verb,  Ges.  §  1 132,  Koe. 
iii.  §  2i8b. — 20.  njSr]  twenty  mss.,(SaI',  g*,  nSjn,  cf.  i  Ch.  5«-  2*. — idnjSa] 
one  MS.,  (S>^^,  g",  idn'^b,  cf.  i  Ch.  5«-  ^. — iprn]  not  elsewhere  trans.  Better 
point  Pi.  ipin,  so  Oe.,  Ki.  BH.,  Koe.  iii.  §  2ioe. — 21.  pVn]  divided,  i.e., 
plundered,  only  here  in  this  sense,  cf.  Be. 

22-25.  The  idolatry  of  Ahaz. — Based  upon  2  K.  16'°-",  but 
with  entire  reconstruction  of  narrative  (y.  s.). — 22.  And  in  the  time 
of  his  distress]  i.e.,  when  Tiglath-pileser  distressed  him  (v.  2°),  but 
V.  "  suggests  the  distress  of  the  Syrian  invasion.  Ki.  follows  (g 
and'  connects  with  preceding  verse  (v.  i.). — 23.  For  he  sacrificed 
unto  the  gods  of  Damascus].  The  basis  of  this  statement  is  the 
erection  of  an  altar  patterned  after  one  in  Damascus  (2  K.  16'°'=) 
(y.  s.). — The  gods  of  the  kings  of  Syria  helped  them].  Historically, 
since  Damascus  fell  before  Tiglath-pileser  in  732  B.C.,  the  reference 
can  only  be  to  Syria's  short-lived  successes  against  Judah  (cf.  v.  *), 
but  the  reference  fits  in  badly.  Ba.  reads  "the  gods  of  the  kings 
of  Assyria,"  which  would  fit  the  historical  conditions  better,  but 
those  gods  were  not  the  gods  of  Damascus.  It  is  simpler  to  think 
of  confusion  on  the  part  of  the  Chronicler. — 24.  And  Ahaz 
gathered  together,  etc.].  These  statements  rest  upon  2  K.  16'^  '•, 
which  the  Chronicler  has  interpreted  in  his  own  way  (v.  s.).  He 
saves  the  sanctity  of  the  Temple  by  having  Ahaz'  idolatries  out- 
side of  its  precincts,  as  though  he  had  abandoned  altogether  the 
worship  of  Yahweh.  In  reality  Ahaz  introduced  innovations  in 
the  Temple  worship,  which  he  seems  to  have  assiduously  culti- 
vated. There  is  no  reason,  then,  to  think  that  the  Temple  was 
closed  during  his  reign. 

22.  iS  nxn  nj?2i]  (g  dW  rj  rip  eXi^rjvai  avrbv  and  joined  to  v.  ^i. 
This  Ki.  follows  and  renders  iS  n-i^';'  dn  o  (SBOT.,  Kom.,  but  not  BH.), 
also  HWB.^^,  BDB. — idiii]  impf.  consec.  after  a  determination  of  time 
Dr.  TH.  127  (/3),  Koe.  iii.  §  366I. — rnN  iScn  Nin]  a  late  usage  of  the 
pronoun  prefi.xed  to  the  proper  name  for  emphasis  (BDB.  p.  215  e): 


462  2   CHRONICLES 

"that  king  Ahaz  "  the  subj.  of  ']Dv\.  (6  xal  eltrev  6  ^a<n\eu%,  read- 
ing IDN  for  rnx. — 23.  njtMJ  (RBa  «fi7Tr)(Tw  ((6^  fjjTT^o-w)  =  B'-n.N  a  verb 
common  in  Ch. — ps'c-n]  cf.  i  Ch.  18'. — ■•s'^c]  i  ms.  and  <S  I'^D,  c/.  v. '». 
Here  the  pi.  is  certainly  in  place. — O'T.t;;':]  read  Qal  D''-itf,  d  due  to 
dittography,  Ges.  §  530,  BDB. — 24.  cn'^Nn"]  <g  Kvpiov. — n'a  ^Ss  rx' 
o^nSsn]  eg  aurd,  B  omits. — o'^S'n'a]  wanting  in  (&^,  but  its  presence  in 
<6  is  testified  by  «»''•  *.— 25.  I'p  -»y  Vaa]  r/.  11"  Est.  2"  4'  8"-  '»•  ",  Koe. 
iii.  §  90. — vr2x  .  .  .  d>'jm]  <S  pi. 

26.  27.  The  conclusion  of  Ahaz'  reign. — Taken  with  vari- 
ations from  2  K.  18"-". — 26.  Book  of  the  kings  of  Jud^ih  2nd 
Israel].  Cf.  Intro,  p.  22. — And  was  buried  in  the  city  even  in 
Jerusalem;  and  they  brought  him  not  into  the  sepulchres  of  the 
kings  of  Israel].  Thus,  according  to  the  Chronicler,  Ahaz  was 
dishonoured  for  his  wickedness  by  not  being  buried  in  the  royal 
tombs.  This  is  an  intentional  departure  from  the  text  of  2  K. 
16-",  which  says  "  [Ahaz]  was  buried  with  his  fathers  in  the  city 
of  David."     For  other  similar  departures  cf.  21'°  24"  26". 

27.  i.t\3i7m]  (6,  2  K.  i6=»  nai^Mand  2  K.  -f-  r.-iaw  oy. — a'^cno  -I'io]  d, 
2  K.  in  n^a. — in^ptn']  2  K.  in^pin.  The  former  is  usual  in  Ch.,  i  Ch. 
4"  2  Ch.  28"  +  35  t.  2  Ch.  »-»'  also  2  K.  20'"  Je.  15*  Is.  i'  (and 
n>p?n'')  Ho.  i'  Mi.  i'  (but  in  last  three  ''  may  be  text,  error  for  1);  the 
latter  more  common  in  2  K.  and  elsewhere,  2  K.  16"  18'  -I-  34  t.  (2  K. 
18-21)  Is.  36'  +  31  t.  (Is.  36-39)  Je.  26'«- '»  I  Ch.  3I'  2  Ch.  29>»- «'  30" 
32",  (and  niprn)  2  K.  18'  -|-  6  t.  Pr.  25'.  Assy,  inscrip.  Hazaki(i)au 
COT.  on  2  K.  181  «•. 

XXIX-XXXII.  The  reign  of  Hezekiah  (c.  715-686  ?  b.c). 
— Hezekiah,  according  to  2  K.,  was  a  reformer  in  religious  worship, 
removing  the  high  places  and  the  brazen  serpent  which  had  been 
worshipped  (2  K.  18'),  and  likewise  he  was  marked  for  his  devotion 
to  Yahweh  and  adherence  to  the  commandments  of  Moses  (2  K. 
18'  ' ).  He  thus  became  a  fruitful  subject  for  the  Chronicler,  who 
describes  at  length  his  reopening  of  the  Temple  (c.  29),  his  celebra- 
tion of  the  Passover  (c.  30),  and  his  appointment  of  the  servitors 
of  the  Temple  (c.  31).  All  of  these  acts  are  treated  from  the  point 
of  view  of  the  Chronicler's  own  time  and  without  the  evidence  of 
the  use  of  historical  records. 

XXIX.  The  reopening  of  the  Temple. 


XXIX.  1-36.]     HEZEKIAH'S   REOPENING   OF  TEMPLE  463 

Sources:  According  to  Ki.  (after  Bn.),  vv.  '■  *  are  from  2  K.,  vv.  ^-'^  M; 
w.  24-30  the  Chronicler;  vv.  "-^sM;  w.  ^s -so  are  assigned  to  the  Chronicler 
because  they  emphasise  the  activity  of  the  Levites  in  the  service  of  music 
and  song.  Bn.  calls  attention  to  the  divine  command  for  the  service  (v.  ^) 
and  also  the  command  (v.  ^)  and  instruments  of  David  (v.  '^),  the  wocis  of 
David  and  of  Asaph  the  seer  (v.  3")  (c/.  i  Ch.  15'  25*,  where  Heman  is 
called  a  seer,  2  Ch.  35'^  where  Jeduthun  is  also  so  called) .  While  the  in- 
troduction of  the  Levitical  singers  is  emphasised,  yet  there  is  no  such 
abruptness  as  implies  an  author  different  from  that  of  the  remainder 
of  the  chapter.  Considering  the  chapter  as  a  whole,  the  connection 
between  v.  '  and  282^  shows  that  both  chapters  29  and  28  are  in  all 
probability  by  the  same  author — in  all  likelihood  the  Chronicler.  The 
marks  of  the  Chronicler  in  the  w.  3-24-  31-36  (assigned  to  M)  are  as  follows: 
In  v.  6  ijij7D!y  (1.  115);  in  v. «  Sya  (1.  68);  in  v.  '''  (1.  117  h);  in  vv.  12-14 
the  list  of  Levites;  in  vv.  's-  22  Sap  (1.  103);  in  v.  •'  n^jin  (1.  30),  nioSD 
(1.  67),  S>-n  (1.  68);  in  v.  21  ncN  (1.  4);  in  v.  ^i  n^  nSd  (1.  65);  in  v.  « 
3->S  (1.  105),  ^^1ay  (1.  81). 

1.  2.  Hezekiah's  accession. — Taken  from  2  K.  i8»-',  with  the 
omission  of  the  synchronism  with  Hoshea  King  of  Israel  (2  K.  18'). 

3-11.  The  command  to  open  the  Temple. — With  the  rest  of 
the  chapter,  from  the  Chronicler.  The  whole  narrative  is  largely, 
if  not  entirely,  imaginary,  since  in  reality  the  Temple  was  not  closed 
during  the  reign  of  Ahaz  (y.  comment  on  28^^).  Yet  this  cleansing 
of  the  Temple  has  been  taken  as  historical,  meaning  a  rebuilding 
of  the  Temple  (Winckler,  KAT.^  p.  272)  {cf.  note  on  Millo  32^). — 
3.  In  the  first  month]  i.e.,  of  the  sacred  year,  viz.,  Nisan  (cf.  30*  '■). 
Hezekiah  is  assumed  to  have  come  to  the  throne  shortly  before  this 
(cf.  v."). — Opened  the  doors,  etc.]  a  summary  of  that  which  was 
accomplished  during  the  first  month. — 4.  Into  the  broad  place  on 
the  east].  This  locality  must  be  sought  in  the  topography  of  the 
period  of  the  Chronicler.  The  assembly  of  the  priests  and  Levites 
suggests  the  inner  court  of  the  Temple  (so  Be.,  Bn.),  but  the  term 
is  used  for  an  open  space  outside  the  precincts  of  the  Temple 
extending  to  the  water-gate,  where  the  people  were  wont  to  assem- 
ble (cf.  Ezr.  lo'Ne.  3"  8'-  »•  ^'),  and  since  the  Temple  was  regarded 
as  closed  and  neglected  the  Chronicler  may  well  have  placed  the 
assembly  there. — 5.  Sanctify  yourselves].  Cf.  v.  '«  i  Ch.  i5'2-  »<. 
— And  sanctify  the  house  of  Yahweh]  as  was  accomplished  by 
its  cleansing  and  through  the  offerings  and  services  described  in  this 


464  2    CHRONICLES 

chapter. — The  fillliiness]  (nl^n)  often  used  of  menstruation  and 
hence  a  very  strong  term  for  impurity  (v.  BDB.);  scarcely  here  the 
abominations  of  idolatry,  i.e.,  utensils  connected  with  idolatrous 
worship  (the  view  of  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.),  since  the  Temple  was 
supposedly  closed,  but  the  accumulated  filth  from  its  neglect. 
Cf.  micleanness  (nSililSn)  v.  '«. — From  the  holy  place]  (C'",':?:) 
from  the  entire  Tem})le  area  {cj.  holy  place  (t^lp)  in  v.  ■). — 6.  Our 
fathers],  Ahaz  and  his  contemporaries,  since  v.  '  suits  these  only. 
— And  they  have  turned  their  faces  from  the  dwelling  place  of  Yah- 
•weh  and  have  given  him  the  back].  These  words  are  figurative, 
meaning  they  have  ceased  to  worship  Yahweh  in  his  Temple  (cf. 
Je.  2"  32"). — 7.  Also  they  have  shut  up  the  doors  of  t lie  porch,  etc.]. 
According  to  28-^  Ahaz  had  closed  the  Temple  and  naturally  all 
the  Temple  worship  of  Yahweh  ceased  also.  This  is  quite  contrary 
to  the  facts  narrated  in  2  K.  I6'"-'',  where  Ahaz  is  represented  as 
modifying  the  ancient  ritual,  but  where  are  no  indications  of  a 
cessation  of  the  worship  of  Yahweh,  but  quite  the  reverse.  On  the 
lamps,  incense  and  burnt-offerings,  cf.  13". — 8.  A7id  the  wrath  of 
Yahweh  was  against  Judah  and  Jerusalem].  Cf.  24"  32".  This 
wrath  was  seen  in  the  disaster  which  befell  Judah  during  the  reign 
of  Ahaz,  recorded  in  c.  28  (cf.  28^). — A  terror]  i.e.,  a  terrifying 
spectacle;  the  word  is  used  in  Dt.  28"  Ez.  23"  and  also  in  Je.  15' 
24'  34"  and  29'8  with  reference  to  the  impending  exile  of  Judah. 
In  the  last  passage  it  is  joined  as  here  with  astonishment  and 
hissing,  which  also  occur  in  Je.  25'. — .45  you  see  with  your  eyes]. 
The  disasters  are  meant  which  befell,  according  to  c.  28,  the  peo- 
ple under  Ahaz,  through  the  wars  with  the  Syrians,  Ephraimites, 
Philistines,  Edomites,  and  the  oppression  of  the  Assyrians. — 
10.  Now  it  is  in  my  heart].  Cf.  i  Ch.  22'. — To  make  a  covenant 
with  Yahweh]  i.e.,  to  pledge  oneself  to  keep  the  law. of  Yahweh 
(cf.  15"  23"  34"  2  K.  23'). — 11.  For  Yahweh  hath  chosen  you, 
etc.].     Cf.  Dt.  io%  also  Nu.  3'  8«. 

I.  in^ptn']  2  K.  18'  H'ptn  v.  28". — 3.  id^::':'  njiii-xin  nju-n  Nin]  (^ba 
Kal  ifivtTo  ws  (•-  i)vf(ca)  (ar-q  (^  +  'Efex/aj)  iirl  t^s  /Sao-tXe/as  ainov. 
— 5.  a'-tp^]  lit.  the  sacreduess,  here  and  not  infrc(|ucntly  applied  to 
the  Temple  and  its  precincts,  •:•.  BDB.  C'lp  2.  d. — 6.  iryi]  pf.  with 
weak  waw. — ij\i''n]  wanting  in   (6"*. — T>y  u.-i"!]  ty\-;  only   here   with 


XXIX.  1-36.]      HEZEKIAH'S   REOPENING    OF   TEMPLE  465 

jnj;  with  ^is  in  fig.  of  apostasy  Je.  2"  32".  On  omission  of  art.,  Ew. 
§  278  d. — 7 .  dSinh]  (B  tov  vaod. — nSy]  used  collectively,  and  so  generally 
through  this  chapter.— 8.  nyiT]  Kt.  cf.  Is.  2818;  Qr.  nigr.  The  same 
variation  appears  in  Je.  15^  24^  29'8  341?,  but  Kt.  nw  in  Dt.  282* 
Ez.  23^«  t- — ^^^'^]  wanting  in  (S". — 9,  ij>ni3N]  i  ms.,  (g^A  qj, —  and 
so  (S^^  throughout  the  verse.  This  alteration  is  intentional,  since 
Hezekiah's  father  did  not  die  by  the  sword,  nor  could  his  sons,  daugh- 
ters, or  wives  be  said  to  have  been  carried  into  captivity.  Verb  is 
omitted  (1.  117  b).—'2V2]  (&  +  iv  yrj  oiiK  uvtQv  =  or\h  nS  y^^^  {(^^'^ 
+  6  Kai  vvv  ia-TLP). — HNi  SjJ]  (S  joins  with  v. '". — 10.  "•aaS  DJJ]  cf.  i  Ch. 
22'. — -la'-'i]  weak  1  with  juss.  to  express  design  or  purpose.  Dr.  TH. 
60,  Ges.  §  165a. — 11.  "'J3]  wanting  in  (B. — iScn]  Niph.  impf.  juss. 
1/  nStt"  be  quiet,  hence  be  (not)  negligent,  Niph.  only  here. — n^n•'] 
wanting  in  (S^. 

12-19.  The  cleansing  of  the  Temple. — In  response  to  the 
King's  exhortation,  fourteen  Levites  at  once  come  forward,  two 
each  representing  the  three  great  Levitical  famiUes  Kehath,  Merari, 
and  Gershon  {cf.  1  Ch.  6'  "«')» two  the  family  oiEHzaphan  (cf.  i  Ch. 
158,  where  the  family  is  also  co-ordinated  with  Kehath,  Merari, 
and  Gershon),  and  two  each  the  three  divisions  of  singers  Asaph, 
Heman,  and  Jeduthun  {cf.  1  Ch.  25'),  and  under  their  direction 
the  Temple  is  cleansed. — 12.  Mahath  the  son  of  'Amasai]  also 
in  the  genealogy  of  the  Kehathite  Samuel  (i  Ch.  6^"  <'^>  q.  v.,  cf. 
also  31'^  where  Mahath  again  appears). — Jo'el  the  son  of  'Azariah] 
likewise  in  the  genealogy  just  mentioned  (i  Ch.  6^'  "6))_ — xish  the 
son  of'Abdi]  also  in  the  genealogy  of  the  Merarite  Ethan  (i  Ch. 
629  (44)  written  Kishi). — 'Azariah].  Cf.  31'',  where  he  would  seem 
to  have  been  appointed  ruler  of  the  Temple. — JehallePel]  not 
elsewhere  among  the  lists  of  Levites,  but  the  name  of  a  man  of 
Judah  (i  Ch.  4'«). — Jo'ah  the  son  of  Zimniah]  in  the  fragmentary 
genealogy  of  a  descendant  of  Gershon  probably  Asaph  (i  Ch. 
65  f.  (20  f.)  ^.  v.).—'Eden].  Cf  31'*  f-— 13.  Shimri].  Cf  i  Ch. 
26'<'  a  Levite,  4"  the  name  of  a  Simeonite,  ii^=  a  father  of  one 
of  David's  heroes  f.—Jeti^el  or  Je'i'el]  a  frequent  Levitical  name 
but  not  elsewhere  connected  with  Elizaphan. — Zechariah  and 
Mattaniah].  Both  of  these  names  occur  elsewhere  among  Asaph- 
ites.  For  the  former,  cf.  2  Ch.  20'^  Ne.  1226-  ■",  for  the  latter 
Ne.  II"  2  Ch.  2o'^ — 14.  Jehii'el  f  ]. — Shimei]  a  frequent  Levitical 


466  2    CHRONICLES 

name  but  not  elsewhere  connected  with  Heman. — Sheniaiah]  a 
very  frequent  name;  also  that  of  a  descendant  of  Jcduthun  in 
I  Ch.  9'«. — 'Uzzi'el]  a  Levitical  clan  name  (cf.  i  Ch.  15'°),  also 
not  infrequent  of  individuals,  a  Hemanite  musician  in  i  Ch.  25*. — 
15.  And  sand ijied  themselves].  Cf.  v. » i  Ch.  15"-  •<. — By  the  words 
of  Yahweh]  i.e.,  according  to  divine  appointment  either  because 
the  King's  command  was  agreeable  to  the  law  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.)  or 
given  at  the  instigation  of  a  prophet  (a  suggestion  of  Ba.  and  un- 
likely), or  an  example  of  hypostatisation,  the  pi.  being  used  where 
the  sing,  might  be  expected  (cf.  30''). — 16.  And  the  priests  went 
in  unto  the  inner  part  of  the  house  of  Yahweh]  i.e.,  into  the  Temple 
proper,  the  holy  place  and  the  most  holy  place  without  distinction, 
where  only  the  priests  were  allowed  to  enter. — All  the  uncleanness]. 
Cf.  V.  K — And  the  Levites  took  it].  Thus  the  work  of  cleansing  the 
Temple  was  divided  between  the  priests  and  the  Levites. — To  the 
brook  Kidron]  on  the  east  of  the  city.  The  place  was  regarded  as 
unclean,  cf.  15". — 17.  On  the  first  of  the  first  month]  i.e.,  the  first  of 
Nisan  (cf  v.  '). — To  sanctify]  i.e.,  to  cleanse. — And  on  the  eighth 
day  came  they  to  the  porch  of  Yahweh  ].  Eight  days  were  consumed 
in  cleansing  the  Temple  courts,  and  then  eight  more  in  cleansing  the 
Temple  building,  hence  On  the  sixteenth  day  of  the  first  month  they 
finished  their  work. — 18.  And  then  they  came  within  unto  Hezekiah 
the  king]  i.e.,  within  the  palace. — And  the  table  of  show  bread]. 
In  4"  and  i  Ch.  28"  tables  are  mentioned  {cf.  also  4'  '•). — 19.  All 
the  vessels  which  king  A  haz  in  his  reign  had  rejected  in  his  trespass 
have  we  prepared  and  sanctified].  The  reference  is  to  the  vessels 
described  in  28'*  (q.  v.)  as  "cut  in  pieces."  Ke.  and  Zoe.  refer 
directly  to  2  K.  i6'«-  ",  and  think  of  the  brazen  altar  of  burnt- 
offering,  the  brazen  sea  and  the  lavers.  Be.  and  Oe.  refer  likewise 
to  2  K.  i6'*-  ",  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  author  had  these  in 
mind;  then  we  may  render  set  up  and  sanctified  (Ba.). — And  behold 
they  are  before  the  altar  of  Yahweh]  the  altar  of  burnt-offering  in 
the  court.  This  favours  the  reference  to  lavers  which  with  the 
altar  were  in  the  court. 

On  the  other  hand  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  writer  was  drawing 
largely  uj)on  his  imagination,  and  evidently  cared  little  about  accuracy 
of  detail,  or  making  his  account  especially  consistent  either  with  his  own 
previous  narrative  or,  much  less,  with  that  of  2  K. 


XXIX.  1-36.]      HEZEKIAH'S   REOPENING   OF  TEMPLE  467 

12.  inoTj?  (bis)]  (&^^  Zaxapiov{as)  =  in;^Dt.— ^jttnjn  jci]  (S  Kal  iirb 
rwv  vl!bv  reSo-wvei.— p«]  (&^^  olrot  viol— 13.  Ssiy^i]  Kt.  but  Qr.,  (6,  H,  Ul 
„;,,,,__14.  SNin\]  Kt.;  Qr.,«,  "B,  S  '^nv— 15.  nin^  n^a  inoS]  wanting  in 
<gB_ — 16.  HDiJo]  towards  the  inside,  lit.  faceward,  cf.  v.  "^  2  K.  7"  Ez.  41'. 

17.    njctt'  DV31]  cardinal  used  instead  of  ordinal  and  ov  given;   this 

latter  a  late  usage,  Ges.  §  is^-— a'^^'*^]  «  ^^^  '"'^''.  </•  v.  '•—'8'  0^'=^''] 
S  indicating  length  of  time,  Koe.  iii.  §  33  if. 

20-36.  The  renewal  of  worship  in  the  Temple.— On  the 

day  after  the  completion  of  the  Temple,  the  King  and  the  princes 
early  in  the  morning  presented  a  sevenfold  sacrifice  of  bullocks, 
rams,  lambs,  and  he-goats  as  a  burnt-offering  and  a  sin-offering  for 
the  royal  house,  the  sanctuary  (i.e.,  the  priests  and  Levites),  and 
the  people  generally  (w.  *"-").  This  service  was  accompanied  with 
one  of  song  rendered  by  the  Levites  (w. "-'»).    Then  followed  gifts 
of  free-will  offerings  (w.  "■'«). — 20.  And  he  assembled  the  officials 
of  the  city]  as  was  customary  on  state  occasions.— 21.  The  seven 
bullocks,  rams,  and  lambs  were  for  a  burnt-offering  {cf.  v.  ^'),  while 
the  seven  he-goats  were  for  a  sin-offering  {cf.  v.  ");  combined  to- 
gether they  were  an  offering  completing  the  purification  of  the 
Temple  and  its  rededication.   The  burnt-offering  was  a  petition  for 
acceptance  and  reconciliation  or  atonement  with  Yahweh  (Lv. 
I'  '    142"  16").     It  was  not  necessarily  connected  with  any  par- 
ticular form  of  transgression,  but  served  to  express  worship  in 
general  and  to  atone,  give  a  covering,  for  general  sinfulness.     The 
sin-offering,  on  the  other  hand,  was  expressly  for  this  latter  pur- 
pose and  for  specific  sins.     In  Ezekiel  it  is  prescribed  for  the  dedi- 
cation of  the  altar  (43"  ^),  the  annual  cleansing  of  the  sanctuary 
(451V-19),  the  consecration  of  a  prince  and  the  people  on  festive 
occasions  (45"  '■),  and  for  the  return  of  a  priest  to  duty  after 
purification  (44").     In  P  it  was  prescribed  for  the  covering  of 
minor  offences  {cf  Lv.  4^-  «■  "  5'  «•  i2«-  »).     Seven  victims  were 
offered  because  seven  was  a  sacred  number  {cf.  for  other  sacrifices 
of  sevens  Nu.  28"  «•  Ez.  45"). — For  the  kingdom  and  for  the 
sanctuary  and  for  Judah]  i.e.,  for  the  royal  house,  for  the  priests, 
and  for  the  people  generally.— 22.  And  the  priests  received  the 
blood  and  threw  it  (from  a  bowl)  against  the  altar]  according  to 
the  ritual  of  the  burnt-offering  {cf  Ex.  29"  Lv.  i»-  »)•— 23.  And 
they  (the  King  and  the  representatives  of  the  assembly)  laid  their 


468  2    CHRONICLES 

hands  upon  them]  according  to  the  ritual  of  the  sin-oflfering 
(cf.  Lv.  4<  '«).  This  ceremony  is  also  prescribed  in  the  case  of  the 
burnt-offering  (Lv.  i<),  but  is  mentioned  here  to  emphasise  the  sin- 
offering. — 24.  With  their  blood  upon  the  altar].  The  blood  of  the 
sin-offering  was  manipulated  differently  from  that  of  the  burnt- 
offering.  It  was  placed  upon  the  horns  of  the  altar  of  burnt- 
offering  and  poured  at  its  base  (Lv.  4"-  '^). — To  ynake  atonement] 
lit.  to  cover  over,  a  technical  expression.  Through  the  sacrifice 
a  covering  was  secured  so  that  guilt  was  no  longer  seen,  but  blotted 
out;  and  thus  was  hidden  the  sin  of  the  neglect  of  the  sanctuary 
and  the  failure  to  worship  Yahweh. — For  all  Israel]  not  only 
the  members  of  the  S.  kingdom,  but  of  all  the  twelve  tribes  (r/. 
30')  whose  renmants  were  still  in  Palestine. — 25.  With  cymbals, 
etc.].  Cf.  I  Ch.  i5'«. — According  to  the  commandment  of  David]. 
Cf.  8'*. — And  of  Gad  the  king's  seer  and  Nathan  the  prophet].  Cf. 
I  Ch.  29".  Neither  Gad  nor  Nathan  is  mentioned  elsewhere  in 
connection  with  the  music  or  songs  of  the  Temple. — For  by  the  hand 
of  Yahweh  was  the  command  by  the  hand  of  his  prophets]  i.e.,  Yah- 
weh had  commanded  David  through  his  prophets,  presumably  Gad 
and  Nathan,  to  arrange  the  praise  services  of  the  Temple. — 26. 
With  the  instruments  of  David].  Cf.  i  Ch.  23'.  The  instruments 
of  v.  "  are  evidently  meant. — And  the  priests  with  the  trtimpets]. 
The  blowing  of  the  trumpets  fell  to  the  priests  {cf.  5'2  i  Ch.  15=* 
i6«). — 27.  28.  During  the  offering  of  the  burnt-offering  until  it 
was  ended  the  whole  congregation  stood  worshipping,  and  the  song 
of  the  Levites  accompanied  with  the  music  of  the  stringed  instru- 
ments and  the  trumpet-blowing  of  the  priests  continued  (Ke.). — 
30.  A  supplementary  service  is  not  meant,  but  the  wTiter  calls 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  songs  of  the  Levites  were  the  words 
of  David  and  Asaph  the  seer,  meaning  without  doubt  psalms  such 
as  were  being  collected  in  his  own  time  into  the  Hebrew  Psalter; 
and  he  wishes  also  to  emphasise  the  joyful  and  worshipful  de- 
meanour of  the  Levites. — And  they  bowed  down  and  worshipped] 
probably  only  a  concluding  ceremony  (so  Ke.). 

31.  Then  Hezekiah  answered]  responded  to  the  services  of 
sacrifice  and  song. — Now  ye  have  consecrated  yourselves  unto 
Yahweh]  addressed  to  the  priests  and  Levites  who  through  the 


XXIX.  1-36.]       HEZEKIAH'S   REOPENING    OF   TEMPLE  469 

ceremonies  just   performed  had   been   reconsecrated   to  the  ser- 
vice of  Yahweh. — Sacrifices  and  thank-qff'erings]   (nmm   D^n^T 
the  1  is  epexegetical)  i.e.,  sacrifices   which  were  thank-offerings. 
The  first  term  is  generic.     The  thanlv-offering  was  a  sacrifice 
offered  for  some  special  benefit  received;  here  an  expression  of  joy 
over  the  renewal  of  the  worship  of  Yahweh  in  the  Temple  (for 
ritual  cf.  Lv.  712  «■).     These  sacrifices,  with  the  exception  of  the 
fat  which  was  burnt  on  the  altar  and  the  breast  and  right  thigh, 
which  fell  to  the  priests,  were  eaten  by  the  offerer  and  thus  were  an 
occasion  of  a  festive  meal.     In  the  case  of  the  burnt-offering  and 
sin-offering  the  offerer  received  nothing  for  his  own  use  (the  former 
was  burnt  entire  and  the  unburnt  portions  of  the  latter  belonged 
to  the  priests).     Hence  the  burnt-offerings  from  the  assembly  are 
mentioned  as  given  by  everyone  of  willing  heart.     They  were  a 
greater  evidence  of  unselfish  piety  than  the  thank-offerings. — 33. 
And  the  consecrated  things]  (D'^tTlp)  i.e.,  the  sacrifices,  the  thank- 
offerings  {v.  i.). — Six  hundred  oxen  and  three  hundred  sheep]. 
Since  these  were  thank-offerings,  they  were  eaten  by  the  people. 
— 34.  But  the  priests  were  too  few,  so  that  they  could  not  flay  all  the 
burnt-offerings,  wherefore  their  brethren  the  Levites  did  help  them]. 
This  latter  statement  is  strange  in  view  of  Lv.  i^  ' •,  where  the  killing 
and  flaying  the  burnt-offering  is  the  duty  of  the  offerer,  i.e.,  one 
of  the  laity.     The  writer  here,  however,  regards  the  flaying  as  the 
duty  of  the  priests  in  which  the  Levites  might  assist,  either  because 
these  were  public  offerings  presented  in  the  name  of  community 
(Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.),  or  because  this  marks  an  intermediate  stage 
in  the  development  of  the  cultus.    (The  Talmudic  literature  assigns 
the  slaughter  to  the  priests.)  (Bn.) — For  the  Levites  were  more  up- 
right in  heart  to  sanctify  themselves  than  the  priests].     This  judg- 
ment is  either  a  reflexion  of  the  Chronicler's  personal  bias  for  the 
Levites  at  the  expense  of  the  priests  (hence  Bn.  assigns  \^.  ^4  f.  to 
the  Chronicler  in  distinction  from  his  Midrash  source),  or  was 
inferred  from  the  record  of  the  subserviency  of  the  priest  Urijah  to 
Ahaz  (2  K.   i6'«),  as  though  the  priests  had  been  more  in  the 
idolatrous  movement  of  Ahaz  than  the  Levites  (Ki.).     This  is 
accepted  as  the  fact,  as  it  may  have  been,  by  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe. 
— 35.  And  also  the  burnt-offerings  were  in  abundance,  with  the  fat 


470  2   CHRONICLES 

of  the  peace-offerings,  and  with  the  drink-offerings  for  the  burnt-offer- 
ings]. i\nother  reason  why  the  Levitcs  helped  the  priests  in  the  flay- 
ing of  the  victims  was  because  the  priests  besides  attending  to  the 
proper  altar  service  (the  sprinkling  of  the  blood  and  burning  of  the 
sacrifices  upon  the  altar)  were  obliged  to  bum  the  fat  of  the  peace- 
offerings  and  manipulate  the  drink-offerings.  The  peace-offerings 
were  the  thank-offerings  (v.  ").  The  drink-offerings  were  of  wine 
and  probably  poured  like  the  blood  at  the  base  of  the  altar  {cf. 
Nu.  15'"  V.  Gray  in  loco;  WRS.  Rln.  of  the  Semites,  p.  230). — And 
the  service  of  the  house  of  Yahiveh  was  established].  Everything 
necessary  for  the  cleansing  and  rededication  of  the  Temple  was 
accomplished  (Be.);  better  the  regular  cultus  of  the  Temple  was 
re-established  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.). — 36.  Because  of  that  which  God 
had  established  for  the  people]  i.e.,  the  restoration  of  the  Temple 
worship,  which  is  regarded  as  a  divine  benefaction. — For  the  thing 
happened  suddenly].  This  change  from  apostasy  to  loyalty  to 
Yahweh  took  place  almost  immediately  on  Hezekiah's  accession  to 
the  throne  {cf.  v. ').  It  was  a  common  impulse  of  both  King  and 
people,  apparently  without  any  preparation.  This,  too,  then  was  a 
ground  of  great  joy. 

21.  D>ty  iT'DX]  •T'DX  he-goat  is  a  late  Heb.  word  abs.  Dn.  8'-  ",  cstr.  sg. 
with  Dvjrn  Dn.  8»-  «  (fig.  of  Ale.x.),  pi.  (lit.)  here  and  Ezr.  8»  {'''^^Di 
PNOn)  "j". — nDScD^]  Bn.  regarding  kingdom  as  synonymous  with  Judah 
reads  nSnn.  Ki.  translates  "  konigliche  Regerung." — min>]  (g  lo-paTjX 
I>ossibly  with  the  thought  that  Judah  had  been  expressed  under  t^s 
/SafftXeiaj,  i.e.  noScs. — isnm]  and  he  commanded  {cf.  vv.  "•  ">,  1.  4). — 
23.  -\V!t']  the  usual  word  for  the  he-goat  of  the  sin-offering  {cf.  Ez.  43'' 
Lv.  9"  -I-  9  t.  Lv.  Nu.  V.  BDB.). — 24.  iNan^i]  and  they  made  a  sin 
offering,  cf.  Ex.  29"  Lv.  6"  9".— 25.  t^n]  (5,  B  +  nSon.— nin]  (S» 
ToO  irpo^T^Tov. — iSon]  wanting  in  (ft",  IB. — 27.  Snn  nya]  retrospective 
word  suppressed,  cf.  20"  24",  Ges.  §  155/. — n>  hp]  (ft  Trpos.  1  with 
epexegetical  force,  Dav.  Synt.  §  136  R.  i  {c),  Koe.  iii.  §  375c. — 28. 
onxxnc]  cf.  i  Ch.  15",  1.  44.— 30.  'S  SSnS]  only  inf.  and  pt.  of  SSn 
are  followed  by  S,  Koe.  iii.  p.  274  n.  2. — Snpn  in'3m]  collective  with  pi.,  a 
frequent  construction,  Koe.  iii.  346  e  /3. — 33.  D^t'V"']  </•  35"  Nc.  io« 
Nu.  18"  Ez.  36". — 36.  ]>3nn]  the  art.  as  rel.,  see  Dav.  Synt.  §  22  R.  4, 
Ges.  §  1381,  Koe.  iii.  §  52c,  1.  119. 

XXX.  The  celebration  of  the  Passover. — Nothing  of  this 
event  is  mentioned  in  2  K.,  and  as  here  described  it  is  probably 


XXX.  1-27.]  CELEBRATION   OF   PASSOVER  471 

a  purely  imaginary  occurrence,  suggested  by  the  Passover  under 
Josiah  (2  K.  23").  Since  Hezekiah  was  held  to  have  been  a 
reformer  equally  with  Josiah,  it  was  felt  he  too  must  have  cele- 
brated in  a  similar  manner  the  Passover. 

The  chapter  is  assigned  by  Ki.  Kom.  (after  Bn.)  to  M'  except  w.  "b.  ss 
{and  the  Levites,  etc.),  which,  from  the  reference  to  the  musical  service 
of  the  Levites,  are  assigned  to  the  Chronicler.  M^  is  given  as  a  source 
instead  of  M,  because  to  the  latter  is  assigned  the  description  of  the 
celebration  of  the  Passover  under  Josiah  (c.  35),  which  in  v. '«  (cf.  2  K. 
23"' )  seemingly  forbids  a  similar  celebration  under  Hezekiah.  This 
description  here  appears  also  an  imitation  of  the  other,  with  an  endeavour 
to  surpass  it.  In  both  the  Levites  have  prominence  (cf.  vv.  ■«  "■  with 
35'  ff );  the  King  and  officials  provide  the  animals  for  the  Passover  (cf. 
v.  24  with  357  ff);  with  the  Passover  other  offerings  are  brought  (cf. 
V.  -*  with  35'2);  and  the  celebrations  surpass  also  any  since  Solomon 
(cf.  V.  2«  with  351^.  The  celebration  under  Hezekiah  also  surpasses 
that  under  Josiah,  since  this  latter  was  for  the  Judeans  only,  but  the 
former  for  all  Israel  and  strangers  (vv.  >  »•);  the  latter  lasted  only  a  week 
(35").  but  the  former  two  weeks  (v.  2').  Thus  while  both  descriptions 
may  have  been  in  the  same  Midrashic  source,  it  is  argued  that  they 
were  not  from  the  same  author  (Bn.).  Yet  it  is  doubtful,  however, 
whether  both  narratives  in  2  Ch.  may  not  have  been  written  by  the 
Chronicler  under  the  influence  of  the  current  views  of  both  of  these  cele- 
brations. The  following  are  the  marks  of  the  Chronicler's  style,  omit- 
ting vv.  ^'b-  22;  in  vv.  '•  «  nnjN  (1.  2);  in  v. '  iny  Hiph.  (1.  90);  in  v.  ^ 
Syn  (1.  68);  in  v.  «  n^  ?nj  (1.  78);  in  vv.  »•  I'b  omission  of  the  verb  (1. 
117  b);  in  v.  »« jyS  (1.  63);  in  v.  i'  j'J3  (1.  56);  in  v.  •«  idjj  '7^  icy  (1.  91); 
in  vv.  >8b.  19  rel.  omitted  (1.  120);  in  v.  '»  I'jn  (1.  54)  and  umS  (1.  23); 
in  V.  M»  (to  Levites)  nxd  (1.  69)  ara  dv  (1.  48);  in  v.  ^  'j  nnstt"  (1.  109). 

1-12.  The  invitation  to  the  Passover.— 1.  All  Israel]  the 
people  of  the  N.  kingdom. — And  also  letters  he  wrote  to  Ephraim 
and  Manasseh]  is  added  to  avoid  misunderstanding  the  meaning 
of  Israel.  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  are  mentioned  not  as  tribes, 
but  as  representatives  of  Israel.  This  invitation  presupposes 
the  Dtic.  law.  It  is  very  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  also  to 
conceive  of  Hezekiah  as  having  historically  sent  such  an  invita- 
tion to  the  inhabitants  of  the  semi-hostile  N.  kingdom  at  the  com- 
mencement of  his  reign  before  the  fall  of  Samaria  (v.  following 
verse). — 2.  To  keep  the  passover  in  the  second  month].     The  law 


472  2    CHRONICLES 

(of  Pj  provided  that  persons  unable  to  keep  the  Passover  in  tlie 
first  month  should  celebrate  it  in  the  second  month  (c/.Nu.g'-"). 

The  whole  connection  shows  that  the  writer  designed  this  month  to  be 
the  second  month  of  the  first  year  of  Hezekiah's  reign  (so  Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe., 
Ba.).  Cf.  the  use  of  ^  consec.  in  nSs'M  v.  ';  the  contrast  between  the 
second  month  and  "  the  first  month  "  in  29'-  '';  and  the  statement  of  v.  ' 
respecting  the  priests,  which  is  to  be  connected  with  the  account  of  cleans- 
ing the  Temple,  which  was  not  finished  until  the  i6th  of  the  first  month 
(29")  {v.  i.).  Ke.,  on  the  other  hand,  feeling  the  historical  improbability 
of  the  invitation  being  given  while  the  N.  kingdom  was  standing,  and 
especially  in  view  of  the  implication  of  the  captivity  of  Israel  given  in 
V.  '  and  the  destruction  of  the  high  places  in  Ephraim  and  Manasseh 
mentioned  in  31',  held  that  this  Passover  took  place  after  the  fall  of 
Samaria  in  the  sixth  year  of  Hezekiah.  But  here,  as  elsewhere,  the 
Chronicler  is  not  troubled  by  historical  inconsistencies. 

3.  For  they  had  not  been  able  to  keep  it  at  that  time  {i.e.,  on  the 
14th  of  Nisan,  the  first  month)  because  the  priests  had  not  sanctified 
themselves  in  a  sufficient  number  and  the  people  had  not  assembled 
together  in  Jerusalem].  The  regular  time  for  the  celebration  of  the 
Passover  was  on  the  14th  of  Nisan,  the  first  month,  but  at  that 
time  (according  to  29")  the  cleansing  of  the  Temple  had  not  been 
finished,  and  hence  it  might  rightly  be  assumed  that  many  priests 
remained  unsanctified  (v.  also  29").  The  priests  also  are  held 
to  be  slack  in  entering  into  the  renewal  of  the  worship  of  Yahweh 
(cf.  V.  "  29'^).  The  celebration  then  of  the  Passover  under  those 
conditions  was  not  feasible,  and  until  the  Temple  was  ready  for 
worship,  the  people  naturally  would  not  have  been  summoned  to 
Jerusalem.  This  apparently  was  the  view  of  the  writer,  and  the 
occasion  of  the  statements  of  this  verse. — 4.  All  the  assembly] 
that  of  Jerusalem  (cf.  v.  =). — 5.  From  Be'er-sheba'  unto  Dan]  the 
limits  of  the  undivided  kingdom  of  David  and  Solomon  (cf.  i  Ch. 
21').  The  existence  of  the  N.  kingdt)m  was  either  ignored  or  more 
probably  the  writer  assumed  that  it  had  already  fallen  (cf.  v.  »). — 
For  they  had  not  done  in  great  numbers  according  to  that  which  had 
been  written].  Only  a  few  hitherto  had  observed  the  Passover 
according  to  the  law  (v.  i.). — 6.  And  according  to  the  commandment 
of  the  king].  The  "and"  should  be  omitted  (v.  i.). — Ye  children 
of  Israel  turn  unto  Yahweh  the  God  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Israel] 


XXX.  1-27.]  CELEBRATION   OF   PASSOVER  473 

addressed  to  the  people  of  the  N.  kingdom  with  the  assumption 
that  they  were  apostate  from  Yahweh,  the  view  of  the  Chronicler 
(r/.  13^-'^). — That  he  may  return  unto  the  escaped  remnant  which 
are  left  of  you  from  the  hand  of  the  kings  of  Assyria\  This  state- 
ment naturally  presupposes  the  fall  of  the  N.  kingdom  through 
Shalmaneser  and  Sargon  (b.c.  722-721)  {cf.  2  K.  i7«),  although 
it  possibly  may  be  satisfied  by  the  some  ten  years  earlier  ravages 
and  deportations  of  the  north  and  north-east  frontiers  of  N.  Israel 
through  Tiglath-pileser  {cf.  2  K.  15"  i  Ch.  5=6).  It  is  not  probable, 
however,  that  the  Chronicler  drew  at  all  this  distinction,  and  it  is 
profitless  to  attempt  to  adjust  his  statements  to  the  chronology  of  the 
events  of  the  reign  of  Hezekiah  {v.  s.  v.  ^).  (Indeed  this  chronology 
was  not  clearly  understood  by  the  compilers  of  2  K.  and  the  book 
of  Isaiah,  and  still  remains  obscure.) — 7.  Who  trespassed  against 
Yahweh].  Cf  v.  \ — So  that  he  gave  them  to  desolation].  Cf.  29'. 
— As  ye  now  see].  The  disasters  of  the  Assyrian  invasion  were 
most  recent. — 10.  Even  unto  Zebulun]  thus  not  to  the  extreme 
northern  border,  unto  Dan,  as  might  have  been  expected  {cf.  v.^). 
Those  more  northerly  sections  had  been  ravaged  and  the  inhab- 
itants deported  by  Tiglath-pileser  {cf  v. «)  (Zoe.,  Oe.),  a  fact  the 
writer  may  possibly  have  borne  in  mind  (yet  cf.  v.  «). — And  they 
were  laughing  them  to  scorn  and  were  mocking  them].  Cf.  for 
similar  action  in  the  S.  kingdom,  36'«. — 12.  By  the  word  of  Yah- 
weh] understood  as  by  the  words  of  Yahweh  (29'=  q.  v.)  (Be., 
Ke.,  Zoe.);  but  probably  an  example  of  the  hypostatisation  of  the 
word,  i.e.,  the  word  was  conceived  of  as  an  entity,  almost  as  a  me- 
diating spirit  between  God  and  man  {cf.  2915  j  k.  13'-  2-  5-  '•"•"■  ^^ 
20"  I  S.  3^0  {cf.  Smend,  Alt.  Rlgngekh.  pp.  87,  464).  This  con- 
ception may  be  regarded  as  a  forerunner  of  the  NT.  doctrine  of 
the  Logos. 

1.  nnjN]  letters,  sg.  niJN  late,  probably  a  loan-word,  Assy,  egirtu 
(BDB.),  cf.  V.  6  Ne.  2''-  »■  '  6^-  "•  '^  Est.  q^^-  29  ^.—3.  ^tc)]  S  +  nn  -f-  -n., 
according  to  what  was  sufficient,  i.e.,  in  sufficient  numbers  (Be.,  Zoe., 
Oe.,  V.  BDB.  na  i.  e,  Ke.  ad  sufficientiam  qualitatively  with  reference  to 
the  priesthood,  "many  at  that  time  not  having  renounced  idolatry"). 
— 5.  laT  Tinyi]  late  usage  of  icy  v.  1.  89. — Sip]  proclamation,  cf.  24'. — 
ai'^]  in  great  numbers  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Ba.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  Bn.,  RV.);  for  a 
longtime  (AV.,  RVm.);  Meistens  (Oe.).     The  former  is  preferable. — 


474  2   CHRONICLES 

6.  D'S">."i] //le  runners,  i.e.,  royal  messengers,  a  late  usage  (c/.  Je.  51" 
Est.  3'»-  "■  8">-  ").  This  usage  is  quite  different  from  that  of  la'" 
(q.  v.). — nnjN]  cf.  v.  '. — niSD3i]  many  mss.  '2\  two  'C3,  and  one  'c3, 
so  also  (6,  V,  followed  correctly  by  Ki.  Kom.,  BH. — Sk  3Cm]  (6  tn  3C"i. 
that  he  (Yahweh)  may  bring  hack  the  escaped  remnant. — ''3'^c]  (&,  B,  &, 
have  the  sg. — 8.  ssoij?  is-pn  Sn]  ncp  is  frcq.  thus  used  in  the  Hiph. 
with  niy  {cf.  2  K.  17X  Je.  72«  17"  19"  et  al.  v.  BDB.). — 'Vn^  un]  lit.  give 
hand  to,  i.e.,  submit  to,  cf.  nnn  ti  jnj  i  Ch.  292*. — 9.  ccmS]  an  intensive 
pi.  with  h  either  predicate  with  a3''j3i  DD^ns  or  the  obj.  of  a  verb  un- 
derstood; cf.  use  with  ?.ij  i  K.  8"Ne.  11'  Dn.  i»  Ps.  i^t*^. — awSi]  inf. 
cstr.  attached  by  1,  depending  upon  or  a  continuation  of  the  verb  which 
lies  in  O'DmS,  Ges.  §  114/',  Dr.  TH.  206.— 10.  a>i3j  .  .  .  noM]  the 
pt.  here  and  in  following  clauses  with  'r\^r\  used  to  express  the  idea  of 
duration  more  distinctly  or  to  render  action  more  vivid,  a  usage  more 
common  in  late  style,  Dav.  Synt.  §  100  R.  2.,  Ges.  §  ii6r. — y-\H2 
D'idn]  (&  iv  T(jj  6pii  ^E<ppdiiJ.. — a^">''m:'s]  Hi])h.  used  only  here. — au;"'^i:i] 
Hiph.  late,  cf.  Ne.  2"  Jb.  21'  Ps.  22';  with  S,  see  Koe.  iii.  §  21 2f. — 
11.  1J7J3:]  humbled  themselves  Niph.  of  J.'J3  in  reflex,  sense  common  in 
Ch.,  cf.  7"  i2«-  '■  '•  '»  322"  33'--  "•  -'■  "  34"-  "  36'2. — 12.  1313]  many 
MSS.,  ft,  S  '13. 

13-27.  The  celebration  of  the  Passover.— 13.  The  feast  of 
unleavened  bread]  properly  a  feast  following  the  celebration  of 
the  Passover  {cf.  Ex.  12'-"  with  '<■",  both  passages  belong  to  P) 
(Jos.  Ant.  iii.  5).  The  Passover  originally  was  a  spring  festival 
of  nomadic  life  with  offerings  from  herds,  which  later  was  given 
a  historical  origin  in  connection  with  the  E.xodus  and  joined  with 
the  Feast  of  Unleavened  Bread,  originally  an  agricultural  festival 
of  the  opening  of  the  harvest,  but  later,  like  the  Passover,  connected 
with  the  Exodus  {cf.  Ex.  i3«-'»).  The  two  feasts  here  are  practically 
identified,  as  in  the  NT.  Mk.  14' •  '»  Lk.  22K— In  the  second  month]. 
Cf.  V.  ^ — 14.  And  they  arose  and  removed  the  altars  which  were 
in  Jerusalem]  the  unlawful  ones  erected  by  Ahaz  {cf.  28=<). 
The  people  cleansed  the  city  as  the  priests  had  cleansed  the  Tem- 
ple.— Even  the  places  for  incense  they  took  away]  probably  a 
gloss  defining  the  altars  more  particularly  to  conform  with  the 
mention  of  the  burning  of  incense  in  28^-  ». — And  cast  them  into 
the  brook  Kidron].  Cf.  29". — 15.  And  the  priests  and  the  Levites 
were  ashamed].  Again,  as  in  v. '  29",  a  certain  reproach  is  ])laced 
upon  the  priests  and  here  the  Levites,  as  though  they  were  not 
forward  in  the  renewal  of  the  worship  of  Yahweh,  but  were  only 


XXX.  1-27.]  CELEBRATION   OF   PASSOVER  475 

driven  to  it  by  a  feeling  of  shame  (c/.  29'*)  under  the  influence  of 
which  they  sanctified  themselves. — And  they  brought  offerings  into 
the  house  of  Yahweh]  as  an  atonement  for  themselves  (Ba.), 
better  a  reference  to  the  paschal  lambs  (cf.  3  5 '2)  and  the  sacrificial 
functions  connected  with  them  (v.  '«)  (Ke.). — 16.  And  they  stood 
in  their  place  according  to  their  prescribed  duty  according  to  the  law 
of  Moses].  No  specific  law  is  here  meant,  but  the  general  law 
constituting  the  orders  of  the  priests  and  Levites  with  their  respec- 
tive functions. — The  priests  sprinkling  the  blood  (upon  the  altar) 
from  the  hand  of  the  Levites].  According  to  Ex.  12%  all  the  congre- 
gation slay  the  paschal  lamb  (i.e.,  each  householder  his  lamb),  but 
on  this  occasion  the  lambs  were  evidently  slain  by  the  Levites, 
owing  to  the  unsanctified  condition  of  the  congregation  (vv. "  '■). 
Had  the  lambs  been  slain  and  their  blood  caught  by  persons 
Levitically  unclean,  the  expiatory  sacrificial  blood  would  have  been 
defiled.  The  same  ritual  was  observed  at  the  great  Passover 
celebrated  imder  Josiah  (35")>  and  for  a  similar  reason  at  the 
Passover  celebrated  after  the  Return,  mentioned  in  Ezr.  6"  '■. — 18. 
Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  Issachar  and  Zebulun].  This  list  of  tribes 
differs  from  that  in  v.  ",  but  in  both  cases  the  writer  mentions  the 
tribes  merely  as  an  equivalent  for  the  men  of  the  N.  kingdom. — 
Had  not  cleansed  themselves].  The  causes  of  Levitical  defilement 
were  very  numerous  and  members  of  the  N.  kingdom,  who  were  not 
in  regular  connection  with  the  priesthood  and  sanctuary,  might 
naturally  be  thought  of  as  in  a  state  of  Levitical  uncleanness  and 
thus  unable  lawfully  to  eat  the  Passover  (cf.  Nu.  9«). — 19.  Yet  not 
according  to  the  purification  of  the  sanctuary]  i.e.,  without  having 
complied  with  the  laws  of  purification.— 20.  And  healed  the  people] 
i.e.,  forgave  them  (cf.  Ps.  41^  «>  Ho.  14'  Je.  3").  This  ceremonial 
transgression,  like  other  sins,  is  conceived  of  as  a  disease,  in  the 
thought  of  its  effects,  to  be  removed  by  a  healing  remedy.  Physical 
sickness,  or  even  death,  may  have  been  in  the  mind  of  the  writer 
(cf.  Lv.  155',  Be.,  Oe.,  Ba.;  Ke.,  Zoe.,  reject  this  and  think  only  of 
spiritual  results). — 21.  The  feast  of  unleavened  bread].  Cf.  v.  •'. 
— With  instrmnents  of  strength  to  Yahweh]  instruments  with 
which  they  ascribed  strength  or  power  to  Yahweh  (Ke.);  loud 
instruments  (AV.,  RV.,  Zoe.),  better,  with  all  (their)  might  (v.  i.) 


476  2    CHRONICLES 

(Be.,  Kau.,  Oe.,  Bn.,  Ki.).  This  last  involves  the  omission  of 
one  Yahweh  of  the  verse  {v.  i.). — 22.  And  Hezekiah  addressed 
kindly  all  the  Levites  who  had  shown  good  skill  in  their  music 
for  Yahweh].  The  King  complimented  or  encouraged  the  Levites 
on  their  playing. — And  they  (the  people)  did  eat  the  offerings  of  the 
feast  seven  days\  This  is  the  best  of  the  proposed  renderings 
{y.  i.),  harmonising  completely  with  the  remainder  of  the  verse, 
since  peace-offerings  were  in  reality  festive  meals  of  flesh. — Giving 
thanks  unto  Yahweh,  etc.].  Whether  this  praise  included  an 
expression  of  penitence  (so  Be.,  Oe.,  EVs.  making  confession)  or 
was  rather  only  praise  and  thanksgiving  (Ke.,  Zoe.),  cannot  be 
determined,  although  the  former  is  favoured  by  the  usage  of 
D^TinO,  giving  thanks  (v.  i.). — 23.  The  feast  was  prolonged 
seven  other  days,  making  a  two-weeks  festival.  This  was  done 
by  reason  of  the  gifts  of  sheep  and  cattle  from  the  King  and  the 
princes  or  officials  (v.  ").  A  similar  fourteen-days  festival  was 
held  at  the  completion  of  Solomon's  Temple  (r/.  7*),  although  then 
the  extra  seven  days  preceded  the  regular  feast. — 24.  And  a 
great  number  of  the  priests  sanctified  themselves]  and  therefore  the 
mentioned  offerings  of  cattle  and  sheep  were  properly  handled 
(r/.  V. '  29'*). — 25.  The  participants  in  the  feast  were  (i)  the  people 
of  Judah,  including  the  priests  and  Levites  (the  latter  may  be  a 
gloss,  so  Ki.  BH.);  (2)  the  people  from  the  N.  kingdom;  and  (3) 
the  sojourners  (D''"l3),  proselytes  from  both  kingdoms.  On  these 
last  cf.  2'^  "'>  I  Ch.  22=  where  they  are  gathered  for  service,  but  here 
they  have  a  share  with  native  Israelites  in  the  feast  according  to  the 
command  of  Ex.  i2"'-  <«  '•. — 26.  From  the  days  of  Solomon].  The 
fourteen-days  festival  at  the  dedication  of  the  Temple  had  been 
similar,  hut  nothing  like  it  had  since  occurred. 


14.  nn'jpsn  f]  (6  iv  oh  iOv/JuQaav  roh  \pevbicnv,  B  in  quihus  idolis 
adolehalur  incensum,  merely  attempt  to  make  this  reference  clearer, 
V.  s. — 15.  ic-ipnM  ic'^aj  dmShi  D>jn3ni]  ft  omits  isSaj  and  (H  om'^hi. 
Ki.  BH.  suggests  the  reading  'pnn  'am.  Since  Levites  could  not  ofifer 
the  burnt-offering,  Bue.  {ZAW.  '99,  p.  114)  omits  1  before  om'^h,  thus 
reading  as  in  v.  ",  considering  this  1  an  insertion  by  the  Chronicler. 
This  is  doubtful,  since  there  is  no  motive  for  adding  the  Levites  here 
(so  Bn.).     The  Levites  certainly   assisted    at    the    burnt-otTering,  cf. 


XXXI.  1.]       DESTRUCTION   OF   IDOLATROUS   SHRINES        477 

V.  '6.  Bn.  considers  'ui  mhsi  a  later  addition. — mny  h^]  a  later  equiv. 
of  Dnnn,  the  only  use  of  noun  nny  (c/.  34''  35'<'  Ne.  8'  9'  13"  Dn. 
818.17  iQii)  (BDB.).— oaDiTDD]  cf.  i  Ch.  6"  "2). — 16.  D^jnsn]  many  mss., 
<S,  H  'ni. — 17.  r\2i]  possibly  abs.  Koe.  ii.  §  267b;  fem.  form  with  col- 
lective sense  ib.  §  255d. — no'inii'  f  ]  act  of  slayifig  cstr.  sg.  of  ^o^nr,  a 
nominal  form  with  the  function  and  construction  of  the  inf.,  Koe.  iii. 
§  233d. — 18.  n^ann]  great  number,  cf.  9^  i  Ch.  12'"  i  S.  2''  Lv.  25"  f. 
— nan]  wanting  in  Vrss.,  may  have  crept  in  from  v.  »^,  or  a  dittog- 
raphy  from  nunc. — nnt3n]  Hithp.  pf.  3  p.  pi.,  n  assimilated  before  a, 
Ges.  §  54c.  n  with  games  in  pause,  hence  0  with  seghol  {cf.  '\-yTy27\  Ezr. 
62")  as  in  Nu.  8',  Ges.  §  279,  Koe.  i.  §  271. — nSj]  late  usage,  cf.  i  Ch. 
12'^ — "'i'^].  The  verse-division  is  difficult,  making  it  necessary  to  supply 
hSn  after  ij?3,  with  Aben  Ezra,  and  to  make  the  following  psn  refer  to 
Hezekiah.  Neither  is  probable,  hence  strike  out  ( :)  with  CS,  H,  and  most 
commentators,  lya  governs  S3,  which  is  followed  by  ik'n  understood, 
and  thus  cstr.  before  the  following  clause,  Ges.  §  1391^  n.  3,  Koe.  iii. 
§  337y.  RVm.  reads  lifs  nya  him  that  setteth  his  whole  heart.  Ba. 
adopts  the  same  construction,  but  transposes  aian  and  governs  with  n>'3. 
The  adj.  occurs  nowhere  else  with  nin\  He  translates  The  Lord 
pardons  the  good  even  he  that  setteth,  etc.  On  nj?3  after  1D3,  cf.  Lv.  9' 
jge.  11. — 19.  omSkh]  wanting  in  <S,  H,  &. — nSi]  1  disjunctive,  Koe.  iii. 
§  375f- — 21.  tj)  '^33]  read  ij?-S33  as  in  i  Ch.  13',  so  Be.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Ki., 
Bn.;  also  strike  out,  with  Kau.,  Ki.  BH.,  the  preceding  niniS,  since 
this  was  occasioned  by  the  present  reading. — 22.  3S  Sj;  .  .  .  ist-i] 
spake  unto  the  lieart,  i.e.  kindly,  cf.  Gn.  34'  50^'  Ju.  19'  2  S.  19*  Is.  40'  Ho. 
2'5  Ru.  2"  f. — 3Vi3  '73B'  DiS''3Cnn]  in  the  present  context  can  only  mean 
those  who  showed  good  skill  in  the  art  of  music  (Be.,  Ke.,  Bn.).  For 
phrase  zmsSzv  cf.  Pr.  3^  i3'6  Ps.  iii'". — lyinn  pn  ^Ssxm]  is  difficult. 
EVs.  render  they  did  eat  throughout  the  feast,  but  Be.,  Ke.,  Oe.,  SS.,  they 
ate  the  offerings  of  the  sacred  season  (v.  s.).  ^  read  iS3''i  and  they  com- 
pleted, instead  of  i'?3NM,  adopted  by  Ki. — aiiinc]  Hithp.  of  rni  has  force 
confess  in  Ezr.  10'  Ne.  i'  92-  »  Dn.  g*-  ^°  Lv.  5'  1621  2640  Nu.  5',  here 
possibly  give  thanks  f,  BDB.  v.  s. — 23.  nncs']  20  MSS.,  (S,  B  'so. — 
24.  Dnn]  to  lift  up  or  give  for  a  sacrifice,  cf.  35'-  *•  ',  also  Ex.  35"^  Nu. 
152°,  etc. — 25.  min-']  O^ba  omit,  but  add,  Kal  wacra  17  iKKXtjffla  'Ioi;5a, 
after  DiiSm. — 27.  omSh  0''jn3n]  a  phrase  of  D,  cf.  23".  Many  mss., 
(§^,  U,  §  'm,  so  Ba.,  Ki.,  but  this  is  probably  a  correction  from  v.  ^. 

XXXI.  (Assigned  by  Bn.  and  Ki.  directly  to  the  Chronicler.) — 
1.  The  destruction  of  idolatrous  shrines. — The  fourteen  days  of 
the  feast  culminated  in  an  iconoclastic  movement  which  led  to  the 
destruction  of  the  high  places  with  all  their  equipment  of  pillars, 
poles  (asherim),  and  altars  throughout  both  the  N.  and  S.  king- 


478  2   CHRONICLES 

doms.  In  2  K.  i8<,  action  similar  to  this,  though  confined  evidently 
to  the  S.  kingdom,  is  ascribed  to  Hezekiah. — 1.  And  brake  in 
pieces  the  pillars  and  hewed  doivn  the  Asherim].  Cf.  14'. — Out  0/ 
all  Judah  and  Benjamin^  the  S.  kingdom  {cf.  11"). — And  in 
Ephraim  and  }fanasseh]  representing  the  X.  kingdom. 

2-10.  The  organisation  of  the  priests  andof  theLevites,and 
their  bountiful  support. — 2.  Hezekiah  appears  here  as  the  restorer 
of  the  priestly  organi.sation  for  the  service  of  the  Temple,  even  as 
David  was  its  founder. — The  courses]  the  divisions  for  service 
in  the  Temple  (cf.  i  Ch.  24'). — After  their  courses]  after  those 
already  established, — a  renewal  of  the  old  order  which  had 
fallen  into  disuse  during  the  reign  of  Ahaz. — Of  the  priests  and  of 
the  Levites].  The  former  were  appointed  for  the  service  of  burnt- 
offerings  and  of  peace-offerings;  the  latter  to  give  thanks  and  praise, 
i.e.,  render  the  service  of  music,  and  (following  the  order  of  (^ 
V.  i.)  to  minister  in  the  gates,  etc.,  i.e.,  to  serve  as  gate-keepers  {cf. 
I  Ch.  26'). — The  camp  of  Yahiveh]  a  figurative  expression  for  the 
Temple,  derived  from  the  story  of  the  tabernacle  in  the  wilderness 
((/.  I  Ch.  9"  '•  Nu.  2''). — 3.  And  the  portion  of  the  king  from  his 
property  he  appointed  for  burnt-offerings  .  .  .  according  to  the 
law  of  Yahweh].  The  reference  is  to  the  daily,  weekly,  monthly, 
and  yearly  public  offerings  {cf.  1  Ch.  23"  ' ),  commanded  in  Nu. 
28.  29.  These  were,  with  prescribed  amounts  of  wine,  oil,  and 
meal,  a  daily  sacrifice  of  two  lambs,  one  in  the  morning  and  one  in 
the  evening,  and  then  the  additional  sacrifices,  on  each  Sabbath 
day  two  lambs,  on  the  first  day  of  each  month  seven  lambs,  one 
ram,  two  bullocks,  and  one  he-goat;  on  each  day  of  the  I-'east  of 
Unleavened  Bread  the  same;  on  the  day  of  first  fruits  (Pentecost) 
the  same;  on  the  first  of  the  seventh  month  the  same,  less  one  bul- 
lock, on  the  tenth  of  the  seventh  month  (the  day  of  Atonement)  the 
same  as  on  the  first  (irrespective  of  the  two  goats  and  bullock 
mentioned  in  Lv.  16);  on  the  first  day  of  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles, 
fourteen  lambs,  two  rams,  thirteen  bullocks,  and  one  he-goat;  and 
on  each  succeeding  day  of  the  feast  the  same  less  each  day  one 
bullock,  until  the  eighth  day,  when  only  one  bullock  was  offered 
(cf.  Gray,  Com.  on  Nu.).  According  to  Ez.  the  duty  of  providing 
such  public  sacrifices  devolved  upon  "the  prince,"  i.e.,  the  civil 


XXXI.  2-21.]     PROVISION   FOR   PRIESTS   AND    LEVITES        479 

ruler  of  Israel  {cf.  Ez.  45^'  46^),  and  thus  the  Chronicler  naturally 
thought  of  such  provision  made  by  Hezekiah. — 4.  The  portion  of 
the  priests  and  the  Levites]  first  fruits  and  tithes,  and  reserved 
portions  of  sacrifices  (cf.  v.'). — That  they  might  hold  firmly  to  the 
law  of  Yahweh]  i.e.,  devote  themselves  to  the  law  of  Yahweh,  or 
more  clearly  to  the  services  of  worship  required  by  the  law. 
Perhaps  the  reading  of  (^  (v.  i.)  should  be  adopted,  that  they 
should  hold  firmly  to  the  ministration  of  the  house  of  Yahweh. 
The  object  was  that  the  Levites  and  priests  might  not  be  com- 
pelled to  labour  for  their  subsistence  (cf.  Ne.  13'"  «•). — 5.  And 
when  the  word  (the  royal  command)  was  spread  abroad  the  children 
of  Israel  gave  in  ahmdance,  etc.].  This  and  the  following  verses 
describe  the  fulfilment  of  the  command  of  v.  *  to  give  the  por- 
tion of  the  priests  and  the  Levites.  This  portion  was  understood 
according  to  Nu.  18'*  '•,  where  the  first  fruits  are  the  due  of  the 
priests,  and  Nu.  iS^',  where  the  tithe  is  the  due  of  the  Levites 
(cf.  also  Ne.  12").  First  fruits  of  grain,  new  wine  and  oil,  are 
commanded  directly  for  the  priests  in  Dt.  18^  (cf.  Ne.  13'^);  the 
first  fruit  of  honey  is  mentioned  only  here,  although  inferentially 
commanded  in  Lv.  2"  ' .  (On  grain,  new  wine  and  oil,  cf.  32^8.) — 
The  children  of  Israel]  either  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  (cf. 
v.  ■■)  (Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.)  or  the  Judeans  in  general  (Bn.). — And  the 
tithe  of  all  brought  they  in  abundantly].  They  were  not  niggardly 
in  making  their  tithes,  as  is  further  illustrated  in  vv.  ^-"'. — 6.  And 
the  children  of  Israel]  the  inhabitants  of  the  N.  kingdom  (Be.); 
better  the  inhabitants  of  the  N.  kingdom  who  dwelt  in  the  cities  of 
Jtidah,  i.e.,  those  who  had  migrated  into  Judah  and  there  settled 
(Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Bn.,  Ba.)  (cf.  10"  ii>«  30"). — And  of  Judah]. 
These  words  appear  superfluous  and  may  be  omitted  as  a  gloss 
(Kau.,  Bn.).  If  retained,  then  the  contrast  is  with  the  children 
of  Israel  of  v.  «  (y.  s.),  restricted  to  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem, 
while  the  children  of  Judah  here  would  be  the  other  Judeans. — 
The  tithe  of  cattle  and  sheep]  not  mentioned  elsewhere  except  in 
Lv.  27"".  (A  royal  tithe  of  cattle  is  alluded  to  in  i  S.  8".) 
— And  the  tithe  of  the  dedicated  things]  an  obscure,  if  not  im- 
possible, phrase — hence  tithe  may  be  omitted  as  a  dittography 
(Bn.).     The  dedicated  or  holy  things,  then,  include  all  the  gifts 


480  2   CHRONICLES 

which  the  people  brought.  The  tithe  was  a  holy  thing  (Lv.  27"), 
and  first  fruits  might  be  equally  so  regarded  {cf.  first  loaves  of  new 
harvest,  Lv.  23'",  fruit  of  trees  of  4th  year,  Lv.  19=*)-  I^  tithe  is 
retained,  it  may  be  taken  as  the  equivalent  of  "the  heave  oflfer- 
ings,"  "the  contributions,"  the  termnoth  (Nu.  i8'-  "•  "  cf.  v.  "•), 
"which  was  a  remnant  of  that  which  was  consecrated  to  Yahweh, 
as  the  tithe  was  a  remnant  of  all  the  cattle  and  field  produce" 
(Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.). 

On  first  fruits  cf.  Ex.  23"  34"  (JE.)  Dt.  i8*  26'-n  (D)  Ez.  44«'Lv.  23 
10-14.  17. 2oNu.  18"  (P);  on  tithes  c/.Gn.  28"Am.4<Dt.  i2«- "■  "  i4«ff- "  ». 
26''  '■  Lv.  27'°  "•  Nu.  i82'-32.  \  sharp  line  of  distinction  was  not 
originally  drawn  between  tithes  and  first  fruits.  They  might  be  identi- 
cal. The  legislation  concerning  them  preserved  in  the  OT.,  while  pro- 
gressive, is  neither  uniform  nor  entirely  consistent  {v.  Dr.  Comtn.  Dl.  pp. 
166^.  290^.;  Gray,  Comm.  Nu.  pp.  22^  ff.;  Harper,  Comm.  Am.  andHos. 
p.  95;  Moore,  EBi.  IV.  col.  5102).  The  Chronicler  also  has  given  an 
ideal  picture  of  these  contributions  for  the  support  of  the  priests  and 
Levites  as  an  object-lesson  for  his  own  times. 

7.  hi  the  third  month  they  began  .  .  .  and  in  the  seventh  month 
they  finished].  The  third  month,  in  which  Pentecost  fell,  was  the 
time  of  the  finished  grain  harvest,  and  the  seventh  month,  in  which 
the  Feast  of  the  Tabernacles  fell, was  the  time  of  the  fiinished  harvest 
of  orchards  and  vineyards. — 10.  And  'Azariah]  the  name  like- 
wise of  a  priest  the  son  of  Zadok,  of  the  time  of  Solomon  (i  K.  4=), 
and  a  chief  priest  of  the  time  of  Uzziah  (26"=°),  cf.  also  i  Ch. 
5»-^»  (6»-'0.— r/ze  high  priest].  (*^\Sin  ]'2n)  cf  i  Ch.  27^— 
Of  the  house  of  Zadok]  distinguished  from  the  house  of  Ithamar, 
to  which  Eli  was  felt  to  have  belonged,  and  which,  according  to 
I  K.  2"  ",  lost  the  priesthood  of  the  Temple  when  Zadok  received 
the  office  in  the  place  of  Abiathar.  According  to  Ezckicl,  the  priest- 
hood was  of  the  house  of  Zadok  (Ez.  44").  In  P  Aaron  is  the 
primal  father  of  the  priests. — The  offerings]  (the  I'nlinah  heave- 
offering)  the  portions  of  all  sacrifices,  especially  of  mcal-olTcrings, 
sin-ofiferings,  and  trespass-offerings,  which  were  reserved  for  the 
priests  and  their  families  {cf.  Nu.  18"").  Since  the  opening  of  the 
Temple  these  had  been  so  abundant  that  the  priests  needed  but 
little  of  the  first  fruits  and  tithes  for  their  support. 


XXXI.  2-21.]     PROVISION    FOR   PRIESTS   AND    LEVITES       481 

1.  n^?^]  inf.  abs.  Pi.  after  prep.,  a  late  usage,  Koe.  iii.  §  225b,  Ew.  § 
315  c  (3),  but  cp.  n.  i;  c/.  24'". — 2.  D^iSSi]  Biichler  (ZAW.  1899,  p.  iii) 
omits  here  and  inserts  after  cdSb'Si,  since  it  was  the  duty  of  the  priests 
to  officiate  at  the  sacrifices,  and  it  belonged  to  the  Levites  "  to  minister," 
etc.,  but  the  Chronicler  may  have  assumed  the  division  of  labour  to  be 
well  known. — hhnb^  nnnSi  msrS].  (S  reverses  the  order,  better  suited 
to  the  context,  since  the  giving  of  thanks,  etc.,  was  not  likely  "  in  the 
gates." — nunn]  wanting  in  &,  05  otKov,  but  both  probably  read  M,  cf. 
I  Ch.  9I8  '•. — 3.  pyo]  n^  in  constr.  cf.  Ges.  §  95W. — niSj?^]  wanting  in  (6, 
&,  probably  due  to  dittography. — litnoi]  cf.  i  Ch.  27". — mSyni]  gov- 
erned by  h  in  mh}jh. — 4.  -\a!>fi]  late  use  with  force  command,  see  BDB. 
noN,  Qal.  4. — nin^  mnj]  (B  iv  ry  \eLrovpyl<}  of/cou  Kvpiov  =  no  n"i.tt'3 
nin\ — 5.  V"^B3i]  ®  Kal  wj  irpoffha^ev. — 6.  ■<J3i]  QJ  •'J3  which  +  Snib" 
n-\■\^\''^  is  joined  with  v.  '. — min>i]  seems  to  be  a  gloss,  cf.  i  K.  12", 
so  Kau.,  Bn. — O'-atrvn]  C5  '''ni. — an  dj]  05,  It  +  •in''J'?. — o^B'-ip  ib'J?di] 
is  dub.  Bn.  strikes  out  'di,  so  also  Ki.  BH.  doubtfully. — 7.  mo^S] 
point  TiDiS  according  to  Ben  Naphtali,  Ges.  §§  6gn,  71.  •«  retained 
orthographically,  but  is  assimilated  to  the  following  consonant  like 
verbs  ffl. — The  peculiar  order  object,  infinitive  is  due  to  Aramaic 
influence,  Dav.  Synt.  §111  R.  2,  Dr.  TH.  208  (3)  Obs.,  Ges.  §  142/ 
n.  2. — 10.  N>2S]  for  N''3nS  as  in  Je.  39^;  or  for  NuS,  Koe.  iii.  §  215b. 
In  the  latter  case  translate,  since  the  offering  began  to  come  to  the  house 
of  Yahweh.  If  NiaS  =  NonS,  on  order  object,  infinitive,  v.  s.  v.  '. — 
an'?  njj  nmni  j?i3tt'i  Si3N]  inf.  abs.  for  finite  verb  in  asyndetic  clause, 
Koe.  iii.  §  217b.  Instead  of  first  pers.  pi.,  the  clause  may  be  trans- 
lated, there  is  eating,  and  satiety  and  abundance  remaining. — "^nijni] 
read  after  (B  /cat  KareXeiwoiMev,  iPiji,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  Bn. 

11-21.  The  care  and  distribution  of  the  provision  made  for 
the  priests  and  Levites.— The  contributions  of  first  fruits,  tithes, 
and  offerings  enumerated  in  w.  ^-'o  were  stored,  under  the  care  of 
Conaniah  and  Shimei  and  their  subordinates,  in  the  chambers  of 
the  Temple,  vv.  •=  <■,  while  the  distribution  of  these  and  all  priestly 
portions  was  in  the  charge  of  Kore  and  his  subordinates  (w.  "  '•), 
who  were  in  the  priestly  cities,  and  gave  to  the  priests  and  the 
Levites  according  to  their  order  of  service,  and  according  to  the 
enrolment  of  their  families. — 11.  The  chambers  of  the  house  of 
Yahweh].  Around  the  holy  and  most  holy  places  of  the  Temple, 
in  three  stories,  were  series  of  chambers  {cf.  i  K.  6«)  adapted  for 
store-rooms.— 12.  Conaniah  f]  "Yahweh  has  established,"  EBi. 
III.  col.  3282. — Shimei']  very  common  name,  cf.  i  Ch.  3''  et  al. — 


482  2   CHRONICLES 

13.  Jehi'el].  Cf.  I  Ch.  is'\—Azaziah].  Cf.  i  Ch.  15".— 
Nahath].  Cf.  i  Ch.  i"  6"<«>.— 'i45a/i'e/]  name  of  Levites  17'  Ezr. 
10",  elsewhere  only  of  Joab's  brother  2  S.  2"  et  al.  i  Ch.  2" 
II"  27'. — Jerimoth].  Cf.  i  Ch.  7'  12'. — /ozaiatf].  C/.  i  Ch. 
i2<,  here  perhaps  the  same  as  the  chief  of  the  Levites  mentioned 
in  35«. — Eli'el].  Cf.  i  Ch.  5"  6"  <"J  15'-  ". — Ismachiah]  "Yahweh 
sustains." — Mahath].  Cf.  29"  i  Ch.  6^"  <»". — Benaiah].  Cf.  i 
Ch.  4'"  1 5' 8. — 'Azariah]  the  chief  priest  mentioned  in  v.  '». — 
Ruler  of  the  house  of  God].  Cf.  i  Ch.  9".— 14.  Kore].  Cf.  1  Ch. 
9",  where  Shallum  the  son  of  Kore  is  a  chief  gate-keeper,  and  i 
Ch.  26',  where  Meshelemiah  the  son  of  Kore  is  a  gate-keeper. — 
Imnah]  (son  of  Ashcr  i  Ch.  7'°)  only  here  a  Levite,  perhaps  we 
should  read  "Heman"  (iSTI  instead  of  nJC),  since  Heman 
(i  Ch.  6"  <">)  and  Kore  (i  Ch.  26')  both  belonged  to  the  family  of 
Korah. — Was  over  the  freewill  offerings  of  God]  not  the  first 
fruits  (the  view  of  Oe.),  which  along  with  the  tithes  were  com- 
manded by  the  law,  but  all  offerings  voluntarily  brought  to  God, 
those  not  in  the  ritual,  but  pure  thank-ofiferings  (cf.  Lv.  23"  Dt. 
12"),  in  order  to  distribute  of  these  the  reserved  portion  of  Yahweh, 
i.e.,  the  share  of  the  priests  (cf.  Lv.  7"-  "  10"  '•  Nu.  5')  and  also 
the  most  holy  things,  i.e.,  the  portions  of  the  sin-oflferings  and 
trespass-offerings  which  were  to  be  eaten  by  the  priests  in  the 
sanctuary  (cf  Lv.  2'-  ">  6'°  <•«>  "  <""  7"  lo"-  "  14"  Nu.  i8»- »)  (Be., 
Ke.).  The  freewill  offerings  might  also  include  gifts  for  the  Temple 
— gold,  silver,  utensils — (so  here  BDB.,  cf.  in  connection  with  the 
tabernacle  E.\.  35"  36',  and  the  second  Temple  Ezr.  i«  8"),  but 
better  as  above. — 15.  'Eden  f]  {v.  i.). — Minuimin]  (v.  i.)  this  form 
of  name  Ne.  12"-  *'  usually  Mijamin  (cf.  i  Ch.  24'  Ne.  10'  <"  (  = 
1217.  41)  j2'  Ezr.  10"  f)  five  persons. — Jeshua']  Levitical  and 
priestly  name  of  frequent  occurrence  (cf.  i  Ch.  24"). — Shema'iah, 
Aniariah,  SJiecaniah  are  three  names  occurring  very  frequently  in 
lists  of  Levites.  These  subordinate  Levites  were  in  the  cities  of  the 
priests  (cf.  Jos.  20'-")  to  distribute  to  their  brethren  by  courses  (i.e., 
according  to  the  divisions  of  the  Levites  for  service)  as  well  to  the 
great  (i.e.,  the  old)  as  to  the  small  {i.e.,  the  young).  All  Levites 
who  on  account  of  their  age  or  youth  or  the  term  of  their  appoint- 
ment ((/.  V.  ")  were  in  the  priestly  cities  were  to  receive  their  portion 


XXXI.  2-21.]     PROVISION   FOR  PRIESTS   AND   LEVITES       483 

of  the  oflferings.  This  portion,  the  understood  object  of  to  give, 
included  not  only  shares  of  the  contributions  and  the  most  holy 
things  of  V.  '^  but  also  shares  of  the  first  fruits  and  tithes.  Practi- 
cally shares  of  the  most  holy  things  in  a  literal  sense  could  not  be 
given  to  residents  of  the  priestly  cities,  since,  as  already  mentioned, 
they  were  required  to  be  eaten  at  the  sanctuary. — 16.  With  the 
exception  of  those  registered  of  males  from  three  years,  etc.]  a 
limitation  of  v.  ".  In  the  priestly  cities  no  portions  were  given  to 
those  residents  who  were  in  service  at  Jerusalem,  nor  to  the  chil- 
dren of  their  families,  who  seem  to  have  accompanied  their  parents 
to  Jerusalem. — From  three  years  old  and  upward].  Priests  and 
Levites  began  to  receive  public  support  evidently  at  the  age  of 
three  years.  Children  under  three  years  were  reckoned  naturally 
as  nursing  babes. — For  the  thing  of  each  day]  i.e.,  as  the  duty  of 
each  day  required  (RV.,  Kau.),  better /or  his  daily  portion  (RVm., 
Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.)  (cf.  Ne.  11"). — 17.  And  in  regard  to  the 
registration  of  the  priests  it  was  according  to  their  families  (lit.  the 
fathers'  houses) — now  the  Levites  from  twenty  years  old  and 
upward  were  registered  by  their  divisions  in  their  courses  (for 
service) — ].  The  registration  of  the  priests  was  strictly  genealog- 
ical, while  that  of  the  Levites  was,  according  to  the  classes,  based 
upon  the  time  and  manner  of  their  service. — From-  twenty  years  old 
and  upward].  Cf.  1  Ch.  2^-'-  ". — 18.  And  to  register  (i.e.,  with 
the  purpose  of  registering)  their  children,  their  wives,  and  their  sons, 
and  their  daughters,  of  the  entire  congregation  (i.e.,  of  the  entire 
priesthood)]  according  to  Be.  a  continuation  of  to  give  (fin^) 
(v.  >5)  after  the  parenthesis  (vv. '«  '•)  "The  men  in  the  priests'  cities 
also  were  to  register  their  children,  etc.^^  So  likewise  Ke.  (whom 
Zoe.,  Oe.  follow),  but  he  renders  to  give  to  their  brethren  (v.  ") 
.  .  .  and  to  the  registered  of  all  their  children,  their  wives  and  their 
sons  and  their  daughters,  to  the  whole  multitude  {i.e.,  of  the  wives, 
sons,  and  daughters)  (so  also  Be.,  for  "Pnp).  But  it  is  better  with 
Ki.  Kom.  to  regard  v.  i'  as  a  continuation  of  the  description  of  the 
registration  of  v.  '^  It  served  as  an  enrolment  of  every  member 
of  the  families  of  the  priests. — For  they  in  their  faithfulness  were 
wont  to  consecrate  themselves  in  holiness].  The  enrolment  was  so 
complete  that  every  member  of  the  priests'  families  received  his 


484  2    CHRONICLES 

share  (as  a  reward),  because  the  priests  so  faithfully,  especially  in 
the  matter  of  purifications,  performed  the  duties  of  their  holy 
office,  or  the  passage  may  simply  mean  they  sanctified  or  busied 
themselves  in  a  holy  manner  with  the  distribution  of  the  sacred 
portions  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ki.).  Kau.  considers  the  meaning 
so  doubtful  that  he  leaves  the  words  untranslated. — 19.  Also  for 
the  sons  of  Aaron  the  priests,  in  the  suburbs  of  their  cities,  in  each  city, 
were  men  appointed  by  na?ne  to  distribute  to  every  male  among  the 
priests,  and  to  every  one  registered  among  the  Levites].  This  con- 
cludes the  description  of  the  enrolment  and  the  distribution  men- 
tioned in  vv. "  '•  (so  Ki.).  Others  regard  this  as  supplementary 
to  V. '%  drawing  a  distinction  between  the  priests  residing  in  the 
cities  and  those  in  the  suburbs  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.).  But  that 
such  a  distinction  was  really  drawn  between  priests  residing  in  the 
cities  or  towns  and  those  dwelling  in  the  outlying  fields,  if  there 
were  such  dwellers,  is  extremely  improbable  (v.  i.,  Bn.).  These 
w.  "•'«  are  probably  a  late  addition  (so  Ki.  Kom.). 


12.  D'B'npm]  wanting  in  (6. — in>j:i3]  Kt.  'rr,  Qr.  'iz  cf.  i  Ch.  15"  ". 
CS*-  (probably  =  <&)  Xwveviaj  favours  Kt.— 13,  inMtjri]  some  Heb. 
MSS.  in  Kennic.  i''';!>;'!,  and  so  &.  (ft^L  'Oi-eiaj  but  *  Ofafas,  which 
must  either  be  a  correction  from  fll  or  original  (S,  more  likely  the 
latter.  B  et  Azarias. — in>jai]  (g  +  Kal  oi  viol  avrov  is  based  on  an 
ancient  dittography  or  conflated. — in^jjij]  v.  s.  v.  '-. — 15.  p;']  cf. 
29". —  ro>j3i]  3  Heb.  MSS.  in  Kennic.  and  Vrss.  (except  SI)  '3i,  so  Ki. 
Kom.  The  more  difficult  reading  of  fH  should  be  retained. — 'i>3] 
Bn.  corrects  to  n>  Sp,  according  to  (6  5ia  x^'P^s,  but  (6  more  likely 
misread  n'3  for  n;?3. — 16 .  Dtt'H'nn  ^3'^c]  (&  iKaaroi  riji  iiriyovrji  which 
Bn.  thinks  may  represent  osoi  v>tt,  but  ^  eicros  (=  naSc),  possibly 
the  origin  of  ^. — mv2  ov  -\2-\h]  cf.  8'<,  i  Ch.  16". — Dn>mpSna3]  other 
MSS.  'd3. — 17.  nxi]  an  example  of  a  late  usage  where  nn  or  pni 
is  used  to  give  greater  definiteness  at  the  mention  of  a  new  subject 
and  hence  may  be  rendered  as  regards  (Be.,  Ew.  §  277  d,  BDB. 
PN  3).  (g  read  rnj  adopted  by  Ki.  Kom.,  BH. — a^^ni]  ^  trans- 
poses, placing  the  word  after  cjnin.  In  <&  Dn\nipSns3  follows  S'l^ni. 
Neither  --hange  improves  the  te.xt.  Bn.  follows  the  order  of  (8  and 
omits  an>nnccD3  {v.  i.). — 18.  icipn']  3  mss.  'ph. — 19.  C'n\nn  h:hy\  inf. 
cstr.  as  subst.,  Koe.  iii.  §  233a. — 20.  noNni].  The  use  of  the  noun  ncK 
with  the  preceding  adjectives  corresponds  to  its  frequent  use  with  the 
forceof  an  adj.  (f/.  as  pred.  Dt.  22"  i  K.  10'  Dn.  10',  in  apposition  Je. 


XXXn.  1-23.]       THE   INVASION    OF   SENNACHERIB  485 

lo'"  Pr.  222">  ?). — 21.  C'-\-\^]  either  inf.  of  purpose  (so  rendered  by  Oe., 
Kau.,  Ki.)  or  of  circumstance  Ges.  §  1140. 

Bn.  adopting  substantially  the  readings  of  ®  {v.  s.).  gives  the  following 
explanation  of  vv.  "":  There  is  no  reference  to  a  distribution  outside  of 
Jerusalem  until  v.  i'.  The  distribution  (v.  '*)  takes  place  under  the 
oversight  of  the  priests  instead  of  "in  the  cities  of  the  priests";  and  v. '« 
defines  more  exactly  the  distribution:  it  is  made  to  each  one  with  his 
offspring,  to  the  males  from  the  age  of  three  years,  etc.  (a^i'nTin  ((S  otf  ninno)  is 
regarded  by  Bn.,  and  rightly,  as  a  gloss).  The  registrations  (v.  "),  upon 
which  the  distribution  was  based,  were  by  the  priests  according  to  families, 
by  the  Levites  according  to  their  courses  or  divisions  for  service.  V.  '* 
then  came  from  the  hand  of  a  reader  who  observed  that  v.  '^  did  not 
harmonise  with  v.  ^^,  since  v. "  presupposed  that  the  children  were  regis- 
tered, therefore  he  wrote  on  the  margin,  that  which  later  entered  the 
text:  D8'n>nn  later  corrupted  to  cninn'?,  and  also  at  the  end  of  the 
verse  wn^n^  later  corrupted  into  tfip  ia'ipn\  Their  registration  was 
with  all  their  offspring,  their  wives,  and  their  sons,  and  their  daughters,  of 
the  whole  congregation,  for  they  were  conscientiously  (mit  Treue)  enrolled. 
Their  wives  is  wanting  in  (S.  It  is  uncertain  also  whether  hr\p  congrega- 
tion can  designate  the  priests  and  the  Levites.  Since  the  conclusion  of  the 
verse  is  corrupt,  the  present  words  might  be  understood  of  sanctifying,  i.e., 
bringing  (Hiph.  instead  of  Hithp.)  the  holy  dues,  and  one  may  have  sought 
in  the  verse  the  notion  [hence  ^^np  Sd]  that  exact  lists  of  the  congregation 
were  kept  through  which  could  be  determined  whether  all  contributed 
their  dues.  With  this  explanation  of  vv.  ".  \t  agrees  the  thought  of  v.  ", 
that  the  product  of  the  land  of  the  priests  was  distributed  only  to  the 
male  members  of  the  families  and  those  who  had  been  registered. 

XXXII.  1-23.  The  invasion  of  Sennacherib. — Based  upon 
the  narrative  of  2  K.  iS^-ig",  but  freely  composed  by  the  Chron- 
icler with  great  abridgment  and  the  possible  use  of  other  sources 
{cf.  vv.<  '•). 

Bn.  and  Ki.  assign  these  verses  to  M.  The  former  says:  "The 
narrative  is  neither  in  style  nor  diction  {nicht  literarish  und  nicht  in 
Wortlaut)  dependent  upon  2  K."  Yet  cf.  in  v.  «  and  2  K.  181'  the  men- 
tion of  Lachish.  Cf.  D''no3  dps  hd  Sj?  (v.  '")  with  na'X  nrn  pna^n  no 
nnaa  (2  K.  18'")  (both  utterances  of  Sennacherib);  cf.  n-Dc  (v.  ")  with  n^D' 
(2  K.  18");  cf.  V.  "  with  2  K.  1827  b^  the  latter  contains  the  thought  of  the 
former;  v.  '^  with  2  K.  iS^^;  vv.  "  '•  with  2  K.  i833-3S;  v.  '^  with  2  K.  18"; 
V.  "  with  2  K.  18M  1914-  11  '.  {v.  also  v.  ");  v. '»  with  2  K.  iS^s;  v.  "  with 
2  K.  ig'S;  V.  20  with  2  K.  ig's-  s";  v.  21  with  2  K.  ig^s-sv.  (On  w.  "-is  1; 
further  i.)  These  parallels  are  all  sufficient  to  show  the  dependence  of  one 
narrative  upon  the  other.      This  chapter  is  also  an  immediate  continua- 


486  2    CHRONICLES 

tion  of  c.  31,  as  appears  from  After  these  things  in  v.  ',  and  the  use  of 
rvDH  faithfulness  {cf.  31").  The  following  marks  of  the  Chronicler's 
style  also  appear:  In  v.'  prnnii  (1.  38),  n'?;:'  (1.  114)  and  anS  (1.  105); 
in  V.  '  jiDH  (1.  28);  in  v.  '  ii>  (1.  84);  in  vv.  "■  "  n«-\Nn  (1.  6  and  91). 
These  marks,  it  must  be  acknowledged,  are  not  very  numerous,  but  yet 
suf&cient  to  suggest  the  composition  of  the  Chronicler.  The  subject 
may  have  led  him  to  write  a  style  less  awkward  than  usual. 

1.  After  these  things  and  this  faithfulness]  the  reforms  of 
Hezekiah  described  in  cc.  29-31.  The  writer  has  no  interest  in 
exact  chronology.  The  invasion  of  Sennacherib,  according  to  2 
K.  18",  was  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  Hezekiah's  reign  (v.  com- 
mentaries in  loco).  The  date  as  fixed  by  the  Assy.  ins.  was  701 
B.C.  The  question  of  the  second  invasion  of  Sennacherib  in 
691  (Winckler's  view)  does  not  aflfect  the  interpretation  of  the 
Chronicler's  narrative. — And  e^icamped  against  the  fortified  cities 
and  he  thought  to  break  into  them  and  so  bring  them  unto  himself]. 
According  to  2  K.  18",  Sennacherib  took  these  cities,  and  according 
to  the  Assyrian  account  they  were  forty-six  in  number  {COT.  pp. 
294^.). — 4.  And  they  stopped  all  the  springs  and  the  brook  which 
flowed  through  the  midst  of  the  land].  There  are  no  living  springs 
in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem,  except  the  single 
Gihon,  the  present  Virgin's  Spring,  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  on  which 
the  Temple  stands.  The  writer  then  is  either  describing  the  closing 
of  springs  which  now  no  longer  exist  or  of  artificial  reservoirs;  or, 
the  more  probable  view,  we  have  a  mere  legendary  extension  of 
the  diverting  of  the  waters  of  the  Gihon.  This  Gihon  or  Virgin's 
Spring  is  in  a  cave  on  the  east  side  of  the  city  without  the  wall,  and 
its  waters  appear  originally  to  have  flowed  into  the  Kidron  valley 
and  thus  would  have  been  a  source  of  supply  to  besiegers;  but 
later  it  was  diverted  through  a  tunnel  cut  in  the  rock  south-west 
and  west  for  a  distance  of  some  1,700  feet  through  the  south  head 
of  the  cast  hill,  on  which  the  Temple  stood,  into  the  pool  of  Siloam 
in  the  south-east  part  of  the  city.  In  this  tunnel  was  discovered,  in 
1880,  an  inscription  in  pure  Hebrew  recording  the  making  of  the 
tunnel;  and,  while  no  date  is  given,  there  is  no  doubt  that  this 
is  the  engineering  work  of  Hezekiah  referred  to  in  v.  '"  (2  K.  20") 
and  also  here.     He  stopped  the  brook  which  flowed  through  the 


XXXn.  1-23.]    THE   INVASION    OF   SENNACHERIB  487 

midst  of  the  land  by  diverting  the  course  of  its  waters  so  that  they 
no  longer  flowed  down  the  Kidron  valley,  but  to  the  pool  inside 
the  city  wall. — 5.  And  he  built  up  all  the  wall  that  was  broken 
and  upon  it  towers'^  (v.  i.)  and  another"^  (v.  i.)  wall  without]. 
Hezekiah  not  only  repaired  the  city  wall  and  built  towers  upon  it, 
but  also,  as  a  further  means  of  defence,  an  outside  wall.  This 
last  statement  has  been  thought  to  be  confirmed  by  the  discovery 
of  the  remains  of  an  outer  wall  "which  may  date  back  as  far  as 
Hezekiah,"  enclosing  the  pool  of  Siloam  on  the  south-east.  (Ba. 
with  reference  to  Bliss's  Excavations  at  Jerusalem,  1894-97,  pp. 
96/.  325/.) — The  Millo  in  the  city  of  David].  Cf.  i  Ch.  11'  '-. 
Winckler  regards,  without  sufficient  reason,  the  Millo  as  equivalent 
to  the  Temple  {KA  7".'  p.  272). — And  he  made  missiles].  The  word 
missiles  {Vn^  used  collectively)  properly  means  anything  that  is 
cast:  hence  weapons  of  defence,  darts,  or  even  stones  to  be  hurled 
from  the  wall. — 6.  The  broad  place  of  the  gate  of  the  city].  Al- 
though no  particular  gate  is  mentioned,  the  reference  probably  is 
to  the  broad  place  on  the  east  mentioned  in  29'  q.  v. — 7.  Cf.  on  first 
half  20'5  Dt.  31^  Jos.  I'. — 8.  An  arm  of  flesh]  a  merely  human 
support,  cf.  Je.  17'  Is.  21'  Ps.  56^  <<\  The  repeated  "with  us"  in 
w.  '  '•  may  be  compared  with  the  "Immanuel,"  "God  with  us,"  of 
Isaiah  (Is.  7'^  S^-  '»). — 9.  After  this].  The  Chronicler  maps  the 
order  of  events  after  2  K.  18,  where  in  v.  "  mention  is  made  of 
the  invasion  of  Sennacherib  corresponding  with  v. »  here.  The 
description  of  Hezekiah's  measure  for  defence  and  the  confidence 
of  the  people  (vv.  '■»)  is  the  Chronicler's  addition  to  the  narrative 
of  2  K.  He  also  passes  over  in  silence  the  submission  of  Hezekiah 
and  payment  of  tribute  recorded  in  2  K.  i8'^-'«  and  continues  the 
narrative  with  the  account  of  the  embassy  from  Sennacherib. 
In  this  he  draws  from  both  of  the  narratives  of  2  K.,  i.e.,  i8''-i9'» 
and  i99''-s6. — Before  Lachish].  2  K.  I8'^  Cf.  on  Lachish  25". — 
10.  Upon  what  are  ye  trusting?]  Cf.  2  K.  i8i'. — Fe*  dwellers  in 
siege  in  Jerusalem]  {v.  i.).  The  besieged  people  of  Jerusalem  are 
addressed. — To  die  by  famine  and  thirst].  Cf.  2  K.  i8">'^  where 
in  grosser  language  the  same  thought  is  presented. — Saying  Yah- 
weh,  etc.].  Cf.  2  K.  18'". — The  Chronicler  now  omits  the  argu- 
ment of  the  Assyrian  based  upon  Hezekiah's  lack  of  troops  and 


488  2   CHRONICLES 

reliance  on  Egypt,  given  in  2  K.  18"",  possibly  because  the  As- 
syrian's contempt  of  Hezekiah's  forces  might  seem  not  in  accord 
with  the  military  preparations  already  ascribed  to  the  monarch 
(w.'  '•);  and  because  the  reference  to  Eg>'pt  might  imply  the  seek- 
ing of  foreign  aid,  which,  from  the  Chronicler's  point  of  view, 
would  have  been  unthinkable  in  the  case  of  the  good  Hezekiah. 
— 13-15.  These  v\'.  continue  the  argument  of  2  K.  i8"-  ",  which 
also  appears  in  2  K.  19"".  The  Assyrian  urges  that  Yahweh 
cannot  be  expected  to  save  Jerusalem,  because  the  gods  of  no  other 
people  have  saved  them  from  the  Assyrians. — 16.  And  his  seroanls 
spake  yet  more,  etc.  ].  The  wTiter  either  thus  refers  to  his  abridg- 
ment of  the  material  of  2  K.  or  this  is  a  rhetorical  statement. — 17. 
He  wrote  also  letters].  Cf.  the  letter  mentioned  in  2  K.  ig'* 
(Is.  37'0- — To  reproach  the  God  of  Israel].  This  motive  or  act  is 
mentioned  in  2  K.  ig*-  '^-  "•  "  (Is.  37*-  "•  "•  ^').—As  the  gods,  etc.]. 
Cf.  v.  '5.  Since  v.  '^  may  be  said  to  come  as  an  interruption  be- 
tween v.  's  and  V. ",  it  is  regarded  by  Bn.  as  a  gloss. — 18.  And  they 
cried  with  a  loud  voice,  etc.].  Cf.  2  K.  iS^'.  The  conversation 
between  Rabshakeh,  the  Assyrian  messenger,  and  the  Judean 
ofl&cials  (2  K.  i8«)  has  been  omitted.— 19.  In  2  K.  19"  the  gods  of 
the  nations  conquered  by  the  Assyrians  are  called  "no  gods  but 
the  work  of  men's  hands."— 20.  The  prayer  of  Hezekiah  is  given 
in  2  K.  i9'5-"  and  a  message  (not  a  prayer)  of  "Isaiah  the  son  of 
Amoz"  in  2  K.  19"-".  This  is  the  only  direct  reference  by  the 
Chronicler  to  these  passages.— 21.  Cf.  2  K.  19"",  where  these 
facts  are  given  more  in  detail.— ^w<f  Yahweh  sent  an  angel].  This 
form  of  expression  compared  with  that  of  2  K.  19",  "The  angel  of 
Yahweh  went  forth,"  is  agreeable  to  the  later  conception  of  Yah- 
weh working  through  agents  rather  than  directly.  The  angel  of 
Yahweh  might  be  understood  as  a  direct  manifestation  of  deity, 
but  not  so  an  angel  sent  by  Yahweh.  The  narrative  implies  the 
destruction  of  the  Assyrians  through  pestilence,  and  this  main  fact 
is  confirmed  by  an  Eg>'ptian  legend  recorded  by  Herodotus 
(ii.  141)  (Sk.). — His  god]  Nisroch,  probably  identical  with 
Niisku  the  Assyrian  god  of  fire  (2  K.  19"  Is.  37")- — They  that 
came  forth  from  his  own  loins]  his  sons  Adrammclcch  and 
Sharczcr  (2  K.  19"  Qr.  Is.  37").     The  statement  of  the  Chronicler 


XXXn.  1-23.]  THE   INVASION    OF   SENNACHERIB  489 

is  more  poignant  than  that  of  2  K.— 22.  And  he  gave  them  rest* 
on  every  side]. 

1 .  nDN.7]  usually  rendered  faithfulness,  but  since  this  meaning  is  un- 
suitable in  the  present  context,  Perles  explains  by  connecting  with  the 
Babylonian  amdtu  "word";  and  by  pointing  as  pi.,  ddn,  he  removes 
the  syntactical  difficulty  arising  through  the  necessity  of  construing  nVsn 
with  both  a  sg.  and  a  pi.  (v.  i.).     Then  o^njin  is  a  gloss  explaining  this 
nbxn  {OLZ.  8,  1905,  col.  125).— nS^n]  belongs   to  both   onain    and 
PDNn,  Koe.  iii.  §  334  /*• — "i'''^«  D>'P^'^]  a  pregnant  construction  with  Sn; 
Koe.'iii.  §  213a.    vSx  wanting  in  (&,  H.     2  K.  iS'^  D!fDn>i.— 4.  nirynn  Sd] 
<&  TO.  iidara  tQ)v  iniyQv  as  in  v.  s.— ynxn]  (^  rijs  irdXews. —  .  .  .  "-dSd  1N13' 
1NXD1]  (&,  »,  sg.,  cf  28'=  30^—5.  pinnM]  cf.  ii.— mSiJcn  Sy  SyM]  with 
hy>^  as  Qal,  And  he  went  up  on  the  towers,  can  scarcely  be  the  true 
reading;    nor  yet  with  Sj?>i  as  Hiph.,   though  defended  by  Ba.,  who 
renders  And  he  brought  up  (restoration)  upon  the  towers,  i.e.,  "He  re- 
paired the  towers."     (6  omits  hy  hp\     Tl  renders   et   exstruxit   turres 
desuper.     Hence  read  either  (i)  niSnJDn  n^Sy^  Sj;>i,    And   he  raised  up 
towe.s  thereon  (Ew.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Ki.  Kom.,  BH.),  or   (2)  omit  Sj?  as  a 
dittography.  And  he  raised  up  the  towers    (Kau.    note),    or    (3)    n^Syi 
niSnjD,  And  he  built  towers  thereon  (Be.,  Oe.).     This  last  is  to  be  pre- 
ferred, since  n'rjj  is  nowhere  else  used   of  the  erection  of  buildings. — 
nsinS]  if  correct  towards  tJie  outside;   possibly  n  is  a  dittography,   so 
Koe.  iii.  §  33oi.     Yet  instead  of  nnns  nmnn  read  mns  ncin  (Ki.  BH.) 
another  wall.~^^im^\  wanting  in  (S,  possibly  a  gloss  (Bn.).— 10.  DOi'^i] 
<g, "H,  omit  1  probably  correctly .—12.  vmna  ns  n^Dn  in^i?n>  Nin  NSn]2K. 
18"  (=  Is.  36')  vnDa  PN  yr\^pm  nion  -it^N  wn  NiSn,  the  antecedent  of  Nin 
being  i^hSn  nin\  while  here  Nin  is  used  in  a  late  and  rare  construc- 
tion qualifying  r\^pm>  that  Hezekiah  (BDB.  Nin  1  e).     Thus  the  Chron- 
icler gives  the  thought  a  slightly  different  turn.     According  to  the  author 
of  K.,  Sennacherib  says  that  the  God  who  had  suffered  his  high  places 
and  altars  to  be  overturned  could  not  be  trusted  to  render  aid  to  his 
people.     According  to  the  Chronicler,  Sennacherib  attempts  to  arouse 
distrust  of  Hezekiah.— nnxS]  wanting  in  2  K.  (and  Is.).— inN  naio]  2  K. 
(Is.)  <B  nin  naiDH. — n^tapn  vSyi]   wanting  in  2  K.  (and    Is.). — 13-15, 
These  verses  are  clearly  dependent  on  2  K.  iS^^^.  33.  35  i^n.     V.  '^a  repre- 
sents 2  K.  iQi'  rewritten  as  follows: 

V.  13a  mx-\xn  >Dy  SjS  innxi    "'JN  "in''B'37     nn    ijJin     nSd 

2  K.  19"  nmNH  SoS  ma's  i;Sn  wy  ntrx  ns  nycr  hpn  r\:n. 
The  Chronicler  has  changed  the  exclamatory  sentence  of  2  K.  into 
an  equally  strong  ironic  question.  The  phrase  the  kings  of  Assyria 
is  changed  into  the  more  definite  /  and  my  fathers,  and  peoples  is 
inserted  before  lands.  The  remainder  of  v.  '=  is  taken  from  2  K.  18", 
thus: 


490  2   CHRONICLES 

2  K.   l8'»        "IWN        iSd      "CD        1i-(S  TN      B"N    CUH    >nS«    iS'SH    SsHH. 

Here  the  verse  in  2  K.  is  strengthened  by  the  addition  of  the  verb  Sa^ 
and  the  Chronicler  in  characteristic  fashion  expands  the  gods  o/the  nations 
into  the  gods  of  the  tiations  of  the  lands,  and,  as  he  changed  the  kings  of 
Assyria  into  the  more  definite  I  and  my  fathers  {v.  s.),  so  he  also  changed 
from  the  hand  of  the  king  of  Assyria  into  from  my  hand.  This  depend- 
ence upon  two  separated  passages  of  2  K.  explains  the  inconsistence 
between  the  two  parts  of  the  verse.  It  is  otherwise  peculiar  that  Sen- 
nacherib and  his  fathers  should  figure  in  the  first  part  and  in  the  sec- 
ond Sennacherib  should  refer  only  to  himself.  The  following  verse 
14  is  taken  from  2  K.  18"  with  the  following  changes:  risnxn 
becomes  nSsn  o^un,  to  which  is  added  the  phrase  ■'.-iun  isnnn  -is'n; 
So^  strengthens  Sxj  where  2  K.  uses  only  the  latter  verb  (as  in  the 
preceding  verse);  icjJ  is  substituted  for  ixis;  and  for  .'^N  nin>  S'x^  '3 
n^D  a'?!:'n'  of  2  K.  the  Chronicler  gives  us  n''D  odph  '?'xn'?  D^^^S^<  Sav  •>3. 
In  writing  the  first  part  of  v.  ",  the  Chronicler  probably  had  2  K. 
iS^^''  before  him,  while  the  remainder  of  this  verse  is  simply  the  answer 
to  the  question  of  v. '*. — 15.  So']  wanting  in  (6,  IB,  is  possibly  a  dit- 
tography. — iS^X']  many  mss.,  Vrss.  S'X^  cf.  v.  ". — ^3  in]  after  a  nega- 
tive proposition  serves  to  intensify  the  negative,  with  the  force  how 
much  less,  E\v.  §  354  c  (2),  cf  Koe.  iii.  §  353a. — 17.  ancDi]  05  sg.  ">dd 
is  often  used  for  royal  missives,  v.  BDB. — 18.  ix1|1m]  three  mss.,  (S^S  B 

sg.,  probably  due  to  sg.  in  v.",  cf.  v.". — 21.  in'X'ci]  Qr.  'n from 

N'V  adj.  f.  Perhaps  originally  ''!<S''Ci  (Ki.  BH.),  And  some  of  those 
•who  came  forth  from  his  loins. — 22.  So]  some  mss.  add  va^s,  and  so 
Bn.  The  addition  is  natural  but  not  indispensable. — uSnri]  Atid 
guided  them  (AV.,  RV.),  followed  by  2^2DD  from  round  about,  is  most 
awkward  if  not  impossible.  (&  kuI  Kariiravcev  avroiis  and  B  et  pnestitit 
eis  quietem;  hence  read  onS  n;M  {v.  s.)  a  frecjuent  phrase,  cf.  i4«  15" 
20"  I  Ch.  22",  so  Be.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki. 

24-26.  Hezekiah's  sickness  and  pride.— An  epitome  and  inter- 
pretation of  2  K.  ao'-'"  (Is.  38.  39).  Without  the  details  are  men- 
tioned (i)  Hezekiah's  serious  sickness,  (2)  his  prayer  for  recovery, 
(3)  the  acceptance  of  his  prayer,  (4)  the  sign  of  his  recovery,  (5) 
Hezekiah's  subsequent  pride,  (6)  the  anger  of  Yahweh,  (7) 
Hezekiah's  humiliation,  and  (8)  the  stoppage  of  the  divine  wrath 
during  his  days. 

On  account  of  this  abridgment  Bn.  assigns  these  verses  to  M,  since  the 
Chronicler,  he  thinks,  would  have  reproduced  so  edifying  a  narrative  as 
2  K.  20'-"  quite  fully.  Ki.  (Kom.),  on  the  other  hand,  rightly  assigns 
them  to  the  Chronicler. 


XXXn.  24-33.]     HEZEKIAH'S   SICKNESS   AND   WEALTH  491 

24.  In  those  days  Hezekiah  was  sick  unto  death]  a  direct 
quotation  of  2  K.  20' •  (Is.  38'»).  Those  days  here  can  only  mean 
the  days  of  the  Assyrian  invasion  and  the  deHverance  from  Sen- 
nacherib. (This  hkewise  is  the  meaning  in  2  K.  20'.  Hezekiah's 
reign  was  twenty-nine  years  and  his  days  were  prolonged  after  his 
illness  fifteen  years;  hence  the  date  of  his  illness  was  placed  in  his 
fourteenth  year,  which  coincided  with  the  date  of  Sennacherib's 
invasion.) — And  he  prayed  unto  Yahweh].  The  prayer  is  given 
in  2  K.  20=  '■  (Is.  382  '•). — And  he  spake  unto  him]  through 
Isaiah  with  the  promise  that  his  days  should  be  prolonged  fifteen 
years  (2  K.  20^  ^-  Is.  38^  ^■). — And  gave  him  a  sign]  the  sign  of 
the  shadow  moving  backward  on  the  sundial  (2  K.  2o«-"'  Is.  38^  '•), 
omitted  by  the  Chronicler. — 25.  And  Hezekiah  did  not  render 
according  to  the  benefit  to  him  for  his  heart  was  lifted  up].  This 
statement  is  based  upon  Hezekiah's  apparent  pride  in  displaying 
his  treasures  unto  the  messengers  of  Merodach-baladan  (v.  ") 
(2  K.  20'2  '•  Is.  39'  '•).  He  should  have  taken  pride  not  in  his 
wealth  but  in  Yahweh  his  God  and  deliverer. — Therefore  wrath 
was  upon  him  and  Judah  and  Jerusalem]  an  interpretation  of 
Isaiah's  prediction  of  the  Babylonian  captivity  (2  K.  20"  Is.  39"). 
— 26.  And  Hezekiah  humbled  himself  over  the  pride  of  his  heart, 
he  and  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  wrath  of  Yahweh 
came  not,  etc.]  a  proper  inference  from  Hezekiah's  acquiescence 
in  the  word  of  Yahweh  (2  K.  20"  Is.  39")  and  the  fact  that 
the  captivity  took  place  a  century  later. 

27--33.  Hezekiah's  wealth  and  the  conclusion  of  his  reign. 

Bn.  is  inclined  to  give  these  verses  also  to  M  (with  the  exception, 
probably,  of  vv.  «  '•);  Ki.  (Kom.)  to  the  Chronicler  with  trustworthy 
historical  information  from  an  old  extra-canonical  source  in  vv.  ">■  " 
(v.  i.). 

27.  And  Hezekiah  had  wealth  and  honor  exceedingly  abundant- 
ly]. Cf.  the  similar  statement  twice  repeated  of  the  good  King 
Jehoshaphat  (17"  18')  and  the  wealth  of  Solomon  (i")  and  of 
David  (i  Ch.  2928).  The  King's  wealth  is  recorded  as  an  ex- 
pression of  the  worth  of  his  character.  Silver  and  gold  and  spices 
are  mentioned  in  2  K.  20"  (Is.  39^)  among  the  treasures  which 


492  2   CHRONICLES 

Hezekiah  displayed  to  the  ambassadors  of  Merodach-baladan. — 
Shields]  the  small,  round  shield  (r/.  comment  on  i  Ch.  i2»» <»«')> 
either  representing  weapons  in  general  (Ke.),  costly  gilded  weapons 
(Zoe.),  treasures,  shields  like  those  of  Solomon  (9")  (Ba.),  or  with 
different  text  (v.  i.)  precious  things  (Ba.).  The  shields  also  may  be 
an  inference  from  "the  house  of  his  armor"  ('"'^D  ri"'2)  of  2  K. 
20"  (Is.  392). — 28.  Grain,  new  nine,  and  oil].  These  are  repeat- 
edly thus  mentioned  together  as  the  products  of  the  land  of  Israel 
(31^  Nu.  i8'2  Dt.  7"  II'*  12"  14"  18^  28^'  Ne.  5"  io"<»9>  13'-  "  Je. 
31"  Ho.  2"""  "<«)  Jo.  1'°  2"  Hg.  I")  (BDB.).— And  stalls  for 
flocks  *]  thus  (after  (g,  H)  AV.  "cotes  for  flocks";  the  RV.  follows 
^,  rendering,  "  And  flocks  in  folds." — 29.  Cities]  in  this  connection 
with  stalls  and  flocks  and  possessions  of  sheep  and  cattle  appear  out 
of  place,  hence  the  interpretation  of  "watch  towers  "  has  been  given 
after  a  usage  in  2  K.  17=  (Be.,  Kc.,  Zoe.,  Oe.).  This  is  rightly 
rejected  as  inadmissible  by  Kau.,  Bn.  The  text  is  probably  cor- 
rupt (■;;'.  i.).  We  should  either  place  cities  at  the  beginning  of 
V.  "  (reading  the  verb  of  v.  "  he  protnded  (lit.  he  made)  with  that 
verse),  And  he  made  for  himself  store  cities,  etc.,  and  acquired 
possessions  of  sheep  and  cattle  in  abundance,  or  with  a  similar  con- 
struction omit  the  word  cities  entirely.  And  he  made  store  houses, 
etc.  Ki.  retains  and  translates  cities.  The  originality  of  this  is 
possible  with  such  an  awkward  writer  as  the  Chronicler.  Ba. 
thinks  the  cities  were  meant  chiefly  as  places  for  refuge  for  the 
flocks  and  herds  in  time  of  war. — 30.  And  this  same  Hezekiah, 
etc.].  The  reference  is  to  the  engineering  work  described  in  v.  *. — 
The  upper  Gihon]  the  Virgin's  Spring  (see  v.  *).  Called  upper 
probably  in  contrast  to  the  lower  flow  of  water  at  the  end  of  the 
tunnel. — And  he  led  them  straight  down  westward  to  the  city  of 
David]  RV.  "on  the  west  side  of  the  city  of  David."  The 
Heb.  allows  either  rendering,  and  our  knowledge  of  the  location 
of  the  city  of  David  is  too  indcflnite  for  us  to  determine  which  is 
correct.  The  former  is  favoured  by  Oe.,  Ki.  {nach  der  Stadt 
Davids)  {cf.  v.  *). — 31.  This  verse  is  joined  closely  with  the  last 
clause  of  v.  »». — And  Hezekiah  prospered  in  all  his  works  and  so 
God  abandoned  him  (i.e.,  left  him  to  his  own  free  will)  in  the  case 
of  the  ambassadors  of  the  princes  of  Babylon  who  had  been  sent  to 


XXXn.  24-33.]     HEZEKIAH'S   SICKNESS   AND   WEALTH  493 

him  to  inquire  concerning  the  wonder  which  had  been  in  the  land, 
in  order  to  know  all  that  was  in  his  heart].  Because  Hezekiah 
enjoyed  such  unbroken  prosperity  God  left  him  to  his  own  will, 
not  to  bring  misfortune  upon  him,  but  to  reveal  to  him  his  pride 
and  thus,  as  the  sequel  showed,  to  bring  him  in  humility  unto  God 
(cf.  V.  2«)  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.).  The  verse  has  also  been  taken  in  con- 
trast to  the  foregoing  words  of  v.  '»,  the  introductory  particle 
(]D1)  being  rendered  "Howbeit"  (AV.,  RV.,  U  attamen,  Oe.,  Ba.). 
It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether  the  Hebrew  particle  admits  such 
a  rendering. — Who  had  been  sent]  ((^,  B,  d,  Kau.,  Ki.)  is  a  better 
reading,  involving  merely  a  change  in  the  Hebrew  vowel  points 
(v.  i.),  than  that  of  M,  "  who  had  sent "  (AV.,  RV.).—The  wonder]. 
Cf.  v.  ".  This  was  appropriately  an  object  of  inquiry  by  those 
from  Babylon,  the  seat  of  the  study  of  the  movements  of  the 
heavenly  bodies.  According  to  2  K.  20'2  «-,  however,  the  King  of 
Babylon  sent  the  embassy  to  condole  with  Hezekiah  in  his  sick- 
ness.— 32  f.  The  conclusion  of  Hezekiah's  reign  expressed  in  a 
formula  nearer  that  of  the  author  of  Kings  than  the  usual  one  of  the 
Chronicler  (cf.  2  K.  20^°). — His  pious  deeds]  either  in  respect  to 
God  or  man  or  both;  thus  mentioned  only  of  Hezekiah  and 
Josiah  (35")  and  Nehemiah  (Ne.  i3'0- — ^^^^  visionoflsa'iah  the 
son  of  Anioz].  The  reference  probably  is  to  the  Book  of  Isaiah, 
which  contains  the  account  of  the  invasion  of  Sennacherib  and 
Hezekiah's  sickness,  since  these  are  the  opening  words  of  that 
book  (cf.  Is.  i»). — And*  in  the  book  of  the  kings  of  Jtidah  and 
Israel]  v.  Intro,  pp.  22  /.  (on  p.  23  join  (0)  as  an  exception,  re- 
quired by  the  insertion  of  and,  with  («)). — And  they  buried  him  in 
the  ascent  of  the  sepulchres  of  the  sons  of  David].  Bn.  regards  this 
burial-place,  only  mentioned  here,  as  outside  of  the  graves  of  the 
kings,  and  since  this  befell  otherwise,  according  to  the  Chronicler, 
only  impious  kings  (Jehoram  2120,  Joash  24"^  Uzziah  26",  Ahaz 
28"),  he  thinks  this  statement  cannot  be  an  invention  either  of  the 
Chronicler  or  of  a  like-minded  source,  but  must  rest  upon  an  old 
reliable  tradition  (Ki.  accordingly  marks  it  thus  in  his  translation) 
(Kom.).  The  statement  doubtless  is  historic,  but  it  does  not 
necessarily  imply  a  burial-place  outside  of  the  royal  sepulchres. 
The  word  ascent  (n^J?i3)  might  mean  upper  locality,  hence  they 


494  2    CHRONICLES 

buried  him  in  the  higher  part  of  the  graves  of  sons  of  David,  or  even 
as  m  renders:  They  buried  him  above  the  sepulchres  of  the  sons  of 
David.  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  after  Thenius,  on  2  K.  20",  conjecture  that 
the  burial  in  the  ascent  was  due  to  the  lack  of  room  in  the  hereditary 
burying-place  of  the  kings.  "The  chiefest  of  the  sepulchres" 
(AV.)  is  not  an  allowable  rendering. — And  all  Judah  and  the  in- 
habitants of  Jerusalem  did  him  honor  at  his  death]  perhaps  in 
the  burning  of  spices  (cf  i6m  21"). 

24.  nj:]  wanting  in  2  K.  20'. — idnm]  (5  Kal  iwfiKov<Tev,  "^  exaudivitque, 
Ki.  BH.  suggests  i'3;:.i. — 26.  naja]  (&  dirb  tov  ij^povs,  but  cf.  "Beoquod, 
&. — 27.  D'-jJo'^i]  05  Kxl  owXodi^Kas.  Ba.  suggests  nmjcSi  and  precious 
things  as  in  v.  ^. — rncn  ^Sd]  desirable  vessels,  cf.  36'"  Ho.  13"  Na. 
2'"  Je.  25'<  Dn.  ii'. — 28.  niJ3DDi]  elsewhere  always  with  •'">>•,  cf.  8» 
(=  I  K.  9'9)  8*  1712  (on  i6«  see  notes),  Ex.  i"  f-  <8  Kal  ir6\eis. 
Possibly  anyi  in  v.  29  is  in  the  wrong  place  by  scribal  error  and  we 
should  read  'd  ^-i>m,  and  store-cities  (yet  see  v.  2'). — ncnji  nrna  h^^] 
for  all  kinds  of  cattle  Ges.  §  1 23/. — nnisS  omyi]  read  with  (S,  "B,  htiini 
Dm>'(^,  so  Ki.,  Bn.  &  omits  the  clause.  The  vocalisation  nnw  Bn. 
describes  as  an  unnecessary  attempt  to  dififerentiate  the  word  from  the 
previous  P^'^y*- — 29.  anyi]  either  out  of  place  (see  v. '*)  or  a  dittography 
of  omj?  of  V.  "  (Bn.).  The  object  of  nrj;  in  the  latter  case  was  PurDsi 
(v.  28)  and  nr;'  in  the  meaning  of  acquire  is  understood  with  njpDi 
3iSi|->3i  INX. — 30.  jvSyn]  modifies  nxi3,  Koe.  iii.  §  334  7. — oii:*"i]  Kt. 
DTf 'l^  Qr-  either  D^irM  Hiph.  with  ''  assimilated  or  oir'i  Pi,  with  ' 
syncopated,  Ges.  §  6gu. — naiyc]  ft^  nmro. — 31.  pi]  Oe.  reads  ]dk 
with  adversative  force,  Gleichwohl. — a^nSrsn]  (g  roli  iwoaToKeiaiv, 
B  qui  missi  fuerant  =  D''nSrsn,  so  also  21,  is  preferable  {v.  s.). — V'":] 
interpreter  Gn.  422^,  intermediator  between  God  and  man  Jb.  33"  Is. 
43",  hence  here  properly  ambassador  f. — 32.  ^';]  read  ':t  with  (S,  H, 
®. — 33.  nSyr]  <S  ava^da-ei,  B  super. — -11331]  (S  Kal  Sd^av  Kal  Ti.y.^v  = 
'di  •^^r\^  may  be  due  to  a  misread  dittography  of  "imi. 

XXXIII.  1-20.  The  reign  of  Manasseh  (686(?)-64i  b.  c.).— 
When  Manasseh,  at  the  early  age  of  twelve,  came  to  the  throne 
the  idolatrous  and  anti-prophetic  party  in  Judah  seems  to  have 
obtained  control  of  affairs,  and  the  young  King  became  thoroughly 
identified  with  it  during  his  long  reign.  Under  his  patronage  not 
only  the  worship  at  the  high  places  was  revived,  but  varieties  of 
heathen  (Assyrian)  worship  were  introduced.  Altars  to  the  host 
of  heaven  were  placed  in  the  courts  of  the  Temple  and  an  Asherah, 


XXXm.  1-20.]  REIGN   OF   MANASSEH  495 

later  understood  as  a  graven  image,  in  the  Temple  itself.  Manasseh 
also  sacrificed  his  son  and  practised  divination.  He  shed  also 
much  innocent  blood,  probably  of  those  who  adhered  strictly  to 
the  worship  of  Yahweh.  Thus  his  reign,  through  its  wickedness, 
was  long  regarded  as  having  sealed  the  doom  of  Judah.  In  the 
narrative  of  Kings,  which  is  entirely  written  by  the  Deuteronomic 
compilers,  nothing  relieves  the  blackness  and  foulness  of  Manas- 
seh's  reign.  In  the  Chronicler's  narrative,  however,  the  King 
suffers  captivity  and  humbles  himself  and  is  restored  to  his  king- 
dom, and,  acknowledging  Yahweh  to  be  God,  he  built  an  outer 
wall  to  the  city  and  removed  the  foreign  gods  and  heathenish  altars 
from  its  midst. 

Neither  Bn.  nor  Ki.  assigns  this  narrative  to  other  than  the  Chronicler 
and  his  canonical  source. 

1-9.  Manasseh's  idolatry. — A  copy,  with  only  very  slight  omis- 
sions and  variations,  of  2  K.  zi'-^'"'. — 1.  2  K.  21'  adds  the  name  of 
his  mother,  "Hephzi-bah." — 2.  And  he  did  that  which  was  evil  in 
the  eyes  of  Yahweh"]  the  usual  expression  in  i  and  2  K.  for  sins 
of  cultus.  These  of  Manasseh  are  given  in  the  following  verses  and 
are  here  condemned  as  a  repetition  of  the  abominations  of  the 
aboriginal  Canaanites  (cf.  v.  '  28^  2  K.  16'  17 s-  »i). — 3.  The  high 
places  which  Hezekiah  his  father  had  broken  down].  Cf.  31'. — And 
he  reared  up  altars  for  the  Ba  alim  and  made  Asheroth].  2  K.  21' 
has  in  each  case  the  singular  "for  Baal"  and  "an  Asherah,"  with 
the  additional  clause  "As  did  Ahab  king  of  Israel,"  and  the  writer 
of  Kings  evidently  has  in  mind  the  worship  of  some  one  Ba  al,  like 
the  Tyrian  one  of  Ahab  {cf.  17'),  and  the  erection  of  some  one 
symbolic  post  {cf.  14'),  possibly  representing  the  goddess  Astarte. 
The  Chronicler  thinks,  on  the  other  hand,  of  separate  Baals  or 
Canaanitish  gods  at  each  high  place,  with  also,  correspondingly, 
the  sacred  poles. — All  the  host  of  heaven]  the  heavenly  bodies 
(sun,  moon,  and  stars).  This  worship,  introduced  under  Assyrian 
influence,  or  encouraged  (since  it  clearly  had  not  been  unknown  in 
earlier  times  in  Israel)  (GFM.  EBi.  III.  col.  3355),  became  at 
once  prevalent,  as  is  shown  by  its  frequent  mention  in  the  literature 
of  this  period,  the  century  before  the  exile  {cf.  Dt.  4"  17^  Zp. 


^ 


496  2    CHRONICLES 

V  Je.  8=  19"). — 4.  And  he  built  altars  in  the  house  Yahweh]  i.e., 
for  foreign  deities  or  Baals. — Whereof  Yahweh  said  in  Jerusalem 
shall  be  my  name  forever].  Cf.  7"  i  K.  8"  9'.  The  promise  or 
command  centralising  the  worship  of  Yahweh  in  Jerusalem  found 
expression  in  the  sole  worship  of  Yahweh  in  the  Temple. — 5.  All 
the  host  of  heaven].  Cf.  v.  \—In  the  two  courts].  The  Temple  of 
Solomon  had  only  one  court,  hence  this  verse  in  2  K.  (21')  is 
post-exilic  (Bn.,  St.). — 6.  In  this  verse  Manasseh  is  said  to 
have  been  guilty  of  six  things  expressly  forbidden  in  Dt.  18'°  '■. 
— He  caused  his  sons  to  pass  through  tlie  fire]  i.e.,  he  sacrificed 
them  unto  Yahweh  ((/.  28^). — And  he  practised  soothsaying] 
besides  Dt.  i8"'-  '<  2  K.  21%  alluded  to  also  in  Lv.  19"  Ju.  9"  Is.  2« 
Mi.  5"  ('=)  Je.  275  Is.  57'  (Dr.  Dt.).  The  kind  of  di^^nation  referred 
to  is  uncertain :  the  word  has  been  connected  with  the  root  mean- 
ing cloud,  hence  divination  by  observing  the  clouds  or  sky,  or  the 
word  "  eye,"  "  to  smite  with  evil  eye."  Both  of  these,  however,  are 
now  generally  rejected,  but  nothing  satisfactor>'  has  taken  their 
place.  The  word  is  held  to  be  derived  from  a  root  meaning  "to 
utter  a  hoarse  nasal  sound"  {EBi.  II.  col.  11 19). — And  he  used 
enchantments]  as  Joseph  did  with  his  cup  (Gn.  44'-  "),  probably 
by  hydromancy,  or  watching  the  play  of  light  or  rings  of  liquid  in  a 
cup.  The  term  includes  divination  by  observing  omens  in  general. 
— And  he  practised  sorcery].  The  meaning  of  this  verb  has 
been  variously  explained:  to  cut,  and  hence  the  derived  meaning 
here  to  use  "herbs  or  drugs  shredded  into  a  magic  brew"  ((/. 
witchcraft  Mi.  5"  f'**),  or  to  obscure,  to  be  gloomy,  distressed,  and 
finally  to  l)e  a  suppliant,  to  seek  something  from  the  deity  {EBi. 
III.  col.  2900). — And  he  instituted  ghosts  and  familiar  spirits]  i.e., 
persons  professing  to  deal  with  them.  For  a  full  discussion  oi 
the  terms  v.  Dr.  Dt.  pp.  225/  The  character  of  these  persons 
is  seen  in  "the  witch  of  Endor,"  i  S.  28'  "  ,  who  was  described 
as  a  woman  possessing  a  ghost,  and  in  the  maiden  of  Acts  16 '•  «  , 
who  was  possessed  with  a  spirit  of  divination.  Manasseh  fostered 
people  of  this  description. — 7.  The  graven  image  of  the  idol  which 
he  had  made]  in  2  K.  21',  "the  graven  image  of  the  Asherah." 
The  Chronicler  brings  out  clearly  his  conception  of  the  Asherah 
there  mentioned:  it  is  an  idol.     Whether  he  thought  of  the  fe- 


XXXm.  1-20.]  REIGN    OF   MANASSEH  497 

male  deity  Astarte  in  this  connection  is  not  clear,  but  another 
name  from  that  of  Yahweh  was  locaHsed  in  the  Temple. 

1.  2  K.  21'  +  nj  ixfln  1CN  on. — 3.  ninain  .  .  .  nc2n  pn]  &  trans- 
poses.— I'nj]  2  K.  21'  13N. — nns'N  .  .  .  o^Sy^'^]  2  K.  sg. — .-ini'x]  2 
K.  +  '?N"i»'>  ^SD  axnN  nB*];  nj^Na  omitted  by  the  Chronicler,  since  he 
does  not  record  the  doings  of  Ahab. — 4 .  The  first  part  of  this  verse  is 
seemingly  inconsistent  with  the  second,  since  Ihe  house  of  Yahweh  and 
Jerusalem  are  not  identical.  Klo.  (on  2  K.  21^)  suggests  T';73  for 
nini  noa  (cf.  2  Ch.  28^^);  St.  (SBOT.  on  2  K.)  regards  the  verse  as  a 
gloss  to  V.  5  (based  on  v.  ^),  logically  belonging  after  v.  '.  Possibly 
the  writer  used  Jerusalem,  since  it  included  the  Temple  area. — njai] 
weak  1  with  the  pf.,  taken  from  2  K.  21*. — ninarc]  Ki.  reads  'rn, 
Ihe  altars,  identifying  them  with  those  mentioned  in  v. ',  but  those  seem 
to  have  been  built  at  the  high  places. — aSiyS  >D!y  r^-'n^]  2  K.  pn  D'i:*N 
'•DB'. — 6.  loyn  Nim]  2  K.  2i«  i^ayni. — vja]  #,  2  K.,  ij3,  but  CI  of  2  K. 
pi.  The  sg.  in  &  is  doubtless  a  correction  from  2  K.,  c/.  28'. — p  ^J3 
ojn]  wanting  in  2  K.,  and  likely  added  by  the  Chronicler,  cf.  28'. — l!^3i] 
wanting  in  2  K.,  elsewhere  only  pt.,  as  subst.,  meaning  sorcerer,  Dt. 
18'°;  fem.  sg.,  sorceress,  Ex.  22'';  masc.  pi.  Ex.  7"  Dn.  2^  Mai.  3^  f- 
— ijyTii]  2  K.  D^jpTii,  This  word  is  always  used  with  the  preceding 
31N  (sg.  or  pi.)  I  S.  283-  s  Is.  819  193  2  K.  2i«  232*  Lv.  19"  20«-  "  Dt. 
18"  t-  H.  P.  Smith  regards  both  3in  and  '•:y\'>  as  some  sort  of  idols 
{Sam.  pp.  239  /.). — 7^2'\T\]  in  2  K.  Bn.  connects  after  (8  with  nz••;^. 
— iDij?3nS]  2  K.  D'lyanV,  but  38  mss.  (g,  §,  (3,  of  2  K.  point  to  the  read- 
ing of  2  Ch.  as  the  original. — 7.  Scon]  instead  of  2  K.  21'  nnrxn. — 
cn't'sn  poa]  2  K.  n''33  alone,  but  (&^  iv  olKif  Kvpiov  and  B  J»  temple 
Domini,  nin^  n'>33.  d-'hSkh  in  Ch.  certainly  points  to  niri''  in  2  K. — 
a^nSs]  2  K.  nin\ — oiSiyS]  scribal  error  for  aSiyS  as  in  2  K.,  so  most; 
yet  may  be  dissimulation  for  oiVij?  =  oSip  v.  note  of  Hpt.  in  Ki.,  SBOT. — 
8.  T'DnS]  2  K.  21'  T'jnS,  (&  cra\eO(rat  in  both  places,  and  H  moveri 
and  commoveri  point  to  the  reading  of  2  K.  as  original,  so  Oe.  Bn. 
suggests  that  the  Chronicler  substituted  a  word  more  common  in  his 
time.  ^1J  is  not  used  in  the  writings  of  the  Chronicler. — '^>c]  2  K. 
p. — ipicyn]  read  with  2  K.,  d,  H,  &,  ''npj,  so  Kau.,  Ki.,  Bn.— 
ds^ionS]  read  with  2  K.  and  Vrss.  dp — ,  so  Be,  Oe.,  Ki. — S3  pn] 
2  K.  S33. — SdS]  2  K.  '?3Si. — aiOijtt'Dni  Di|-inni]  an  addition  by  the  Chron- 
icler.— n-i'D  T'3]  2  K.  niVD  nay  opx  nis  -\tt>N,  so  too  &,  which  may 
have  been  influenced  by  2  K. — 9.  2  K.  21'  is  introduced  by  i>:;s'  N*?!. — 
DSi;'n"i  o'i'M  min'>  pn]  is  expressed  in  2  K.  by  the  pron.  sf.  of  the  third 
pers.  pi.,  oypii. — J'n]  2  K.  p^^  px. 

10-13.  Manasseh's  captivity,  repentance,  and  restoration . 

— This  paragraph,  with  the  exception  of  the  opening  words,  And 


498  2   CHRONICLES 

Yahweh  spake,  is  entirely  wanting  in  2  K.,  which  gives  no  indica- 
tion either  of  Manasseh's  captivity  or  of  his  repentance  and 
restoration.  The  passage  then  has  been  regarded  as  a  pure  in- 
vention, an  allegory  of  Israel  in  exile,  and  received  by  the 
Chronicler  with  the  motive  of  accounting  for  Manasseh's  un- 
usually long  reign — fifty-five  years — a  reign  of  that  length  being 
unthinkable  in  the  case  of  a  king  wholly  bad  (St.  Gesch.  I.  p. 
640),  or  simply  invented  by  the  Chronicler  through  this  motive 
(We.  Prol.  pp.  206/.).  Besides  the  silence  of  2  K.,  against 
Manasseh's  repentance  is  Je.  15',  which,  since  there  the  captivity 
is  grounded  upon  the  sin  of  Manasseh,  clearly  shows  that  his 
repentance  must  be  regarded  as  a  fiction.  The  case,  however, 
is  difi'erent  with  the  story  of  his  captivity.  Manasseh's  name 
occurs  in  the  Assy.  ins.  among  the  list  of  the  kings,  tributary  to 
Esarhaddon  and  Asurbanipal,  of  the  Chatti  country,  embracing 
Phoenicia  and  Philistia.  These  same  lands  also  were  engaged 
during  the  reign  of  Asurbanipal  in  a  rebellion  (648-647  b.  c.) 
in  support  of  the  King's  brother  Shamash-shumukin,  viceroy  at 
Babylon,  and  there  is  no  reason  why  Manasseh  might  not  have 
been  involved  in  this  rebellion  or  have  incurred  such  suspicion. 
In  that  case  he  may  well  have  been  taken  captive  either  to  Nineveh 
or  to  Babylon,  since  the  inscriptions  show  that  the  King  received 
embassies  there.  Later  also  Manasseh  might  have  been  released 
and  restored  to  his  throne.  Such  treatment  Nccho  I,  King  of 
Egypt,  received  from  Asurbanipal.  Hence  this  captivity  and 
release  may  be  received  as  historical.  (This  result  was  especially 
reached  by  Sch.  COT.  II.  pp.  53  /.;  KAT.'  pp.  367  /.)  C/. 
also  Sayce,  HCM.  pp.  458  jf.;  Dr.  in  Hogarth,  Authority  and 
Archeology,  pp.  ii4jf.,  who,  admitting  in  abstract  the  possibility  of 
the  narrative,  finds  difficulty  in  the  circumstances  in  which  the 
statement  occurs;  TKC.  EBi.  III.  coll.  2926/.;  McC.  HPM. 
II.  pp.  377  ff.  Winckler,  who  formerly  held  this  view,  AT. 
Untersicch.  p.  122,  now  places  Manasseh's  visit  to  Babylon  under 
Esarhaddon  early  in  his  reign.  "  Manasseh  was  summoned  before 
Esarhaddon,  before  whom  he  defended  his  conduct  and  was 
acquitted.  Whether  the  investigation  was  held  in  Assyria  or  at 
Babylon  it  is  difficult  to  determine"  {KAT.*  p.  274). — 11.  The 


XXXm.  1-20.]  REIGN   OF  MANASSEH  499 

king  of  Assyria]  Esarhaddon  or  Asurbanipal  (v.  s.).—With 
hooks],  (i)  Figurative  of  Manasseh's  treatment  like  a  wild  beast 
(Kc),  (2)  with  the  meaning  of  fetters  ((g,  U,  SI,  Be.,  Oe.),  (3) 
literal:  Assyrian  kings  sometimes  thrust  a  hook  into  the  nostrils 
of  their  captives  and  so  led  them  about,  a  practice  illustrated 
on  many  Assyrian  reliefs  in  the  British  Museum  (Ba.),  (4)  the 
name  of  a  place,  an  unknown  Hohitn  (Th.  in  Be.)  (D^mn  a 
corruption  of  in^nS  Jericho,  TKC.  v.  s.  op.  cit.).  The  literal 
view  was  probably  intended  by  the  writer.— To  Babylon]  v.  s. 
McCurdy  {v.  s.  op.  cit.)  thinks  this  a  substitution  by  a  later 
scribe  or  copyist  for  an  original  to  Nineveh. 

14-17.  Manasseh's  enlargement  of  the  city  wall  and  reform 
of  the  cultus.— 14.  This  can  only  mean  that  outside  the  exist- 
ing rampart  of  the  citadel,  on  the  ridge  above  the  present  Virgin's 
Spring,  Manasseh  constructed  another  line  of  fortification,  which 
he  carried  northward  past  the  Temple  Mount  and  round  its 
northern  slope.— 15.  And  he  removed,  etc.].  Cf.  w.  '  '.  This 
statement  of  the  removal  of  the  foreign  gods  and  idols  from  the 
Temple  and  Jerusalem  by  Manasseh  is  not  exactly  consistent  with 
the  account  of  2  K.,  which,  knowing  nothing  of  Manasseh's  con- 
version, assigns  such  a  cleansing  of  the  Temple  and  of  the  city  to 
Josiah  (2  K.  23^-«).— 17.  Nevertheless  the  people,  etc.].  The 
Chronicler  felt  the  necessity  of  this  statement  in  view  of  the 
permanence  of  the  idolatry  nourished  during  the  reign  of 
Manasseh. 

18-20.  The  conclusion  of  Manasseh's  reign.— 18.  And  the 
rest  of  the  acts  of  Manasseh].  This  formula  is  derived  from  2  K.  2 1 ", 
but  the  remainder  of  this  verse  is  from  the  Chronicler  and  clearly 
shows  a  source  distinct  from  2  K.,  since  it  contained  his  prayer. 
On  the  basis  of  this  statement  was  composed  the  Prayer  of  Manas- 
seh, a  Hellenistic  composition  of  early  date  found  in  the  Apocrypha 
(though  not  in  all  mss.)  {DB.  III.  pp.  232/.).  In  the  English  edi- 
tions of  the  Apocrypha  it  occurs  just  before  i  Mac— r/^e  words 
of  the  seers]  probably  refer  to  prophetic  admonitions  addressed 
to  Manasseh,  which,  with  the  prayer,  were  recorded  in  the  Acts 
(or  history)  of  the  kings  of  Israel  (v.  Intro,  p.  21).— 19.  This  verse 
seems  to  have  come  from  a  later  hand  than  the  preceding,  and  to  be 


50O  2    CHRONICLES 

merely  a  fuller  statement  of  the  same  facts. — The  words  (or  the 
history)  of  the  seers  *]  can  scarcely  refer  to  anything  else  than  the 
words  of  the  seers  of  v.  •«,  the  title  probably  of  a  section  of  The  Acts 
of  the  kings  of  Israel  (v.  s.) — although  an  independent  work  is  pos- 
sible, though  not  probable  (v.  Intro,  p.  23). — High  places].  Cf.  1 1". 
— Asherim].  Cf.  14'. — Graven  images].  Cf.  34*. — 20.  And  tJiey 
buried  him  in  the  garden  *  of  his  house].  The  reading  of  fH,  "  They 
buried  him  in  his  house,"  is  a  mistake  to  be  rectified  by  the  true 
reading  of  (g»  and  2  K.  2i'8.  2  K.  adds  also  "in  the  garden  of 
Uzza,"  probably  meaning  of  King  Uzziah.  The  reference  may 
have  been  then  to  one  laid  out  by  that  King  in  the  court  of  the 
palace,  and  since  it  is  called  the  garden  of  his  own  house,  Manasseh 
may  have  built  a  house  there  within  the  grounds  of  which  was  his 
sepulchre  and  also  that  of  Amon  (2  K.  21"),  and  possibly  Josiah, 
who  was  buried  in  his  own  sepulchre  (2  K.  23'"). 

11.  B''nin3]  mn  usually  means  brier,  bramble.  Here  and  in  Jb.  4o'« 
hook  or  ring  in  jaw;  perhaps  point  D''nn  from  nn,  hook,  ring,  cf.  Is.  37"  = 
2  K.  1928.  Pointing  also  doubtful  in  Job. — 13.  iS  -\n;-M]  wanting  in  (S'-, 
but  the  following  }"Cw"i,  translated  by  the  same  word  in  (8^^,  accounts 
for  the  omission. — 16.  jdm]  Qr.,  most  MSB.,  &,  (jj,  ]?."}..  About  25  MSS., 
<8,  Jp;i,  so  Ki. — 17.  'i'Jn]  as  adversative,  also  i<  19'  Ezr.  10"  Dn.  10'  "  f- 
Koe.  iii.  §  372b. — 18.  19.  1  '?nis'>  ^aSr;]  wanting  in  05. — 19.  Min]  read 
with  one  MS.,  <8,  a\nn,  so  Kau.,  Bn. — 20.  imap^i]  2  K.  21"  pa  i^i'^'j 
H^y  pa  in>a.  Here,  then,  add  p.3  with  (&,  so  Bn.,  Ki.  (St.,  SBOT.  on 
K.). — psx]  (S^A  'A/Ltwj,  so  too  in  following  verses. 

21-25.  The  reign  of  Amon  (641-639  b.  c). — Taken  from  2  K. 
2119-24.  Of  this  King's  brief  reign  nothing  is  recorded  except  that 
he  followed  in  the  evil  footsteps  of  his  father.  Manasseh  clearly 
was  subservient  to  Assyria,  and  probably  the  policy  of  his  son  was 
the  same,  hence  his  death  may  have  been  caused  by  an  Eg\-ptian 
party  (GAS.  /.  II.  p.  198),  possibly  representing  the  Patricians  and 
Priesthood  of  Jerusalem  (Erbt,  Die  Heb.  pp.  162  /.).  Others 
regard  the  motive  as  religious,  an  act  of  the  adherents  of  the  cause  of 
pure  religion  (Ki.  Gesch.  p.  320).  The  cause  is  really  unkno\\Ti, 
and  it  is  idle  to  conjecture.  The  section  is  taken  from  2  K.  21"" 
with  V.  "^  rewritten. — 21.  Twenty-two  years].  If  this  age  is  cor- 
rect, then  Amon  was  only  sixteen  years  old  at  the  birth  of  Josiah. 


XXXm.  21-25.]  REIGN   OF   AMON  SOI 

McCurdy  holds  that  Amon  was  probably  acting  king  when  his 
father  was  in  captivity,  and  hence  older  than  twenty-two  on  his 
accession  (HPM.  p.  389).  The  name  of  Amon's  mother,  "Me- 
shullemeth  the  daughter  of  Haruz  of  Jotbah,"  given  in  2  K.  2i'», 
is  omitted. — 22.  And  Amon  sacrificed  to  all  the  graven  images,  etc.] 
2  K.  23",  "And  he  walked  in  all  the  way  which  his  father  walked 
and  served  the  idols  which  his  father  served  and  worshipped 
them."  The  Chronicler  has  abridged  and  changed  this  statement 
because  it  is  inconsistent  with  Manasseh's  repentance,  which  his 
own  statement  allows. — 25.  The  people  of  the  land]  the  common 
people  in  opposition  to  the  courtiers  who  had  conspired  against 
Amon.  This  vengeance  may  indicate  that  the  people  were  favoured 
by  the  conditions  which  prevailed  during  the  reign  of  Manasseh, 
as  though  the  entire  period  had  been  one  of  quiet  and  contented 
vassalage  under  Assyria;  or  it  may  only  be  an  expression  of  the 
loyalty  so  often  felt  by  the  common  people  for  a  sovereign. 

21.  2  K.  21"  -f-  n3!3>  ID  Y^-\n  na  nnSifo  13n  ds'i. — 22.  vjn']  2  K.  21" 
+  V3K  "iSn— iB^N  Tnn-SD3  -^^\  which  the  Chronicler  omits,  for  reason 
given  above. — 'ui  d^Siddd-'^sSi]  2  K.  inntt'M  v3n  •\iy  nJ^N  cSiSjin-pN  i3jjm 
dhS. — 23.  The  Chronicler  omits  2  K.  21''  and  adds  this  verse,  an  obvi- 
ous reference  to  his  addition  to  the  account  of  Manasseh. — pcN  Nin  13] 
(gB  iri.  vlhi  (■*■  +  avTov)  'A/^ws;  ^  &tl  A^wf  6  vlhi,  hence  original  (& 
=  pDN  1J3  ^3.  B  omits  pcN.  Probably  pes  Nin  as  well  as  psN  ua 
are  glosses  which  crept  into  different  texts.— 24.  may]  2  K.  212' 
|icN  najr. — inrr-CM]  2  K.  nScn  ns  in''D>i. — 25.  iom]  2  K.  2i'«  y^. 

XXXIV-XXXV.  The  reign  of  Josiah  (639-608  b.  c.).— The 
history  of  Josiah  contained  in  2  K.  cc.  22.  23,  apart  from  the  men- 
tion of  his  accession  and  his  death,  consists  entirely  of  an  account 
of  the  discovery  of  the  book  of  the  law  and  the  subsequent  reform. 
The  Chronicler  abridges  this  narrative  in  certain  points  and 
modifies,  embellishes,  and  expands  it  in  others.  2  K.  knows  of  no 
reformatory  activity  on  the  part  of  Josiah  until  his  eighteenth  year, 
when  the  book  of  the  law  was  discovered;  the  Chronicler,  on  the 
other  hand,  makes  the  young  King  exhibit  special  piety  ten  years 
earlier,  in  his  eighth  year  (34^),  and  in  his  twelfth  year  he  be- 
gins to  purge  the  land  of  idolatry   so  that  his  reformation  in 


502  2    CHRONICLES 

cultus  precedes  the  discovery  of  the  book  of  the  law  instead  of,  as 
in  2  K.,  following  the  discovery.  The  reason  of  this  change  is  plain. 
Such  a  pious  king  as  Josiah  must  be  represented  as  pious  from  his 
youth  and  needed  not  the  special  cause  of  the  discovery  of  the 
book  of  the  law  to  influence  him  to  remove  idolatries.  The 
Chronicler  has  also  omitted  all  reference  to  the  purging  of  the 
Temple  in  detail  (recorded  in  2  K.  23<«),  confining  himself  to  the 
single  statement  that  he  purged  the  house  (v.  «).  This  omission 
may  have  been  simply  due  to  brevity,  or  because  in  2  K.  23* -'  the 
idolatrous  objects  which  are  removed  are  clearly  those  associated 
with  Manasseh,  but  according  to  2  Ch.  ^^^i-  Manasseh  himself 
had  purged  the  Temple  of  these.  The  narrative  of  the  discovery 
of  the  book  of  the  law  is  also  rewTitten.  In  2  K.  22''  the  only 
officers  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  repair  of  the  Temple 
are  Shaphan  the  scribe  and  Hilkiah  the  high  priest;  but  in 
Chronicles,  Maaseiah  the  governor  of  the  city  and  Joah  the 
recorder  appear  (v. «).  The  keepers  of  the  door  also  have  become 
Levites  (v.  •,  cf.  2  K.  22<),  and  the  money  has  been  gathered  not 
simply  from  "the  people,"  i.e.,  those  of  the  S.  kingdom,  but  also 
from  those  of  Manasseh  and  Ephraim  and  all  the  remnayit  of 
Israel.  Also  in  2  K.  22*  the  implication  is  that  the  money  was 
derived  from  contributions  made  at  the  Temple  according  to 
the  arrangements  made  by  Jehoash,  who  placed  a  chest  beside 
the  altar  to  receive  dues  or  offerings  in  money  brought  into  the 
Temple  (2  K.  i2»  " ).  The  Chronicler  assumes  that  the  money 
had  been  collected  by  peripatetic  Levites. 

The  breaches  of  the  house  also  are  not  those  of  natural  decay, 
as  is  implied  in  2  K.  22^  but  specifically  those  of  violence  done  to 
the  Temple  by  the  idolatrous  kings  of  Judah  (v. ").  The  overseers 
of  all  the  work  also  are  Levites,  a  number  of  whom  are  mentioned 
by  name  (vv.  "  ' ).  These  are  entirely  absent  in  2  K.  The  account 
of  the  finding  of  the  book  and  the  inquiry  of  the  prophetess  and 
the  entering  into  the  covenant  are  given  essentially  alike  in  both 
narratives.  But  the  account  of  the  reformation,  since  that  has 
already  been  assigned  to  the  earlier  years  of  Josiah,  is  entirely 
omitted,  with  the  exception  of  the  celebration  of  the  Passover, 
which  was  a  feature  of  Josiah's  reform  (2  K.  23''").     This  is 


XXXIV.  1-7.]  REFORMATION   OF  JOSIAH  503 

elaborated  by  the  Chronicler  in  a  description  of  nineteen  verses. 
The  Chronicler  also  gives  a  somewhat  full  account  of  the  death  of 
Josiah  (35^°-"),  which  is  very  briefly  narrated  in  2  K.  23"-'°. 

Sources:  Ki.  (after  Bn.)  (omitting  the  w.  taken  from  2  K.)  assigns 
34'-'  to  M;  vv.  8-"  and  '2 1-  to  the  Chronicler;  35'-8  (as  far  as  people)  to 
M;  vv.  8a/3-3  to  the  Chronicler;  vv. '«-"  to  M;  w.  "-2»  (as  far  as  temple)  to 
the  Chronicler;  vv.  201^-25  to  M;  v.  =6  to  the  Chronicler.  It  is  doubtful, 
however,  whether  a  Midrash  source  should  be  introduced.  The  passages 
assigned  to  M  contain  nothing  necessarily  foreign  to  the  Chronicler.  The 
following  marks  of  his  style  appear  in  them:  c.  34  in  v.'  t:'-n  (1.  23); 
c.  35  in  V.  2 1CJ7  Hiph.  (1.  89);  in  vv.  ^-  '»  n-iay  (1.  81);  in  vv.  ■••  '»  npSnn 
(1.  42);  in  vv.  6  12  niaxn  no  (1.  14);  in  v.  '  nsd  (1.  69);  in  v.  »  the  use 
of  a  in  niSyna  (1.  69);   in  v.  21  lax  (1.  4). 

XXXIV.  1  f.  Josiah's  accession.— Taken  from  2  K.  22'  ' ,  with 
the  usual  omission  of  the  name  of  the  King's  mother. — 2.  And  he 
did  that  which  was  right,  etc.  ].  Cf.  similar  statements  concerning 
Asa  142,  and  Jotham  27"  Hezekiah  29%  but  only  to  Josiah  is  given 
the  praise:  And  he  did  not  turn  to  the  right  hand  or  to  the  left. 

1.  D"'jtt']  2  K.  22'  r\yif. — aSB-no]  2K  +  npxan  rt^i^j  na  mn"'  idn  oci. — 
2.  iD-na]  2  K.  22'  im  Sd3. 

3-7.  Josiah's  piety  exemplified  in  his  reformation. — 3.  For 

in  the  eighth  year  of  his  reign,  etc.].  The  narrative  of  2  K.  knows 
nothing  of  this  movement  for  reform  when  Josiah  was  so  young  and 
before  the  discovery  of  the  book  of  the  law.  For  the  reason  of  the 
Chronicler's  modification  v.  s.  A  reconciliation  between  the  two 
narratives  has  been  sought  on  the  ground  that  2  K.  described 
the  consummation  of  a  reform  begun  at  an  earlier  period,  while 
the  Chronicler  described  the  entire  reform  without  reference  to 
chronology  (Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.).—The  high  places].  Cf.  iVK—The 
Asherim].  Cf.  w.  <•  '  14'. — The  graven  images  and  the  molten 
images].  Cf.  w.  *■  '.  The  former  are  mentioned  in  ;^^^K  The 
two  may  be  coupled  here  together  to  denote  every  kind  of  idol  (so 
in  Na.  i'*  Hab.  2'^  Is.  48^  Je.  10"  51"  Dt.  27'^).  The  graven 
(carved)  image  was  either  of  wood  (Is.  402"  44'5  45")  or  of  stone 
(Is.  21^).  But  the  word  (^DD,  f?''DB)  is  used  for  idols  in  general, 
even  for  molten  ones  of  metal  (Je.   10'*   51"). — 4.  This  verse 


504  2    CHRONICLES 

describes  more  fully  the  conduct  of  v.',  repeating  its  terms. — 
Baalim].  Cf.  17'  ^i^- — ^^'^  ^""  pillars].  Cf.  14*  ">.  In  2  K. 
23'*  the  mazzebotli,  pillars,  are  mentioned.  The  hamtnanim,  sun- 
pillars,  a  later  term,  the  Chronicler  used,  perhaps  more  readily  in 
connection  with  idolatry. — And  he  made  dust  of  them].  Cf.  v.  '. 
In  2  K.  23''-  "  this  is  said  of  the  destruction  of  "the  Asherah"  and 
"the  high  places."  Thus  also  was  the  golden  calf  destroyed  (Ex. 
32"),  and  according  to  the  Chronicler  the  idolatrous  image  of 
Maacah  i5'«. — And  he  scattered  [the  dust]  upon  the  graves  of  those 
who  sacrificed  to  them]  {v.  i.).  In  2  K.  23"  the  dust  of  the  Asherah 
was  scattered  "upon  the  graves  of  the  common  people."  The 
Chronicler's  representation  is  more  intense,  a  sort  of  retributive 
pollution  even  of  the  resting-place  of  the  impious  dead. — 5.  And 
the  bofies  of  the  priests  he  burned  upon  their  altars].  Cf.  2  K.  23"-  " 
from  which  this  statement  of  defilement  and  abhorrence  is  probably 
derived. — 6.  And  in  the  cities  ofManasseh  and  Ephraim  and  Simeon 
even  unto  Naphtali  he  laid  waste  their  houses  *  round  about].  The 
reform  of  Josiah  (after  2  K.  23''- '')  extended  over  northern  Israel. 
This  had  already  happened  in  the  case  of  Hezekiah  (cf.  30'  '•  ""  ")• 
The  mention  of  Simeon,  whose  territory  was  south  of  Judah  (i  Ch. 
4"  *•),  with  the  northern  tribes  is  due  to  the  fact  that  it  was  reckoned 
as  one  of  the  ten  tribes  forming  the  N.  kingdom  (cf.  15'). — Their 
houses]  idolatrous  temples  (cf.  "the  houses  of  the  high  places," 
2  K.  23'»). — 7.  Cf.  V.  *. — All  the  land  of  Israel]  the  N.  kingdom. 

3.  •'."i^N^]  (&  Kvpiov  rbv  Oebv. — 4.  vjdS  «rjM]  (S^l  ^al  Kariawadiv 
(I' — (TKa^pe)  TO,  /card  irpdffuirov  aiiroO  (L — wi*),  but  avrov  in  ^  shows 
that  the  verb  must  have  stood  in  pi.  in  original  (S,  as  is  found  in  * 
KareffTpexpav,  which  supports  M.  Some  scribe  of  (6^^  changed  the 
number  to  agree  with  the  preceding  and  following  passages.  The 
necessary  change  from  avrov  to  avrwv  was  made  only  in  k — a'jcn]  cf. 
14*. — O'nain  o^iapn]  read  with  Vrss.  either  'in  •«i_3,"^  (Ki.  BH.)  or  'pr^ 
'rS. — 5.  Dv-'inar::]  Qr.  dp — . — 6.  an>.-ia  ina]  Kt.  oyri2  nna,  he  chose 
(searched)  their  houses,  is  hardly  possible.  Qr.  cn>r3-^n3,  with  their 
swords,  is  only  a  guess,  as  are  the  renderings  of  the  Vrss.  <S  xal  (iv) 
T.  tSwoh  avruv;  B,  cuncta  subvertU.  Most  moderns  (Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe., 
Oe.,  Kau.,  Ki.,  Bn.,  et  at.)  read  an\nb-;n3  in  their  ruins,  but  no  account 
is  taken  of  2  K.  23"  upon  which  this  verse  is  based.  There  Josiah  is 
described  as  destroying  "the  houses  of  the  high  places"  (nisan  'P3) 


XXXIV.  8-13.]      THE   REPAIR   OF  THE   TEMPLE  505 

which  were  "  in  the  cities  of  Samaria,"  the  latter  becoming  in  2  Ch.  the 
cities  of  Manasseh  and  Ephraim  and  Simeon  even  unto  Naphtali. 
Hence  it  is  probable  that  the  account  in  Ch.  referred  to  these  "  houses  " 
originally,  and  in  so  far  the  Kt.  onina  must  be  correct,  ina,  then,  is 
either  a  corruption  of  3 'inn,  i.e.,  and  in  the  cities  of  .  .  .  he  destroyed 
their  houses,  or  of  "T'Dh,  cf.  2  K.  23". — 7.  ona'sn  n>si  ninarcn  hn]  trans- 
posed in  (&. — PinS]  not  likely  an  isolated  and  abnormal  inf.  Hiph.  with 
the  vowels  of  the  pf.  (Ew.  §  238  d,  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.),  but  is  either  an  error 
for  ni_ni  {cf.  V.  <)  (Kau.,  Bn.)  or  should  be  pointed  p-yjf]  (Oe.). 


8-13.  The  repair  of  the  Temple. — Based  upon  2  K.  22'-'  (for 
main  variations  v.  s.). — 8.  The  clause  rendered  in  AV.,  RV., 
When  he  had  purged  the  land  and  the  house,  is  an  addition  to 
the  text  of  2  K.  22',  and  in  this  translation  brings  that  verse 
into  conformity  with  w.  '-'.  The  other  proposed  renderings 
(y.  i.)  make  the  clause  either  an  expression  of  the  object  of  the 
repair  of  the  Temple  or  an  implication  that  Josiah  spent  several 
years  in  removing  all  idolatries  from  the  lands.  The  fact  that 
only  here  is  the  purging  of  the  Temple  by  Josiah  mentioned  by 
the  Chronicler  favours  the  notion  that  the  clause  is  a  gloss  {v.  i.). 
— Shaphan],  This  name  also  appears  in  v.  2°,  as  the  father 
of  Ahikam,  also  of  an  Elasah  Je.  29'  (perhaps  the  same  Sha- 
phan is  meant).  Shaphan  appears  also  in  Je.  36"'-  "•  '^  as  the 
father  of  Gemariah  and  in  Ezk.  8"  as  the  father  of  Jaazaniah. 
These  latter  two  may  have  been  identical  with  the  Shaphan 
here  mentioned.  The  name  means  Coney  or  Rock-badger,  and 
has  been  taken  with  other  animal  names  as  an  evidence  of 
totemism  in  Israel  (but  see  Gray,  HPN.  pp.  103  /.;  Jacobs, 
Studies  in  Bib.  Arch.  pp.  84  ff.). — Azaliah]  (2  K.  22'  f).  The 
Chronicler  omits  his  father  MeshuUam,  and  Shaphan's  title 
of  "  scribe  "  both  mentioned  in  2  K.  22^ — Maaseiah  the  governor  of 
the  city  and  Jo'' ah  the  son  of  Jo^ahaz  the  recorder]  not  mentioned 
in  2  K.  The  names  are  common. — 9.  The  matter  is  stated  differ- 
ently in  2  K.  2  2^  There  Shaphan  took  a  message  to  Hilkiah  that 
he  should  "sum,"  i.e.,  reckon  the  total  of  the  money  received  in 
the  Temple  or,  to  follow  a  better  reading,  "pour  it  out"  from  the 
chest  in  which  it  had  been  collected  from  contributors  entering  the 
Temple;  here  Shaphan  and  his  companion  came  to  Hilkiah  and 


5o6  2   CHRONICLES 

gave  the  money  which  had  been  collected  throughout  the  country 
presumably  by  Levites  (v.  s.  and  cf.  24"  "  ,  where  the  Chronicler 
has  made  a  similar  departure  from  the  narrative  in  2  K.  12,  intro- 
ducing Levites  as  collectors  24'). — 10  f.  And  they  gave  ']  a 
repetition  of  and  they  gave  (AV.,  RV.,  delivered)  of  v.  •,  i.e., 
Shaphan  and  his  companions  with  Hilkiah  gave  the  money  into 
the  hand  of  the  workmen  who  had  the  oversight  of  the  house  of 
Yahweh  and  these  in  turn  gave  it  to  the  workmen  who  were  working 
in  the  house  of  Yahweh  to  mend  and  to  repair  the  house  (Ke.,  Zoe., 
Kau.,  AV.,  RVm.).  This  latter  statement  is  made  more  definite 
by  v." :  And  they  gave  it  to  the  carpenters  and  to  the  builders  to  pur- 
chase hewn  stone,  etc.  Another  interpretation  regards  the  workmen 
who  were  working  (D''t^•J?  "Iw'X  nSS^Cn  "'ii'lV)  as  identical  with  or 
belonging  to  the  workmen  who  had  the  oversight  {nl'^b'^iri  '•1^^ 
CTpfiCn),  and  renders:  And  the  worhnen  who  were  working  in  the 
house  gave  it  to  mend  and  repair  the  house  (v.  ")  and  they  gave  it  to 
the  carpenters,  etc.  (RV.,  Ki.  Kotn.).  The  former  of  these  two  in- 
terpretations is  favoured  by  the  parallel  in  2  K.  22=. — Carpenters]. 
The  Heb.  word  (Cwin)  means  not  only  workers  in  wood  but  also 
in  stone  and  metal. — The  houses]  the  chambers  of  the  Temple 
(cf.  I  Ch.  28")  which  the  kings  of  Judah  had  ruined].  Whether  the 
writer  thought  only  of  ruin  by  neglect  (Ke.,  Zoe.)  or  something 
more  positive,  as  is  ascribed  to  the  sons  of  Athaliah  (24'),  is  uncer- 
tain.— 12.  And  the  men  worked  faithfully  at  the  work].  In  2  K.  22' 
faithfulness  is  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  payment  of  the 
money. — Atid  over  them  were  appointed  overseers  Jahoth  and 
Obadiah,  Levites  of  the  sons  of  Merari,  and  Zechariah  and  Meshul- 
lam  of  the  sons  of  the  Kehathites  to  direct  the  work.]  This  is  a 
characteristic  addition  of  the  Chronicler.  On  the  names  of  the 
Levites  c/.  for  Jahath  1  Ch.  4'  6'  '■■"'>  "  «"  23"'  '•  24";  for  Obadiah 
I  Ch.  27'»,  32"  73  8"  et  al.;  and  on  the  families  cf.  i  Ch.  5"  (6')- 
— And  the  Levites,  all  skilled  in  instruments  of  song  13  *  were  over 
the  burden  bearers  and  were  directors  of  the  workmen  doing  ez'cry  sort 
of  work:  and  from  the  I^evites  were  the  scribes  and  officers  and  gate- 
keepers]. Not  only  were  the  four  principal  overseers,  those  men- 
tioned by  name,  Levites,  but  from  the  Levitical  musicians  were 
taken  the  subordinate  directors  of  the  work,  and  from  the  Levites 


XXXIV.  8-13.]      THE   REPAIR   OF   THE   TEMPLE  507 

also  the  clerical  employees  and  other  subordinate  officers  and  the 
gate-keepers.  The  Chronicler  is  anxious  to  express  how  entirely 
the  work  in  every  detail  was  under  the  supervision  of  the  Levites. 
When  Herod  rebuilt  the  Temple  this  notion  of  committing  every- 
thing connected  with  the  sacred  edifice  to  ecclesiastics  was  carried 
even  further,  since,  according  to  Josephus  (Ant.  xv.  11,  2.),  Herod 
caused  priests  to  be  trained  as  carpenters  and  masons  for  labour 
on  the  Temple.  The  words  all  skilled  in  instruments  of  song,  giving 
prominence  thus  to  the  Levitical  musicians,  and  also  the  last  clause 
of  v. ",  may  be  glosses  (so  Ki.  Kom.,  after  Bn.). 

8.  niani  pNH  nx  inaS]  (i)  has  been  variously  rendered,  when  he 
had  purged,  etc.  (H,  EVs.,  Luther,  De  Wette,  et  al.).  But  such  a  construc- 
tion of  the  inf.  with  h  is  unexampled  elsewhere.  (2)  In  order  to  purge 
.  .  .  lie  sent,  etc.  (Be.).  This  connection  with  the  following  words  is 
against  the  context,  since  the  verbal  object  of  nSa*  is  prnS.  Ki.  Kom. 
also  renders  thus,  and  after  Bn.  regards  the  words  as  a  gloss.  This  latter 
is  plausible.  (3)  While  purifying,  etc.  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Kau.).  This  is 
to  be  preferred  {cf.  Ew.  §  280  d).—rhv]  2  K.  22'  +  iSnn.— ih^Sxn]  2  K.  + 
-iDDH  dSb'D  p. — pTn*?  .  .  .  iniB'}!D  PNi]  wanting  in  2  K. — vhSn]  want- 
ing in  2  K.,  which  adds  idnS.— 9.  inj^i]  for  the  imv.  n'?j7,  2  K.  22<.— 
un^i]  DOM  of  2  K.  was  either  misread  or  intentionally  changed  by  the 
Chronicler.— D^nSs]  2  K.  nin\— dmSh]  inserted  by  the  Chronicler.— 
'1JI  1^3]  a  fuller  statement  than  2  K.  Dyn  dnd,  v.  s.  on  v.  s.- anflxi]  (g  -f- 
Kal  tQv  dpx^vTuv  scarcely  arose  through  error  in  the  Greek  nor  could 
D>n!fi  be  original.  Possibly  the  latter  represents  a  corruption  of  an 
earlier  pyctt-i,  cf.  v.  «  15'. — '■>  ''yi'^^]  Kt.  '"<  nu'ii  and  the  inhabitants  of 
Jerusalem  also  (g,  E,  »,  adopted  by  Ke.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Bn.  The  Qr., 
•nr;i  and  they  (the  Levites)  returned,  implies  that  the  Levites  went 
forth  to  collect  this  money  (v.  s.).  Ki.  {SBOT.  and  BH.)  prefers  Qr., 
since  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  are  included  in  all  Jiidah,  but  these 
are  differentiated  elsewhere,  20'5-  's-  2»  24s-  «».— 10.  ijhm]  2  K.  22^ 
(Qr.)  -injriM,  hence  (&  /cat  edwKav  avrb  =  ins  un-il  may  be  original. — 
nirj;]  possibly  ■'pv  with  2  K.,  so  Ki.,  but  cf.  i  Ch.  23«.— •'B'U']  <S,  »,  2  K. 
"ityj?"?  is  probably  original,. .  so  Be.,  Ke.,  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.  BH.  a^uv] 
wanting  in  2  K.,  was  introduced  by  the  Chronicler  to  emphasise  the  con- 
trast with  tJie  workmen  that  had  the  oversight,  onponn. — ptnSi  p^-^2'^] 
2  K.  P13  PK  pTnS.— pnaS  f]  Qal  inf.  cstr.  of  denom.  verb  p-12  formed 
from  P13.— 11.  un^i]  wanting  in  2  K.  22«.— D^jaSi]  2  K.  -H  omjSi.— 
n^:ph]  (6,  2  K.,  'Si.— a>xj;i  axnn  ijax]  transposed  in  2  K.— 'ui  nnann'? 
2  K.  n>an  pk  prnV.- nnann]  cf.  i  Ch.  22'.— nnph]  Pi.  inf.  cstr.  from 
denom.  nip  to  furnish  with  beams.— 12.  nssSna]   an  addition  to  the 


5o8  2    CHRONICLES 

phrase  in  2  K.  22'*'. — 13.  Sj;i]  omit  1  (Be.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Bn.,  Ki.  Kom., 
BH.). — a'nxjD]  wanting  in  (S  and  therefore  struck  out  by  Bn. 

14-19.  The  discovery  of  the  law-book. — Based  upon  and  fol- 
lowing quite  closely  2  K.  22"". — 14.  This  introductory  verse  is 
from  the  Chronicler.  Its  purpose  is  to  renew  the  narrative  taken 
from  2  K.  after  the  interruption  of  vv.  ■'  '•. — Ajid  when  they  brought 
out  the  money  which  was  brought  into  the  house  of  Yahweh,  Hilkiah 
the  priest  found,  etc.].  The  natural  inference  would  be  that  the 
book  was  found  in  the  place  where  the  money  was  kept,  yet  the 
connection  may  only  be  temporal:  at  the  time  when,  then  Hilkiah 
found,  etc. — The  book  of  the  law  of  Yahweh  by  the  hand  of  Moses]. 
The  Chronicler  has  in  mind  the  Torah  or  Pentateuch  (v.  v.  "). 
The  words  by  the  hand  of  Moses  are  wanting  in  2  K.  The  book 
actually  found  was  Deuteronomy,  or  more  exactly  the  original 
Deuteronomy,  Dt.  5-26.  28  (Dr.  Dl.  p.  Ixv.,  Ryle,  DB.  p.  598, 
GFM.  EBi.  I.  coll.  1080/.;  others  restrict  the  original  D  more 
nearly  to  cc.  12-26,  thus  Comill,  Intro,  p.  60). — 16.  Afid  Shaphan 
brought  the  book  to  the  king  and  moreover  lie  brought  the  king  word 
saying,  etc.].  The  awkward  introduction  of  the  book  at  this  point, 
anticipating  the  narrative  of  v.  '8,  has  arisen  from  a  misreading  of 
the  te.xt  of  2  K.  22'  (v.  i.).  The  text  of  2  K.  reads,  "And  Shaphan 
the  scribe  came  to  the  king  and  brought  the  king  word  and  said. 
Thy  servants  have  emptied  the  money,  etc."  (In  the  unpointed 
Hebrew  text  the  words  "  he  came "  and  "he  brought "  are  the  same, 
(Sa"*!)  and  also  "the  scribe"  and  "the  book"  (ISDn)).— 17.  And 
they  poured  out  the  money  that  was  found,  etc.].  The  phraseology 
from  2  K.  22'  implies  collection  in  the  chest  instituted  by  Jehoash 
{v.  s.). — 18.  And  Shaphan  read  therein].  A  noticeable  departure 
from  the  text  of  2  K.  22"',  which  has  "And  Shaphan  read  it,"  im- 
plying that  he  read  the  entire  book  before  the  King,  but  the  Chron- 
icler, assuming  the  book  to  be  the  Pentateuch,  recognised  at  once 
the  incongruity  of  such  a  statement  and  thus  changed  it.  The 
reading  was  confined  to  portions  of  the  book.  In  like  manner  also 
he  omitted  from  v.  "  the  words  of  the  corresponding  verse  in  2  K. 
(22»),  "And  he  read  it." — 19.  The  law  contained  some  message  of 
peculiar  horror  for  neglect  of  the  covenant  of  Yahweh,  probably 
the  message  of  Dt.  28. 


XXXIV.  14-33.]  DISCOVERY   OF   THE   LAW  509 

15.  jyi]  wanting  in  2  K.  22'. — inipSn']  2  K.  +  Snjn  pon. — jcr'] 
2  K.  +  ins-ip'i. — 16.  iflon  n>N  jflu>  n2m]  2  K.  22^  -iddh  iDtt*  njm.  The 
Chronicler  misread  ^flD^.  (Bn.  thinks  copyist  misread  ^SDn.) — icnS 
'1J1]  wanting  in  2  K.  ncx'^  is  a  substitute  for  hdnm  of  2  K.  22'''. — 17. 
istim]  2  K.  "injj?  laTin, — nin>]  wanting  in  2  K. — n^  Syi  onpcDn  ti  Sj; 
nDN^Dn  •'^^];]  2  K.  '»  no  onponn  nsNSDn  iiyj;  ni  Sy.  The  Chronicler 
differentiates  nsNSnn  >cjj  and  onpflon,  the  latter  being  Levites  (v.  ''), 
hence  the  transposition  and  the  insertion  of  n^  Sj?. — 18.  ia  iNipM]  2  K. 

22'"  IHN-tpM. 19.    nai]  2  K.   22"   +    IDD. 

20-28.  The  inquiry  of  Yahweh  through  Huldah  the  proph- 
etess.— On  hearing  the  terrific  denunciations  of  the  law-book 
Josiah  at  once  resolves  to  consult  Yahweh  clearly  with  a  view 
of  averting  impending  calamity,  and  he  sends  a  commission  to 
a  prophetess,  Huldah  the  wife  of  one  of  the  courtiers,  and  from 
her  he  receives  a  message  of  doom  for  the  city  and  yet  of 
respite  for  himself. — 20.  Ahikajti]  mentioned  elsewhere  as  a 
well-minded  courtier  who  defended  Jeremiah  on  a  critical  oc- 
casion (Je.  26^^)  and  who  was  also  the  father  of  Gedaliah 
the  governor  of  the  cities  of  Judah  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem 
(Je.  39"  4o').—'Abdon]  in  2  K.  22'2  "'Achbor."  This  latter 
(meaning  mouse)  is  more  probably  correct,  since  in  Je.  26"  36'* 
Elnathan  the  son  of  'AcJibor  is  mentioned. — Micah]  2  K.  22 
"Micaiah."  The  former  is  an  abbreviated  form  of  the  latter. 
The  prophet  Micah  was  also  called  Micaiah  (cf.  Mi.  i'  and 
Je.  26'«  Kt.). — 'Asaiah],  (For  occurrences  of  the  name  cf. 
I  Ch.  43s  6'5  (30)  156-  n  9S )  This  one  is  not  mentioned  else- 
where.— The  servant  of  the  king]  the  title  of  a  particular  office, 
although  we  are  ignorant  of  its  precise  function  (Bn.  Arch.  p.  258). 
Servant  is  used  elsewhere  with  reference  to  a  king  (i)  of  royal 
officials,  Gn.  402°  2  S.  lo^- "  and  (2)  of  common  soldiers,  2  S.  2'=  »■ 
3"  8'. — 21.  And  for  them  that  are  left  in  Israel]  wanting  in  2  K. 
22",  which  has  "for  the  people  and  all  Judah."  The  Chronicler 
characteristically  introduces  the  remnant  of  the  N.  kingdom  {cf. 
V.  '). — Which  has  been  poured  out].  (&,  followed  by  Bn.,  Ki.  BH., 
has  the  reading  of  2  K.,  "which  has  been  kindled,"  which,  since  the 
reading  is  the  more  unusual,  is  probably  correct.  Likewise,  fol- 
lowing (S,  ^,  with  Bn.  and  Ki.  BH.,  we  should  after  2  K.  read 
because  our  fathers  did  not  h^ar  *  the  word,  etc.,  instead  of  because 


5IO  2   CHRONICLES 

our  fatliers  did  not  keep  ilie  word,  etc. — 22.  TJien  Hilkiah  and  those 
whom  the  king  commanded*].  Again  a  reading  of  (&  supplying  the 
word  comnumded  is  to  be  adopted. — Huldah]  2  K.  22'<  f  (mean- 
ing weasel). — llie  prophetess].  This  title  is  also  given  to  Miriam 
(Ex.  15"),  Deborah  (Ju.  4^,  the  wife  of  Isaiah  (Is.  8»),  and  to  the 
false  prophetess  Noadiah  (Ne.  6'«).  Women,  thus,  as  well  as  men, 
gave  in  Israel  communications  from  Yahweh;  yet  prophetesses 
appear  not  to  have  been  numerous. — Shallum]  (a  common  name, 
cf.  I  Ch.  2'"  '■  4"  5»»  '•  (6"  '•)  9"  et  al.)  possibly  identical  with 
Shallum  the  uncle  of  Jeremiah  (Je.  32'). — Tokhath]  better  the 
reading  of  2  K.  22'<,  Tikvah  (a  name  meaning  hope,  also  in  Ezr. 
io'5  t). — Hasrah  f]  2  K.  22'<  Harhas  f,  the  former  probably  is 
correct. — Keeper  of  the  wardrobe]  (lit.  the  garments)  cither  the 
king's  wardrobe  or  more  likely  the  garments  kept  at  the  palace  for 
festive  occasions.  Cf.  2  K.  10"  and  on  the  use  of  special  garments 
at  religious  functions,  WRS.  Rel.  Sem.  pp.  452/. — In  the  second 
quarter].  Cf.  Zp.  1'°.— 24.  All  the  curses].  Cf.  Dt.  28"«'.  For 
phraseology  similar  to  that  of  this  verse  and  the  following  cf.  i  K. 
9«  a-  149  t.  Je.  720  ig3  223". — 25.  Poured  out]  better  after  (g 
kindled  (cf  v.  ^i)  (v.  f). — 26  f.  The  words  which  thou  hast  heard 
.  .  .  ].  The  text  is  in  some  way  faulty.  Perhaps  the  reading 
was:  Because  thou  hast  hearkened  unto  my  words  (")  and  thy  heart 
was  softened,  etc.  (v.  i.). — 28.  And  thou  shalt  be  gathered  to  thy 
grave  in  peace].  Since  Josiah  was  slain  at  the  battle  of  Megiddo, 
it  looks  as  though  these  words  were  written  before  his  death,  and 
hence  are  a  testimony  to  the  genuineness  of  the  prophecy  of 
Huldah. 

20.  in^p'^n]  2  K.  22"+  pan. — piaj.']  2  K.  iiaar,  cf.  Je.  26"  36"; 
&?ni^i'i  =  ?nnnS  is  doubtless  a  correction  from  2  K.  (S,  B,  support 
:ffl.— no'D]  2  K.  n^^^D.  (6  M(€)txo/a  supi>orts  2  K.— 21.  ^nic"3  inifjn 
min>3i]  2  K.  22"  nmrT«  So  li'Ji  ayn. — norj]  2  K.  n.nxj,  supported  by 
<S  iKK^Kavrai,  may  Ijc  original,  «o  Bn.,  Ki.  BH. — nc8']  2  K.  ij'sr, 
supported  by  (&,  ft,  and  adopted  by  Bn.,  Ki.  BH. — lan]  2  K.  ''■<3-<,  <S 
Twj'  X67WI',  U  verba,  ">  fell  out  before  nin\ — mn>]  2  K.  nrn  -\cDn  — •>DDn  '^j- 
nin]  2  K.  v'^v  (^  irS}-).— 22.  ic-Ni]  add  icn  with  <5  ofs  erTrev,  so 
Evv.  §  292  6  n.  I,  Be.,  Oc.,  Kau.,  et  al.  The  Chronicler  thus 
avoids  repeating  the  names  of  v.  "given  in  2  K.  22'<. — nnp^n]  Qr.  nnpn, 
2  K.  nipri. — mon]  2  K.  omn,  the  former  is  to  be  read  Ki.  BH. — pno] 


XXXIV.  14-33.]  DISCOVERY   OF   THE   LAW  51I 

wanting  in  2  K. — 24.  hy  nmnon  ni^Nn]  2  K.  22'^  nan. — ni'^xn]  (g  toi/j 
.  .  .  Myovs  =  Dnain  agreeing  so  far  with  2  K. — ''JdS  w\p]  2  K.  nip. 
Ch.  is  more  exact  in  the  light  of  v.  '»  =  2  K.  22'". — 25.  n^a^M]  Qr., 
2K.  22i'nE3|^''.i. — nnni]  2  K.  nnxji  makes  a  better  contrast  to  na^n,  is 
supported  by  (5,  and  adopted  by  Oe.,  Ki.,  Bn.  On  1  with  the  impf.  see 
Dr.  TH.  §  125. — 26.  nyDC  na-N  anj-in]  taken  from  2  K.  22'^,  a 
harsh  construction,  but  in  (6^,  #,  01.  In  2  K.  (S^  'AfS'  Sj*  ^/couo-aj 
Toi5s  X670US  /tou,  /fal  rjiroKjivOi]  rj  KapSla.  aov,  "M  Pro  eo  quod  [quoniam 
in  Ch.]  audisti  verba  volummis  et  perterritum  [atque  emollihim  in  Ch.] 
est  cor  tuum,  i.e.,  la^S  tim  nai  hn  nyna'  la'K  iy\  St.  (SBOT.)  onain 
Tiyoa'  nnStt'  ib-n.  Hpt.  regards  the  words  man  nifx  a  gloss  to  l^^ntra  of 
V.  ".  Ki.  Kom.,  BH.  hold  a  lacuna. — 27 .  d-'hSn  ••jdSd]  2  K.  22'^  mni  ijijo. 
— v\2i  riN]  05  Toi>s  X670US  nov  =  '''\2'\~r\ii  is  probably  original;  2  K. 
'man  -ib-x. — vy^>]  2  K.  +  7\hhph\  hdb''?  nmS. — ^jdS  ;?jDni]  wanting  in 
2  K. — 28.  v^Jif  Syi]  wanting  in  2  K.  2220. 

29-33.  The  assembly,  the  reading  of  the  law,  and  the 
covenant. — A  reproduction  of  2  K.  23'-=,  with  interesting  va- 
riations in  w.  '"-'2  and  a  new  conclusion  in  v.  ==. — 29.  All  the 
elders  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem]  the  heads  of  clans  and  fami- 
lies.— 30.  The  Levites].  The  Chronicler  substitutes  these  for  "the 
prophets"  of  2  K.  23=. — Both  great  and  s?nall]  both  old  and 
young  {cf.  15").  The  assembly  was  a  popular  one,  embracing 
men  of  all  ages  and  conditions. — The  book  of  the  covenant]  i.e.,  a 
book  which  expressed  the  basis  of  a  covenant  (cf.  Ex.  24'). — 31. 
In  his  place]  2  K.  23'  "by  the  pillar,"  cf.  23". — And  made  a 
covenant]  lit.  cut  a  covenant,  a  phrase  derived  from  the  cut- 
ting of  sacrificial  victims  into  pieces  between  which  the  parties 
to  the  covenant  passed  (Gn.  15"  Je.  34''  '■);  but  there  is  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  this  was  an  essential  part  of  each 
covenant  or  took  place  on  this  occasion.  An  oath  probably 
was  sufficient  with  or  without  a  sacrificial  meal. — Before 
Yahweh]  with  invocation  of  his  deity. — To  walk  after  Yahweh, 
etc.]  Dtic.  expressions,  cf.  Dt.  13^  lo'^  '•  6"  26'*. — 32.  And  the 
inhabitants,  etc.]  i.e.,  kept  the  law. — 33.  The  Chronicler  having 
already  introduced  Josiah's  reform  of  his  own  kingdom  early  in 
his  reign  (v.  ^),  puts  here  similar  measures  in  the  districts  which 
had  belonged  to  the  N.  kingdom. — All  his  days].  After  the  death 
of  Josiah  in  the  reign  of  Jehoiakim  the  people  lapsed  into  their 
former  evil  ways  (36*). 


512  2    CHRONICLES 

29.  «lbMy]  2  K.  23'  iDpN'i.  The  former  is  the  original. — rt<]  2  K. 
v'^N. — 30.  ''3!i'M]  2  K.  23'  '2r'  Sji. — aSs'iT']  2  K.  +  ^r^H. — D'lSni] 
substituted  by  the  Chronicler  for  CN^ajni  of  2  K. — ]ap  ^J:1  Vnjc]  trans- 
posed in  2  K. — 31.  nsy]  <S  rbv  ariXov  =  2  K.  23'  ""Ox^,  </.  23". — 
V|in]  2  K.  vnpn. — ib'dj  .  .  .  u^'^]  ^,  2  K.  without  suffixes. — mcyS] 
2  K.  D''pnS, — nnan]  2  K.  +  nNtn. — 32.  nxdjh  Ss  hn  ^!y.;^1]  2  K.  23' 
n^iaa  opn  Sa  ib;^.  The  last  phrase  in  tlie  covenant  may  have  fallen 
from  text  of  Ch.  (Oe.,  Bn.),  since  the  reading  without  it  is  harsh,  or 
while  every  one  who  was  found  in  Jerusalem  takes  the  place  of  "  all  the 
people,"  in'j3i  and  Benjamin  may  be  a  misreading  by  copyist  for  nnaa 
(Kau.,  Ki.  Kom.,  BH.,  doubtfully). 

XXXV.  1-19.  The  celebration  of  the  Passover. — According 
to  2  K.  23''-"  Josiah  commanded  the  celebration  of  the  Pass- 
over "as  it  was  written  in  the  book  of  the  covenant,"  and  the 
people  responded  and  celebrated  the  feast  as  it  had  never 
before  been  observed.  This  brief  statement  gave  the  Chronicler 
occasion  to  describe  the  celebration  of  the  feast  in  detail,  espe- 
cially in  reference  to  the  part  therein  of  the  priests  and  Levites. 
— 1.  In  Jerusalem].  This  was  the  significant  thing  historically 
in  Josiah's  observance  of  the  Passover:  according  to  the  Dtic.  law 
it  was  held  at  the  central  sanctuary  in  Jerusalem.  Previously 
the  celebrations  had  been  at  the  people's  homes  or  at  local 
sanctuaries  throughout  the  land  (Dt.  16'').  The  Chronicler 
derived  v.  '»  from  2  K.  232"". — On  the  fourteenth  day  of  the 
first  month]  according  to  the  law  Ex.  i2«  Lv.  23'  Nu.  9'. 
The  month  was  Nisan. — 2.  Encouraged  them].  Cf.  the  similar 
exhortation  of  Hezckiah  (29'"  30"). — 3.  That  taught  all  Israel.] 
From  the  beginning  in  Israel  the  priests  were  the  guardians  and  the 
teachers  of  the  law,  and  the  Chronicler,  in  dignifying  the  office  of 
the  Levites,  assigns  this  duty  also  to  them  (cf.  17*  '•  Ne.  8'  '). — 
That  were  holy  unto  Yahiveh]  another  expression  dignifying  the 
Levites  {cf.  23').  In  P  only  the  priests  are  called  holy  {DB.  IV. 
p.  93). — Put  the  holy  ark  in  the  house,  etc.].  This  command  to  the 
Levites  to  place  the  ark  in  the  Temple,  and,  since  they  no  longer 
have  the  burden  of  earning  it,  to  serve  now  Yahweh  and  the 
people  in  making  preparation  for  the  Passover  (w.  '  '•),  has  been 
variously  interpreted,  (i)  On  the  assumption  that  the  ark  had 
been  removed  from  the  Temple  by  Manasseh  or  by  Josiah  during 


XXXV.  1-19.]    CELEBRATION   OF   THE   PASSOVER  513 

its  repair,  ihe  command  was  to  replace  it  in  the  Temple  and  to 
attend  to  other  duties  (so  the  older  commentators,  also  Be.,  Oe. ;  Be. 
held  also  that  the  Levites  bore  the  newly  reconsecrated  ark  upon 
their  shoulders  at  the  celebration  of  the  Passover  under  the  idea 
that  they  were  bound  to  do  so  by  the  law,  but  Josiah  taught  them 
that  the  Temple  built  by  Solomon  had  caused  an  alteration  in  that 
respect).  (2)  The  language  is  figurative,  meaning  "Think  not  on 
that  which  formerly  before  the  building  of  the  Temple  belonged  to 
your  service,  but  serve  the  Lord  and  his  people  now  in  the  manner 
described  in  vv.  *  «•"  (Ke.,  Zoe.).  (3)  With  emendation  of  the 
text  (v.  i.),  read:  Behold  the  ark  is  now  in  the  temple,  etc.  (Bn.). 
The  meaning,  then,  is  essentially  that  of  (2).  Since  the  ark  is  in  its 
place  and  is  no  longer  to  be  borne,  the  Levites  should  attend  to  their 
regular  duties.  This  appeared  trivial  and  a  reader  emended  as 
given  in  IH. — 4.  After  your  fathers^  houses]  i.e.,  after  the  clan  or 
great  family  divisions. — By  your  cotcrses]  i.e.,  the  divisions  for 
service. — According  to  the  writing  of  David].  The  formation  of 
the  Levitical  divisions  for  service  in  the  Temple  was  ascribed  to 
David  (cf.  1  Ch.  2^^). — And  according  to  the  writing  of  Solomon]. 
The  final  appointment  and  arrangement  was  made  necessarily  by 
Solomon  (cf.  8").  There  is  no  reason  then  why  this  statement  may 
not  have  come  from  the  Chronicler  (contra  Bn.). — 5.  According  to 
the  divisions  of  the  fathers'  houses  of  your  brethren  the  children  of 
the  people,  and  (for  every  division)  a  part  of  a  Levitical  family]. 
"Each  great  division  of  the  laity  was  to  be  served  by  a  small 
division  of  the  Levites"  (cf.  v.  i^). — 6.  And  kill  the  passover].  Cf. 
30'^  where  the  Levites  kill  the  Passover  owing  to  the  laity's  un- 
cleanness,  but  here  no  such  reason  is  alleged.  This  looks  as 
though  at  the  time  of  the  Chronicler  the  right  of  slaying  and 
roasting  the  paschal  lamb  had  passed  from  the  laymen,  heads  of 
the  households  (Ex.  i2«  «•),  to  the  Levites.  If  this  was  the  case, 
Jevv'ish  laymen  later  regained  this  privilege,  yet  Levites  might  also 
slay  the  lambs. — And  sanctify  yourselves].  After  the  slaying  of 
animals  the  Levites  should  wash  themselves  in  view  of  their  further 
duties. — And  prepare,  etc.].  Prepare  the  Passover  for  your  breth- 
ren (the  laymen),  according  to  the  law  of  Moses  (cf.  v. ''). — 7.  And 
Josiah  gave,  etc.].     Cf.   the  similar  action  of  Hezekiah  and  his 


514  2   CHRONICLES 

princes  (30^'). — Three  thousand  bullocks]  for  peace-oflFerings  or 
sacrificial  meals  (cf.  oxenw.  «•  »•  "). — 8.  Atid  his  princes]  i.e.,  the 
various  officials. — For  a  free-will  offering]  corresponding  to  the 
passover  offerings  (Ke.,  Zoe.,  RV.);  better  willingly  (U,  Be.,  Oe., 
Kau.,  Ki.,  Ba.,  AV.,  RVm.). — Hilkiah  and  Zechariah  and  JehVel, 
the  rulers  of  the  house  of  God].  Of  these  three  rulers  Hilkiah  was 
the  high  priest  {cf.  31");  Zechariah  is  usually  conjectured  to  have 
been  the  priest  next  to  him,  the  second  priest  mentioned  in  2  K.  25" 
Je.  52=^'  {cf.  Pashhur  a  ruler  in  the  house  of  Yahweh  Je.  26');  Jehiel 
is  conjectured  by  Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  the  chief  of  the  line  of  Ithamar, 
which  according  to  Ezr.  8'  continued  to  exist  after  the  exile  {cf. 
I  Ch.  24<).  But  it  is  better  to  think  of  him  simply  as  the  priest 
third  in  rank  (Oe.).  On  occurrence  of  the  name  cf.  31". — 9. 
Conaniah,  .Shema  iah,  and  Jozahad  appear  as  names  of  Levites 
under  Hezekiah  in  3i'2-i5.  On  Nethan^el,  for  occurrence  of  name 
cf.  I  Ch.  2'^  152'  24«  26*  iT'  et  al.;  Hashabiah,  cf.  i  Ch.  a""*"  9'*  et 
al.,  very  common;  Je'Vel  also  common,  cf.  1  Ch.  5'  9". — 11.  And 
the  priests  sprinkled].  Cf.  30'^ — Now  the  Levites  were  flaying]. 
As  in  the  case  of  the  killing,  this  according  to  P  would  seem  to  have 
been  a  lavman's  part  {cf.  v. '  29"). — 12.  And  they  removed  the  burnt- 
offerings,  etc.].  The  Levites,  after  killing  and  flaying  the  paschal 
lambs  (v.  "),  removed  from  the  lambs  portions  which  were  burnt 
upon  the  altar  (n^J^H  the  burnt-offerings),  giving  these  portions  to 
the  representatives  of  families  that  they  in  turn  might  present  them 
to  the  priest  for  an  offering  unto  Yahweh.  No  ritual  like  this  is 
mentioned  in  Ex.  12,  but  it  must  be  assumed  that  the  paschal  lambs 
were  treated  like  the  lambs  of  the  peace-offerings,  of  which  certain 
portions  of  fat  were  burned  upon  the  altar  {cf.  Lv.  3«-"')  (Be.,  Ke., 
Zoe.,  Oe.,  Bn.). — And  so  it  was  done  to  the  oxen].  They  were 
treated  in  the  same  way.  The  fat  was  burned  on  the  altar  (Lv.  3'*) 
but  the  rest  eaten  {cf.  v.  "). — 13.  The  paschal  lambs  were  roasted 
according  to  the  ordinance  of  Ex.  12'-'.  The  holy  offerings,  to  wit 
the  oxen,  were  cooked  otherwise  and  were  either  eaten  as  a  part  of 
the  paschal  meal  (Be.)  or  during  the  later  days  of  the  feast  (Ke., 
Zoe.,  Oe.).  The  former  seems  demanded  by  the  connection. — 14. 
The  pc()])le  were  served  first.  Then  the  Levites  prepared  their 
own  lambs  and  those  of  the  priests  who  were  engaged  until  night 
in  burning  the  fat  portions  of  the  lambs. 


XXXV.  1-19.]    CELEBRATION   OF  THE  PASSOVER  515 

nSijjn  (collective)  burnt-offerings  is  to  be  interpreted  as  in  v.  >2.  D^aSnni 
and  the  fat,  defines  the  burnt-offering.  The  connective  and  (1)  is  ex- 
plicative (Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.).  Be.  draws  a  distinction  between  the  two 
nouns  and  interprets  the  latter  as  the  fat  of  the  oxen  which  was  burnt. 

15.  Cf.  I  Ch.  25'-«.  According  to  Jewish  traditions  the  Levites 
sang  the  "Hallel"  while  the  paschal  lambs  were  being  killed  in 
the  court  of  the  Temple  {JE.  IX.  p.  553).  In  spite  of  all  the  labour 
of  the  priests  and  Levites,  neither  the  singers  nor  the  gate-keepers 
were  drawn  from  their  posts  of  duty  either  to  assist  them  or  to 
prepare  their  own  paschal  supper. — 16.  And  all  the  service  of 
Yahweh  on  that  day  in  preparing  the  passover  and  in  offering  the 
hirnt-offerings  upon  the  altar  of  Yahweh  was  arranged  (i.e.,  was  exe- 
cuted) according  to  the  command  of  the  king  Josiah].  This  is  a 
summary  of  the  preceding  narrative.  All  was  performed  as  the 
King  had  commanded,  or  the  emphasis  may  be  upon  the  King's 
command,  i.e.,  was  ordered  by  Josiah. — On  that  day]  i.e.,  the 
14th  of  Nisan.  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  hold  that  the  expression  covers  the 
seven  days  of  the  feast  agreeable  to  their  interpretation  of  v.  " 
(q.v.). — The  burnt-offerings  are  to  be  interpreted  as  in  w.  '2-  '^ — 17. 
The  feast  of  unleavened  bread].  Cf.  30"-  ^i. — 18.  A  copy  of  2  K. 
23"  with  these  principal  changes:  from  the  days  of  Samuel  the 
prophet  instead  of  "from  the  days  of  the  judges  that  judged  Israel" 
(Samuel  was  regarded  as  the  last  of  the  judges);  and  with  the 
specific  mention  of  the  priests  and  the  Levites  and  all  Jiidah  and 
Israel  who  were  present  and  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem. — 19. 
Also  from  2  K.  (23"). 

3.  D''ji2cn]  the  Kt.,  which  must  be  regarded  as  a  substantive,  the 
teachers,  does  not  occur  elsewhere  in  this  construction,  hence  read  with 
Qr.  and  many  mss.  Dirann,  those  that  taught,  cf.  Ne.  8'-  ',  so  Be.,  Ke., 
Oe.,  et  al. — '1JI  jnx  hn  up]  certainly  implies  some  movement  of  the 
ark  {v.  s.).  It  may  be  inferred  from  i  Ch.  23^^  that  the  Chronicler  con- 
sidered this  service  of  the  Levites  ended  with  the  completion  of  the 
Temple.  Bn.  reads  'ui  jnN  7\ir^;  Ki.  BH.  suggests  that  nmjD  be 
read  for  tn  ijn,  cf.  i  Ch.  28*.  Better  follow  (6  (as  preserved  in  i  Esdr.) 
iv  Ty  d4<rei  =  nna  and  render.  After  that  the  ark  was  placed  in  the  house 
which  Solomon  the  son  of  David  king  of  Israel  built,  there  has  not  been  a 
burden  upon  your  shoulders,  now  serve,  etc.  On  this  use  of  3  with  the 
inf.  cf  BDB.  n,  V.  1.— 4.  ^mn^]  read  Kt.  iji^ni  with  OS  (Ch.),  B,  so 
Be.,  Kau.,  Ki.  BH.,  et  al. — ansD^i  .  .  .  an^a]  Ki.  reads  '^^  .  .  .  '2 


5l6  2    CHRONICLES 

with  a  few  MSS.  and  Vrss. — 6.  ii:-ip.-'ni]  Bn.  strikes  out,  since  it  is  wanting 
in  (S  (Ch.)  and  since  the  sanctification  should  precede  the  slaying  of  the 
paschal  lamb,  so  also  Ki.  BH.  doubtfully.  But  OS  (i  Esdr.)  Kal  rds  dvalas 
read  ctr'-ipni  {cf.  v.  ").  Since  the  Levites  did  prepare  the  holy  offerings 
for  their  brethren,  the  people  (v.  "),  this  is  the  original,  hence  omit  i 
before  u^jn,  also  with  (g  (i  Esdr.)  and  render  and  prepare  the  holy 
offering?,,  etc. — 7.  cioi]  cf.  i  Ch.  2731. — 9.  in^jjiai]  cf.  31'^ — 13. 
nin'?s  t]  a  word  not  infrequent  in  Arab,  and  Aram. — 15.  nnn]  a  few 
MSS.  and  Vrss.  Tn.— 19.  (&  (Ch.)  inserts  after  this  verse  2  K.  23W-". 
This  passage  was  added  in  the  underlying  Hebrew,  as  is  shown  by  the 
transliteration  /copao-et/x  =  KaS-qaeifi  =  u^Z'-\p,  not  found  in  2  K.  23='. 
The  older  (8  version  (i  Esdr.)  has  another  addition  at  this  point  which 
jjrobably  represents  in  mutilated  form  the  Chronicler's  original  text, 
cf.  Tor.  ATC.  pp.  83  /.,  Ezra  Studies,  pp.  87  ff. 

20-26.  The  death  of  Josiah. — Much  fuller  than  the  account 
given  in  2  K.  23"  '•,  showing  that  either  fuller  reminiscences  of  this 
sad  event  had  been  preserved  or  that  a  legend  concerning  it  had 
already  developed.  The  Chronicler  gives  the  following  details, 
which  are  entirely  wanting  in  2  K.:  (i)  Necho's  message  to  dis- 
suade Josiah  from  war,  (2)  Josiah's  disguising  himself  and  coming 
to  fight  in  the  valley  of  Megiddo,  (3)  the  wounding  of  Josiah  by 
archers,  (4)  the  transfer  of  the  wounded  man  to  the  second  chariot 
(Ba.). 

Bn.  ascribes  the  narrative  to  the  Chronicler's  forerunner  {die  Yorlage). 
In  this  he  is  followed  by  Ki.  The  evidence  is  seen  in  the  connecting 
clause.  After  all  this  when  Josiah  had  prepared  tlie  temple,  v.  '".  The 
remainder  of  the  section  is  ascribed  by  Bn.  to  the  forerunner  and 
by  Ki.  to  M. 

20.  Neco  the  king  of  Egypt]  Necho  II,  son  of  Psammetichus, 
second  King  of  the  twenty-sixth  dynasty.  He  reigned  from  609  to 
594  B.  c. — To  fight  against  Carchemish].  The  writer  here  gives 
the  geograjihical  goal,  while  2  K.  23"  has  the  personal  object, 
"The  king  of  Assyria."  Necho,  taking  advantage  of  the  tottering 
condition  of  the  Assyrian  Empire,  was  intent  upon  restoring  the 
ancient  Egyptian  sovereignty  over  the  Syrian  provinces. — Carche- 
mish] the  objective  point  of  Necho's  march,  the  mod.  Jerabis 
(or  Jerabus)  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  directly  east 
of   the    north-east    corner    of    the    Mediterranean,    the    ancient 


XXXV.  20-26.]  THE   DEATH    OF   JOSIAH  517 

capital  of  the  Hittite  empire  and  the  gateway  from  Syria  into 
Mesopotamia.  Two  years  later  Necho  was  defeated  at  this  point 
by  the  Babylonian  army  of  Nabopolassar  under  Nebuchadrezzar, 
and  from  that  fact  the  writer  introduced  it  here. — And  he  went 
out  to  meet  him]  possibly  at  the  command  of  the  Assyrians  or 
through  loyalty  to  them;  but  since  the  Assyrian  Empire  had 
grown  very  weak  and  was  near  its  end,  it  is  far  more  probable 
that  Judah  had  for  some  time  ceased  to  be  tributary  to  Assyria 
and  that  Josiah  went  out  to  preserve  the  independence  of  his 
kingdom. — 21.  WTiether  this  embassy  with  its  message  was  in 
any  way  historic,  or  merely  a  fiction  to  assign  a  cause  for  the 
death  of  the  good  King,  it  is  impossible  to  determine.  Probably  the 
latter.  The  writer  saw  in  the  message  of  Necho  a  divine  warning 
which  Josiah  did  not  heed  (v.  ").  He  assumed  that  a  real  revela- 
tion from  God,  whom  he  would  have  identified  with  Yahweh,  had 
been  made  to  Necho.  The  older  commentators  thought  of  the 
command  having  come  to  Necho  through  a  dream  or  a  prophet 
(on  the  text  v.  i.). — 22.  But  Josiah  did  not  turn  his  face  from  him]. 
He  persisted  in  hostility. — But  he  disguised  himself].  The  story  of 
the  death  of  Josiah  appears  to  have  been  modelled  after  that  of 
Ahab.  Both  kings  received  a  divine  warning,  both  entered  the 
battle  in  disguise — evidently  to  avoid  the  threatened  danger — and 
both  were  wounded  by  bowmen  and  later  died  {cf.  i8'=-  "•  "  ' ). 
Yet  (^  read  and  he  strengthened  himself  (v.  i.). — Mouth  of  God]. 
A  real  revelation  had  been  made  to  Necho  {cf.  v.  -'). — Megiddo]. 
Cf.  I  Ch.  7 '9.  The  battle  was  so  far  north  not  because  Necho  ad- 
vanced to  northern  Palestine  by  the  sea  (a  view  suggested  by 
Cheyne,  Life  and  Times  of  Jeremiah,  p.  96,  based  on  Herodotus's 
reference  to  Necho's  naval  activity,  H.  158),  but  probably  because 
with  northern  allies  this  ancient  battle-ground  afforded  the  best 
place  for  resisting  the  Egyptian. — 23.  For  I  am  sore  wounded]. 
Thus  also  said  Ahab  (18"). — 24.  The  second  chariot]  probably  a 
greater  and  more  comfortable  one  than  the  war  chariot. — And  they 
brought  him  to  Jerusalem  and  he  died].  In  2  K.  23'«the  King  is 
said  to  have  been  slain  at  Megiddo  and  brought  dead  from  there. 
The  narrative  in  2  K.  has  also  been  interpreted  to  imply  that 
Josiah  sought  an  interview  with  Necho  and  was  assassinated  by  him 


5l8  2   CHRONICLES 

at  Megiddo  (Ba.).  This  is  unlikely. — 25.  And  Jeremiah  com- 
posed on  elegy  over  Josiah].  This  has  not  been  preserved.  On 
the  other  hand,  Jeremiah  is  said  to  have  deprecated  the  extremes 
to  vi^hich  mourning  for  Josiah  was  carried  (r/.  Je.  22'"). — Unto  this 
day]  cither  of  the  Chronicler  or  his  source;  most  likely  the  latter. 
— And  they  made  them  an  ordinance  in  Israel]  i.e.,  a  custom. 
They  were  probably  repeated  yearly  on  the  anniversary  of  Josiah's 
death.  An  allusion  to  this  has  been  found  in  Zc.  12",  but  that 
interpretation  is  very  doubtful. — In  the  lamentations]  not  the  ca- 
nonical book  of  Lamentations,  but  a  lost  one. — 26.  A  combina- 
tion of  the  form  found  in  i  and  2  K.,  i.e.,  And  the  rest  of  the  acts  of 
Josiah  (2  K.  23"),  and  that  peculiar  to  the  Chronicler,  and  his 
acts  first  and  last  (cf  9''  12''). — And  his  good  deeds].  Cf  32". — 
The  book  of  the  kings  of  Israel  and  Jiidah]  v.  Intro,  pp.  22  /. 

21.  arn  hpn  y^y  n^]  Be.  retained  UI  and  rendered  nicht  wider 
dich  set  du  lieitte.  Kau.  inserts  v7N3  after  hpn,  the  latter  being  used  to 
emphasise  the  preceding  pron.  sf.  More  likely  we  should  repoint  •ipn^ 
I  will  not  come  against  you  this  day.  Ki.  BH.  reads  n:;^N  "iH. — 
^nnnSn  r''3-'^N].  The  rendering  of  EVs.  against  the  house  wherewith  I 
have  war,  i.e.,  the  house  of  my  war,  was  defended  by  Ke.,  but  is 
awkward.  Better  read  with  i  Esdr.  me  Sn,  favoured  by  Be.,  Zoe.,  Kau., 
since  this  brings  out  the  contrast,  viz.,  it  is  not  against  you,  but 
against  your  enemy,  that  I  am  marching. — 22,  conrn]  is  not  supported 
by  the  Vrss.  (S  (Ch.)  iKparaidiOTj  read  Pinpn  and  <S  (i  PZsdr.)  ^7rex«pe? 
read  a'J'n.  The  following  verse  seems  to  imply  that  the  King  was  not 
disguised,  since  the  archers  made  him  the  object  of  their  attack.  In 
the  Ahab  incident,  the  King  was  shot  by  chance,  cf.  18".  We  should 
probably  read  prnnn,  so  Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Bn. — 13J]  (S  (i  Esdr.)  'lepefiLov 
vpo<t>^Tov.  Read  M. — Winckler  holds  that  an  original  of  vv. "  '  has 
been  much  corrupted  and  reconstructs  as  follows:  According  to  v.  ", 
Josiah  is  clearly  the  one  who  has  received  a  command  from  God. 
Hence  after  n>3  some  words  are  missing.  The  original  was  some- 
thing like  this:  "  What  have  I  to  do  with  thee,  King  of  Judah?  Not 
against  thee  but  against  the  house  [of  Assyria,  i.e.,  thy  vassalship]  am 
I  come.  Then  said  Josiah:  It  is  not  my  wish  that  I  fight  (\'7rn'?j), 
but  God  has  commanded  me  to  make  haste.  Halt  [O  Pharaoh] 
before  the  command  of  God  who  has  sent  me,  that  he  does  not  destroy 
thee.  And  Josiah  would  not  turn  back  from  him  because  he  had  been 
made  to  fight  with  him  [ts^inn  in  place  of  connn]  and  he  did  not 
\icarkcn  to  Necho  on  account  of  the  word  of  God  [which  he,  Josiah, 
had  received]"  KAT.'  p.  277. 


XXXVI.  1-4.]  REIGN    OF   JEHOAHAZ  519 

XXXVI.  From  the  death  of  Josiah  to  the  fall  of  Jerusalem. 

— The  Chronicler  had  before  him  2  K.  23"">  24",  from  which, 
with  much  abridgment  and  some  striking  modifications,  he  took 
vv.  '-",  but  w.  '=-"  he  freely  composed,  giving  his  own  version 
of  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  with  its  cause  and  the  duration  of  the 
exile  and  the  decree  of  Cyrus,  which  led  to  the  return. 

Ki.  assigns  all  this  chapter  either  to  the  Chronicler  or  from  2  K.,  with, 
however,  an  interrogation  against  vv.  *■">, 

1-4.  The  reign  of  Jehoahaz  (three  months,  608  b.  c). — 
1.  2.  For  a  similar  enthronement  by  the  people,  cf.  26'  ■^i'^'^. — 
Jeho'ahaz]  a  younger  son  of  Josiah  (cf.  w.  ^-  '),  and  therefore 
not  the  natural  heir  to  the  throne.  His  election  was  probably  due 
to  his  sympathy  with  the  anti-Egyptian  policy  of  his  father  or  his 
control  by  those  who  represented  it.  In  Je.  22"  he  is  called 
Shallum,  which  was  probably  his  birth  name,  while  Jehoahaz 
was  the  name  taken  as  king.  His  mother's  name,  given  in  2  K. 
23",  is  omitted  and  also  the  statement,  "And  he  did  that  which 
was  evil  in  the  sight  of  Yahweh  according  to  all  that  his  fathers 
had  done." — 3.  And  the  king  of  Egypt  removed  him  from  reign- 
ing* in  Jerusalem].  2  K.  23"  mentions  that  "Necho  bound  him 
at  Riblah."  The  text  shows  confusion  (v.  i.).  The  words  bound 
and  remove  are  verv  similar  in  Hebrew. — A  hundred  talents  of 
silver]  about  two  hundred  thousand  dollars. — A  talent  of  gold] 
about  thirty  thousand  dollars.  This  tribute  was  lighter  than 
that  imposed  by  Sennacherib  (r/.  2  K.  18"). — 4.  Eliakim  means 
"God  establishes,"  and  Jehoiakim  "Yahweh  establishes,"  thus 
the  two  names  were  practically  identical.  Necho  showed  his 
respect  for  Yahweh  in  giving  him  the  latter  name. — And  carried 
him  to  Egypt]  where  he  died  {cf.  2  K.  23'^  Je.  22'2). 

1.  iniK'K'']  ^  (Ch.)  and  2  K.  233°  +  ipn  ina'ci,  but  the  plus  is  want- 
ing in  I  Esdr.  The  Chronicler  probably  omitted  the  phrase,  since  he 
regarded  this  as  a  sacred  function,  which  the  people  of  the  land  were  not 
entitled  to  perform,  cf.  22^,  also  23"  compared  with  2  K.  11'-. — DSa'n''3] 
wanting  in  i  Esdr.  and  2  K.,  probably  crept  into  the  text  from  the  fol- 
lowing verse. — 2.  2  K.  23'"'  '^  yin  vy^y  nja'^s  inim-'  P3  '^•Jicn  ir.v  a'.;'i 
rn3N  ^vy  is-n  ^■^■^  mni  ^ryii,  is  supplied  after  this  verse  by  (S  (Ch.). 


520  2    CHRONICLES 

Since  the  Chroni(  Icr  habitually  omitted  the  name  of  the  king's  mother 
and  the  passage  is  wanting  in  i  Esdr.,  IH  is  doubtless  original.  The 
Chronicler  probably  omitted  the  statement  concerning  the  King's  evil 
doing,  since  the  opposition  of  the  Egyptian  ruler  indicates  that  the  young 
King  followed  the  policy  of  his  father,  the  good  Josiah. — 3.  "po  im-D'i 
o'?'i'n''3  ansa]  2  K.  23"  oSsr'no  iSdc*  nnn  ynto  n'?3ia  nsj  ny-^o  irnoN'i, 
which  (S  (Ch.)  follows,  adding  Kal  /xer^fiyayev  avrbv  6  ^aaikeiis  eU 
AlyvTTTou.  This  appears  to  be  a  conflation  of  Ch.  and  K.  1  Esdr. 
(the  original  Gr.  being  preserved  in  the  Alexandrian  MS.)  supports 
M  against  the  reading  of  2  K.,  but  read  'n'?.':?  after  0'->xo.  This 
is  doubtless  what  the  Chronicler  wrote,  and  the  king  of  Egypt  re- 
moved him  from  reigning  in  Jerusalem,  so  Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Ki. 
Kom.,  BH.,  Bn. — .in  cjy'i]  2  K.  Sy  cjj;  j.i^i,  <&  (Ch.)  follows  2  K. — 4. 
oS^'n^i  min>  ^3?  vnx  cpiSs  ns  onsD  iSs  I'^S'i]  2  K.  23"  njj  nyno  nScM 
raN  inie'N''  rnn  ^7\^vn>  p  d^->>Sn  pn.  (g  (Ch.)  has  combined  the  two 
readings.  In  the  ^  text  the  conflation  is  complete,  i  Esdr.  has  a^p^in^ 
instead  of  d^'T'Sn  and  no  notice  concerning  the  change  of  name,  but 
instead  Kal  eSrjcre  robs  fieyiffTdvas  IwaKeifi  (following  the  order  of 
words  preserved  in  (B^)  =  c^pMn^  an-i*  PvS  -»dnm,  which  is  certainly  an 
early  misreading  of  a''P''in>  la-i*  pn  jdm. — in^van  hdj  np^  vnx  tnsv  Pt^^ 
ncnxD]  2  K.  ac  na^i  a-'ixo  n3'1  npS  rnsini  pxi.  ^  (Ch.)  conflates,  also 
adds  2  K.  23=*  with  but  slight  variations,  omitting  a^^Mn^  and  reading 
l^'JJ?^'7  yiND  nSnn  ?n  for  in^n  pn  in>'n  ^^<.  In  i  Esdr.  slight  changes 
are  introduced  in  order  to  harmonise  with  the  misreading  of  the 
preceding  clause  (v.  s.),  but  otherwise  it  supports  M. 

5-8.  The  reign  of  Jehoiakim  (608-597  b.  c). — 5.  Again,  as 
usual,  the  name  of  the  quccn-mothcr  is  omitted  (2  K.  23"). — 6. 
Nebuchadnezzar]  a  corrupt  form  of  spelling  Nehiichadrczzar 
King  of  Babylon,  604-561  b.  c.     This  corrupt  form  is  found  in 

1  and  2  Ch.,  Ezr.,  Ne.,  Est.,  and  a  few  times  in  2  K.  and  Je.,  v. 
BDB.  Nebuchadrezzar's  father,  Nabopolassar,  was  King  of 
Babylon  625-605  B.  c,  and  on  the  fall  of  Nineveh  (between  608 
and  606)  immediately  began  to  extend  his  empire  westward, 
but  the  conquest  fell  largely  to  his  son,  who  commanded  the  im- 
perial army  at  the  battle  of  Carchemish  (r/.  35=")  605,  where 
the  Egyptians  were  defeated.  E.xactly  how  soon  after  that  event 
Nebuchadrezzar  came  up  against  Jerusalem  and  compelled  the 
submission  of  Jehoiakim,  is  not  easy  to  determine.     According  to 

2  K.  24'  it  was  apparently  in  601  or  600  B.  c,  the  usual  view. 
(McCurdy  prefers  to  place  it  immediately  after  the  battle  of 


XXXVI.  5-10.]       JEHOIAKIM  AND  JEHOIACHIN  $21 

Carchemish,  HPM.  p.  167,  likewise  Oe.)  But  after  three  years 
Jehoiakim  rebelled,  and  before  the  Babylonians  had  subdued  his 
rebellion,  died  and  his  son  Jehoiachin  came  to  the  throne,  and 
after  a  three  months'  reign,  the  city  having  been  besieged  and  taken, 
he  was  carried  captive  with  many  others  and  much  treasure  to 
Babylon  (2  K.  24'-'').  In  view  of  these  facts  the  statement  he 
bound  him  [Jehoiakim]  in  fetters  to  carry  him  to  Babylon  is  strange. 
It  has  been  taken  as  expressing  an  intention  which  was  not  realised 
(Be.,  Ke.,  Zoe.).  (g,  H,  render  and  he  carried  him  to  Babylon, 
as  though  Jehoiakim  were  held  there  awhile  and  then  released  and 
permitted  to  reign  again  in  Jerusalem. — 7.  The  statement  of  this 
verse  is  not  supported  by  anything  in  2  K.  With  the  preceding  it  is 
without  doubt  an  expression  of  a  tradition,  later  given  in  Dn.  i',  of 
an  attack  upon  Jerusalem  and  the  carrying  away  of  a  part  of  the 
sacred  vessels  of  the  Temple  during  Jehoiakim's  reign.  The 
motive  for  the  formation  of  this  tradition,  putting  the  attack  in  the 
third  year  of  Jehoiakim  (Dn.  i'),  was  because  thereby  a  captivity 
of  seventy  years  might  be  obtained.  But  this  early  fall  of  Jerusa- 
lem is  forbidden  by  Je.  25'-',  and  all  that  is  known  of  the  move- 
ments of  Nebuchadrezzar  {v.  DB.  I.  p.  553)-— 8-  Book  of  the 
kings  of  Israel  and  Jiidah].     See  Intro,  pp.  22  /. 

5.  a'l'irn^a]  2  K.  23^6  +  nnn  p  nnij  na  m>2t  ins  uv\  so  <&  (Ch.),  but 
wanting  in  i  Esdr.,  cf.  v.  2.— i>n':'N]  wanting  in  i  Esdr.  2  K.  233?  omits, 
but  adds  vnax  wv  lirx  S33,  with  which  (6  (Ch.)  agrees.  The  latter  also 
adds  at  this  point  a  section  which  varies  only  slightly  from  2  K.  24"  S  in 
spite  of  the  fact  that  v.  «  is  dependent  on  2  K.  24',  another  case  of  con- 
flation.—6.  vSjj]  2  K.  24'  has  VD>3.  <g  (Ch.)  omits  necessarily  after 
its  insertion  (v.  s.). — 7.  hyr\]  palace  (rather  seldom  in  this  sense).— 8. 
1CD]  (&  (Ch.)  +  X67WI'  rCJv  Tjixevdv  roh  =  S  O'S-iH  nai  was  inserted 
doubtless  from  2  K.  24^,  and  as  in  other  cases  probably  in  the  underly- 
ing Hebrew. — 1  Ssnt:"]  wanting  in  (g  (Ch.)  as  also  in  2  K. — min^i]  (g* 
(Ch.)  and  2  K.  24^  +  v.-i2N  ny  B\iMn>  33-^^1,  and  the  former  has  the 
additional  clause  Kal  irdcprj  iv  Tav  Ofa  fiera  tup  irariptav  aiirov,  which 
must  have  as  the  underlying  Hebrew  vnns  djj  xiy  pa  lapM,  cf.  2  K. 
2i'8-  2«;  see  Tor.  ATC.  p.  84.— r^'i^^]  <S  (Ch.)  "lexocias,  so  also  v.  K 

9.  10.  The  reign  of  Jehoiachin  (three  months,  597  b.  c.).— 
9.  Eight\  eighteen  (2  K.  24s  (S^l,  ^,  Ke.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.,  Ki.). 
This   latter    is    also    favoured    by    the    elegy    of    Ezekiel    over 


522  2    CHRONICLES 

Jehoiachin  (ig'')-  Yet  the  repeated  allusions  by  Jeremiah  to 
the  queen-mother  suggest  that  the  King  was  quite  a  youth  (Je. 
13 '8  222«  292),  and  it  is  diflScult  to  think  of  a  motive  for 
shortening  the  age,  hence  Be.  regards  eight  as  original;  and  also 
Bn.  as  coming  from  the  Chronicler's  forerunner  (die  Vorlage), 
and  he  holds  the  same  also  in  reference  to  the  len  days  which  do 
not  appear  in  2  K.;  yet  eighteen  is  probably  correct. — 10.  And 
at  the  return  of  the  year]  i.e.,  in  the  spring  (cf.  i  Ch.  20'  2  S.  11' 
I  K.  20").  Jehoialcim  rebelled  probably  in  the  fall  and  died  soon 
after,  and  then  in  the  following  spring  Jehoiachin  was  deposed. 
Nebuchadnezzar  sent\  In  2  K.  24'"  '  the  city  is  said  to  have  been 
besieged  by  the  Chaldeans,  and  Jehoiachin  to  have  surrendered 
and  been  taken,  with  his  treasures,  and  the  vessels  of  the  Temple, 
and  the  best  people  of  the  land,  to  Babylon.  There  Jehoiachin 
remained  some  thirty-seven  years  in  prison,  where  he  married  and 
begat  children  (i  Ch.  3"  ' );  but  at  the  accession  of  Evil-Merodach 
(561  B.  c.)  he  was  released  from  prison  and  given  a  place  of  honour 
among  the  captive  kings  of  Babylon  (2  K.  25"  «•  Je.  52"  «•). — His 
brother],  but  according  to  2  K.  24"  Zedekiah  was  his  uncle  {cf. 

1  Ch.  3'"). 

9.  cjis'  njici:']  2  K.  24'  njtr  m-j-y  njsc,  but  a>c>  mrp  is  wanting  in 
2  K.  The  original  Greek  of  both  Ch.  and  i  J^sdr.  probably  agreed  with 
iSI.  The  addition  of  the  ten  days  leads  to  the  suspicion  that  an  mi?j? 
was  accidentally  omitted  after  nj^as*  and  later  inserted  between  the 
lines  or  on  the  margin,  whence  it  made  its  way  into  the  wrong  place  in 
the  text.  a»D>  was  then  added  to  make  the  text  intelligible.  For  further 
discussion  v.  s. — a'^ir-n^a]  2  K.  +  b'^'^imt'D  ipj^n  no  N.-^cnj  ien  bsm. — 
nin>]  2  K.  249  -I-  V3S  n-y;  is-n  Sor.— 10.  vnx]  (^  (Ch.),  IB,  &,  vax  'n.s; 
2  K.  24"  m;  wanting  in  i  Esdr.  The  Vrss.  seem  to  be  corrections 
from   2  K. 

11-21. — Reign  of  Zedekiah  (597-586  b.  c.)  and  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem. — 11.  This  verse  is  a  copy  of  2  K.  24"  with  the 
usual  omission  of  the  name  of  the  King's  mother,  "Hamutal  the 
daughter  of  Jeremiah  of  Lilmali."  Zedekiah  was  a  full  brother  of 
Jehoahaz  (cf.  2  K.  23")  but  only  a  half-brother  of  Jehoiachin  (cf. 

2  K.  24'). — 12.  And  he  did  that  li'hich  was  nnl  in  the  sight  of 
Yahiveh]  taken  from  2  K.   24'**. — And  he  humbled  not  himself 


XXXVI.  11-21.]  REIGN   OF  ZEDEKIAH  523 

before  Jeremiah]  a  statement  based  upon  Zedekiah's  attitude  to  the 
counsel  of  Jeremiah  respecting  the  Chaldeans.  Jeremiah  advised 
submission.  Zedekiah  through  the  opposition  of  the  nobles  and 
vain  hopes  could  not  bring  himself  to  this  (Je.  21'-'  34'-"  37'-'° 
38"-").  Yet  Zedekiah  was  not  really  ill-disposed  toward  Jeremiah 
(cf.  Je.  37"-  "  38'»- '").  Neither  did  Jeremiah  speak  harshly  of  him 
{cf.  Je.  34<  '■). — Out  of  the  mouth  of  Yahweh].  Thus,  according  to 
Jeremiah,  came  true  prophecy  (Je.  23'^). — 13.  And  also,  etc.]  as 
though  rebellion  were  a  sin  additional  to  the  refusal  to  listen  to 
Jeremiah;  but  the  former  involved  the  latter. — Who  had  made  him 
swear  by  God].  Zedekiah  was  placed  under  an  oath  of  allegiance  in 
the  name  of  Yahweh.  On  the  violation  of  this  oath,  cf.  Ez.  1715-2'. 
— He  hardened].  The  subject  is  not  God  but  Zedekiah  (Be,). 
— Against  returning  unto  Yahweh  the  God  of  Israel].  His  violation 
of  his  oath  and  resistance  to  the  advice  of  Jeremiah  are  regarded 
by  the  writer  as  apostasy  from  Yahweh. — 14.  In  this  and  the  fol- 
lowing verses  the  retrospect  has  been  held  to  extend  backward  to 
the  reign  of  Manasseh  (Be.),  but  the  conditions  were  fulfilled  dur- 
ing the  reign  pf  Zedekiah.  A  most  graphic  description  of  the  pollu- 
tion of  the  Temple  is  given  in  Ez.  8. — 15.  Sent  to  them  by  his  messen- 
gers rising  up  early  and  sending]  a  form  of  expression  frequent 
in  the  Book  of  Jeremiah  (Je.  2919-  35'^  '•  26^). — 16.  But  they 
mocked,  etc.]  accomplished  in  the  treatment  of  Jeremiah,  who 
was  bitterly  persecuted,  and  Uriah,  who  was  put  to  death  (Je. 
2620-23).  Other  unknown  prophets  doubtless  suffered  in  the  same 
way,  since  the  reference  need  not  be  limited  to  the  reign  of  Zedekiah. 
— 17.  The  king  of  the  Chaldeans]  Nebuchadrezzar.  The  origi- 
nal home  of  the  Chaldeans  was  south-east  of  Babylonia  proper, 
on  the  sea-coast,  and  from  thence  they  pressed  into  Babylonia,  and 
since  Nabopolassar,  the  father  of  Nebuchadrezzar  and  founder  of 
the  new  Babylonian  dynasty,  was  of  that  stock,  Chaldea  from  his 
time  meant  Babylonia. — And  he  slew].  The  subject  is  ambiguous 
but  it  is  better  to  make  the  Chaldean  King  the  subject  (Ke.,  Oe., 
Ki.,  EVs.)  than  God  (Be.,  Zoe.). — In  the  house  of  their  sanctuary]. 
The  judgment  is  brought  into  definite  relation  with  the  crime; 
because  they  profaned  the  sanctuary  (v. ")  they  themselves  were 
slain  in  the  sanctuary  (Ke.).    Cf.  the  vision  of  Ezekiel  (9'-")-    The 


524  2   CHRONICLES 

Temple  also  was  the  last  refuge  or  stronghold  of  the  city.— 20. 

And  his  sons]  Nebuchadrezzar's  successors.  These  were  Evil- 
Merodach,  Neriglissar,  and  Nabonidus.  The  last  two  were  usurpers 
of  a  different  family  from  Nebuchadrezzar,  although  Neriglissar 
was  his  son-in-law  (EBl.  I.  col.  452). — Until  the  reign  of  the  king- 
dom of  Persia]  until  the  conquest  of  Babylonia  by  Cyrus  in  538. 
— 21.  To  fulfil  the  word  by  the  month  of  Jeremiah  the  prophet] 
Je.  25"  29'",  where  after  seventy  years  the  promise  is  to  punish  the 
King  of  Babylon  and  to  restore  the  people  of  Israel  to  their  own 
land. — Until  the  land  had  enjoyed  its  Sabbaths]  i.e.,  until  the 
seventy  years  of  the  captivity  allow  the  land  to  enjoy  the  Sabbaths 
(the  Sabbatical  years  of  rest  or  non-cultivation),  of  which  the  land 
had  been  deprived  during  the  previous  history  of  Israel  {cf.  Lv. 
26'^  '•).  Hence  the  Chronicler  thought  of  a  period  of  four  hundred 
and  ninety  years  during  which  the  Sabbatical  law  (Lv.  25'-')  had 
not  been  observed  (from  the  period  of  the  Judges  onward)  (Be.), 
or  in  view  of  the  God-fearing  kings  David,  Solomon,  Jehosha- 
phat,  who  doubtless  observed  the  law,  the  four  hundred  and  ninety 
years  must  be  taken  loosely  (Zoe.,  Oe.,  Ba.).  The  Chronicler 
undoubtedly  had  the  notion  that  "the  land  obtained  rest  which 
the  sinful  people  had  deprived  it  of  by  their  neglect  of  the 
Sabbath  observance"  (Ke.).  It  must  be  remembered,  however, 
that  the  law  and  notion  of  the  Sabbatical  years  are  in  reality  of 
late  origin,  belonging  to  P. — Seventy  years].  The  actual  period 
of  the  Babylonian  captivity  was  less  than  this,  since  the  first 
submission  of  Judah  to  the  Chaldeans  was  in  601  or  600  (2  K. 
24')  and  the  first  proper  captivity  was  in  the  first  year  of  Jehoiachin 
or  Zedekiah,  598  or  597  (2  K.  248-''^).  The  number  seventy  in  the 
prophecy  of  Jeremiah  was  doubtless  meant  in  the  first  instance 
to  have  been  taken  symbolically.  The  literalising  of  it  gave  rise 
to  the  story  of  the  earlier  captivity  in  the  third  year  of  Jehoiakim 
(Dn.  I')  {v.  s.). 

11.  o'^irn-'j]  2  K.  24"  +  noaSa  in^sni  na  Sa^'cn  icn  dstm. — 12.  vhSn] 
wanting  in  2  K.  24",  the  latter  adding  D'P'in^  r^z";  icn  Sds. — 'ui  nS] 
not  from  2  K.  v.  s. — 14.  ■'iS']  (g  (Ch.)  +  ^  nii.-i"  and  so  Ki.  BH., 
but  I  Esdr,  Kal  ol  ijyoifjLevoi  8i  toD  XaoO  Kal  tCl)v  Itpiwv. — SiycS]  Qr. 
^^j:h. — 16.   .   .   .   pnS  i>']  cf.   14'*  and  on  j^nS  i  Ch.  22<. — 17.  a'ns'a] 


XXXVI.  22-23.]     THE  DECREE  OF  CYRUS.  525 

Qr.    on . — '^'ii'M  tpi  n'l'inai  iina  '^y]    S    (Ch.)    toO    SeSe/ciou    (ca!    ras 

irapdivovs  aiiTu)v  ovk  ri\iy]<jav  Kai  Toiis  npea^VT^povs    avTQv    aTrriyayov. 
tz'^  occurs  only  here. 

22.  23.  The  decree  of  Cyrus.— These  verses  are  also  in  Ezr. 
1 1.3a.  They  are  not  the  proper  close  of  a  history,  but  the  introduc- 
tion; hence  their  true  place  is  in  Ezr.  i'-'».  i  and  2  Chronicles 
originally  formed  with  Ezra  one  work,  and  in  the  separation  this 
paragraph  was  allowed  to  remain  in  each  either  by  chance,  or 
as  an  evidence  that  the  two  writings  were  criginally  one,  or, 
with  less  probability,  it  may  have  been  appended  to  2  Chronicles 
to  give  a  more  hopeful  close  to  the  book  (even  as  2  Kings  closes 
with  a  notice  of  the  release  of  Jehoiachin). 

22.  First  year]  538  B.C.;  the  date  is  taken  from  his  rule  in 
Babylon  (Noeldeke,  Aufsatze  zur  pers.  Gesch.  22  a.  i).—Word  of 
Yahweh  by  the  mouth  of  Jeremiah]  his  prophecy  of  the  seventy 
years  of  captivity  followed  by  a  restoration  (Je.  29X'  ^■).— Yahweh 
stirred  tip  the  spirit  of  Cyrus].  Cf.  the  promises,  Is.  41"  44'' 
451  ff.  i3._23.  This  is  the  Chronicler's  version  of  the  decree,  since 
Cyrus  King  of  Persia  is  not  the  official  designation  of  Cyrus 
(Dr.  LOT.^'  pp.  545/. ;  Weissbach,  ZDMG.  51,  pp.  662/.),  nor  is 
there  any  likelihood  that  he  would  thus  have  acknowledged 
Yahweh.  The  historicity  indeed  of  any  decree  on  the  part  of 
Cyrus  for  the  return  and  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  has  been 
questioned  (see  Sm.  OT.  Hist.  pp.  344  /•)•  (Torrey  in  his 
Ezra  Studies  rejects  entirely  the  historicity  of  the  decree.) 

22.  ifia]  Ezr.  i'  ^sc— OJi]  wanting  in  (&  (Ch.).— 23.  ^nSx  nin^ 
D^'Dcn]  I  Esdr.  6  /ci/pios  roO  'ItrpaijX,  Kijptos  6  Oi/'to-Tos. — nin^]  read 
with   I  Esdr.,  Ezr.  i^  ^n;,  so  Be.,  Zoe.,  Oe.,  Kau.,  Ki. 


ADDENDA. 

In  the  Introduction,  pp.  2T,f.,  it  is  said  that  the  Vision  of  Isaiah 
is  expressly  mentioned  as  in  the  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Judah  and 
Israel.  This  is  true  according  to  M,  2  Ch.  32^-;  but  the  text  there 
should  probably  be  emended  {v.  pp.  493  /.),  in  which  case  the 
Vision  of  Isaiah,  in  all  likelihood,  means  the  canonical  Book  of 
Isaiah.     This  latter  view  is  given  on  p.  493. 

The  section  i  Ch.  1-9  requires  a  few  further  words  of  intro- 
duction. The  genealogical  tables  serve  to  bridge  the  period  of 
Israel's  history  from  the  creation  of  man  to  the  time  of  David — 
a  period  which  the  Chronicler  doubtless  thought  had  been  suffi- 
ciently treated  from  his  own  point  of  view  in  the  canonical  books. 
This  method  of  bridging  with  lists  of  names  or  lines  of  descent 
was  derived  from  the  priestly  portion  of  the  Pentateuch  where  it 
appears  in  Gn.  5  and  11  in  the  genealogies  connecting  Adam  and 
Shem,  and  Shem  and  Abram.  These  tables  also  served  to  explain 
the  origins  and  relations  of  peoples,  communities,  and  families. 
This  was  largely  the  purpose  of  the  original  record  of  those  derived 
from  Genesis.  They  arose  under  the  conception  that  historical 
beginnings  were  in  the  form  of  family  life,  and  they  embodied 
commingled  geographical,  racial,  political,  and  chronological  rela- 
tionships. 

But  these  are  by  no  means  the  only  reasons  for  these  tables.  A 
leading  motive  for  their  composition  must  be  found  in  the  stress 
laid  during  the  period  of  the  Chronicler  upon  purity  of  descent. 
A  sharp  line  was  then  drawn  between  the  Jews  and  the  other 
peoples  of  Palestine,  with  whom  union  by  marriage  had  become  a 
grievous  trespass  (r/.  Ezr.  9.  10).  Certain  families,  we  are  also 
told,  were  debarred  from  the  office  of  the  priesthood  because  they 
could  not  furnish  genealogical  registers  (Ezr.  2"-"  Ne.  763-65). 
Hence  a  genealogy  must  have  been  a  most  valued  asset  for  an 

527 


528  ADDENDA 

individual,  family,  or  even  community;  and  to  provide  genealogies 
or  a  basis  for  them  for  his  contemporaries  was  probably  in  the 
mind  of  the  Chronicler  when  he  compiled  these  tables.  Jews 
claiming  descent  from  any  particular  tribe  or  clan,  especially  from 
Levi,  Jerahmeel,  and  Caleb,  of  whom  the  genealogies  are  quite 
full,  and  men  of  Ono  and  Lod  and  of  other  towns  which  are 
mentioned,  and  the  families  of  Jerusalem,  doubtless  received  his 
information  with  eagerness  and  favour.  These  tables,  we  may 
believe,  were  choice  literature  to  them,  even  as  at  present  the  rec- 
ords of  colonial  families  are  to  many  persons  in  New  England. 


ERRATA 


On  p.  124  mn^:!  for  ntOy':!,  and  -iny  for  -iC2j;. 


INDEXES. 


I.     ENGLISH. 


Aaron,  sons  of,  127,  269. 
Abiathar,  213,  270,  294/. 
Abel-mayim,  389. 
Abijah,  10,  369;    address  of,  375/.; 

reign  of,  373/. 
Abram,  Abraham,  70/.;  descendants 

of,  71/.,  77. 
Adam,  58. 
Adoniram,  364. 
Adullam,  188,  366. 
Ahab,  395/.,  414,  416. 
Ahaz,  12;   idolatry  of,  461;   reign  of , 

455/ 
Ahaziah,  11;    reign  of,  418^. 
Ahithophel,  294/. 
Aijalon,  161,  366,  460. 
Alamoth,  216. 
Alemeth,  138,  146,  159. 
Algum-trees,  321,  357. 
Altar  of  Temple,  330,  336. 
Amalek,  74,  234. 
Amaziah,  12;    reign  of,  440  jf. 
Ammon,  campaigns  against,  237  ff. 
Amorite,  64. 

Arabians,  15,  383,  394,  417,  419,  449- 
Arpachshad,  66,  70. 
Asa,  10,  378,  416;   reign  of,  380 jf.; 

reforms    of,    384  ff.;     war    with 

Baasha,     387    ff.;      victory    over 

Zerah,  382/. 
Asahel,  88,  191,  290,  482. 
Asaph,   130,   134/-,   220,  339,  408; 

sons  of,  275  jT". 
Ashdod,  449. 

Asher,  genealogy  of,  155/. 
Asherah,  386. 
Asherim,  381,  401,  437,  478,  495/-. 

500,  503/- 
Ashhur,  90,92/.,  106. 
Ashkenaz,  61. 
Ashtaroth,  142. 
Asshur,  66. 


Atarah,  93. 

Athaliah,'ii/.,  163,  435;    death  of, 

430;  usurpation  of,  418,  422/. 
Azariah,  480;  exhortation  of,  384. 
Azmaveth,  166,  196,  293. 

Baal,  Baalim,  116,  119,  164,  392, 

431,  435- 
Baalah,  205. 
Baal-perazim,  208/. 
Baasha,  378,  387/. 
Bashan,  121  ff. 
Bealiah,  196. 
Becher,  146,  157/. 
Beersheba,  114,  247,  403,  472. 
Benaiah,     189  /.,    216,     236,    290, 

482. 
Benjamin,  genealogy  of,  147,  156/".; 

sons  of,  171;    recruits  from,  198. 
Beriah,  154/-,  161,  264. 
Bethel,  377. 

Beth-horon,  141,  154,  353.  443- 
Bethlehem,  97,  106,  188,  366. 
Beth-shean,  154^- 
Beth-shcmesh,  138,  445,  460. 
Beth-zur,  96,  366. 
Bilhah,  114. 
Binders,  256. 
Book   of   the   Kings  of   Israel   and 

Judah,  22,  446,  454,  493,  518,  521. 

Caleb,  sons  of,  89  ff.,  95  ff.,  104, 

108/. 
Calves,  golden,  368. 
Candlesticks,  299,  332,  336. 
Caphtorim,  64. 

Carchemish,  battle  of,  516,  520. 
Caterpillar,  344. 
Chaldea,  523. 
Chaldeans,  522/. 
Chariots,  233/.,  31S. 
Cherubim,  299,  327. 


529 


530 


INDEX 


Chronicles,  date  of,  5/.;  diction  of, 
2"]  ff.\  Hebrew  text,  36/.;  higher 
criticism  of,  44  J^.;  literature  of, 
44 Jf.;  nameof,  i/.;  order  of,  i/.; 
plan,  purpose,  and  historical  value 
of,  6  ff.;  relation  to  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah,  2  ff.;  religious  value 
of,  16/.;  sources  of,  17  ff.;  versions 

of,  37  ff- 
Cush,  62/. 

Cushites,  371,  383,  417. 
Covenant,  511. 
Cymbals,  215,  276. 
Cyrus,  decree  of,  525. 

Dagon,  182. 

Dan,  247,  472;   genealogy  of,  150. 

David,  324,  345,  414,  441,  468;  ad- 
ministrative officers  of,  236/.,  2Q2; 
appeal  for  offerings,  301;  ancestry 
of,  87  /.;  army  of,  290;  buys 
Oman's  floor,  252/.;  capture  of 
Jerusalem  by,  185  j^.;  campaigns 
against  Ammon,  237 jf.;  census  of, 
245  jf.;  charge  to  Solomon,  257; 
descendants  of,  99  J".;  foreign 
wars  of,  232  Jf.;  last  acts  of,  260 
ff.;  last  assembly  of,  295/.;  made 
king,  184J/'.;  mighty  men  of,  186 
ff.;  Nathan's  message  to,  226^.; 
plans  of  Temple  given  to  Solomon 
by,  298;  prayer  of  thanksgiving, 
229;  preparation  for  the  Temple 
by,  255  /.;  sons  of,  13,  99,  208, 
2^7;  victories  over  Philistines, 
208/. 

Deuteronomy  found,  508. 

Eber,  68,  70,  122. 

Edom,  71,  74/.,  405,  412;  cam- 
paign against,  442  jf.;  conquest  of, 
234/.;  revolt  of,  415;  kings  of, 
77/.;    tribal  chiefs  of,  78/. 

Egypt,  62 J?".,  519;    brook  of,  349. 

Ehud,  146;    descendants  of,  158^^. 

Elam,  66,  283. 

Elath,  Eloth,  no,  355,  448,  457,  459. 

Elhanan,  191,  243. 

Eliehocnai,  283. 

Elijah,  letter  of,  415/. 

Elishama,  jiedigree  of,  94/.,  99. 

Elizaphan,  213. 

Elkanah,  216. 

Elpaal,  160,  163. 

Enchantments,  496. 


Enosh,  58. 

Ephod,  218. 

Ephraim,  genealogy  of,  iSiff- 

Esau,  74. 

Plshtemoa,  in,  138. 

Etam,  105,  115,  366. 

Ezion-geber,  355,  359,  413. 

Feast  of  Dedication,  The,  348/. 

Gaash,  brooks  of,  191. 

Gad,  sons  of,  121  ff. 

Gad  (prophet),  commission  of,  250. 

Gate-keepers,  5,  173  /.,  215;  ap- 
pointments of,  284/.;  genealogies 
of,  282/ 

Gath,  232,  366,  449. 

Gedor,  105,  106,  in,  196. 

Ge-harashim,  109. 

Genealogies,  primeval,  55. 

Gerar,  116,  383. 

Gershon,  127/.,  263/. 

Geshur,  91. 

Gezer,  140,  210. 

Gibeon,  163,  210,  225,  315/. 

Gihon,  486,  492. 

Gilead,  91,  120,  122/.,  288/.,  292. 

Girgashites,  64. 

Goliath,  13,  243. 

Gomer,  60. 

Gozan,  126. 

Habiri,  155. 

Habor,  126. 

Hadad,  72,  77,  78. 

Hadramaut,  68/. 

Hagrites,  15,  120,  123. 

Hakkoz,  271. 

Ham,  59,   116;    descendants  of,  62 

/.,  69. 
Hamath,  65,  205,  233,  234,  353. 
Hammon,  142. 
Hamuel,  114. 
Hamul,  84. 

Hanani,  277,  3S9,  411. 
Hanoch,  58/.,  73. 
Haran,  96,   264. 
Hashubah,  102. 
Havilah,  62,  69. 
Hazacl,  420. 
Hazar-susim,  115. 
Hazazon-tamar,  405/. 
Heber,  in,  155. 
Hebron,  70,  137/.,  213,  366;   family 

of,  1 28;  hosts  at,  200 jf.;  sonsof,  95. 


INDEX 


531 


Hebronites,  288. 
He-goats,  368. 
Helah,  106. 

Heman,  84/.,  134/.,  220,  276,  278, 
281  /.,  339;    pedigree  of,   130  /., 

134- 
Heth,  64. 
Hezekiah,    12,    117;     celebration   of 

Passover  by,  471  ff.;    opening  of 

the  Temple  by,  463;  reign  of,  462 

ff.;   sickness  of,  490/.;   wealth  of, 

491. 
Hezron,  84,  86/.,   92. 
Hezronites,  86. 
High  places,  367/.,  500. 
Hilkiah,  502^. 
Hinnom,  valley  of,  456. 
Hiram,  321/.,  355;    answer  of,  322; 

exchange   of   cities   with,    351  /.; 

Solomon's  message  to,  320. 
Hiram  (artisan),  322,  334. 
Hittites,  64,  319. 
Hivites,  64. 

Holy  place,  the  most,  326. 
Horses,  319. 

Host  of  heaven,  worship  of,  495. 
Huldah,  509/. 
Hur,  90,  92,  105/. 
Huram.  321. 
Huram-abi,  322. 

IDDO,  360/.,  372,  378. 

Images,  503. 

Insignia  of  royalty,  428. 

Isaac,  71,  74. 

Isaiah,  vision  of,  22,  493;   writing  of, 

22,  453- 
Ishbaal,  165,  290. 
Ishbosheth,  165. 
Ishmael,  71,  166. 
Israel,  74;    sons  of,  81/. 
Issachar,    202,    475;     genealogy   of, 

144/- 

Jabez,  98,  107. 
Jabneh,  449. 

Jacob,  74;   descendants  of,  80/. 
Jair,  91. 

Japheth,  60;  descendants  of,  60/.,  69. 
Jared,  58. 
Jattir,  138. 
Javan,  60  /. 
Jebusites,  64,  185,  251. 
Jeduthun,  220,  225,  276,  2S1,  339; 
sons  of,  277. 


Jehoahaz,  519,  522. 

Jehoiachin,  100^.;    reign  of,  521^. 

Jehoiakim,  reign  of,  520/. 

Jehoiada,  190,  201,  290,  295,  422, 
428,  430,  433;    covenant  of,  431. 

Jehoshaphat,  10/.,  236,  416;  army 
of,  393  #•;  alliance  with  Ahab, 
39$  ff-;  fleet  of,  412;  judiciary  of, 
402jf.;  prayer  of,  406/.;  reign  of, 
391  #•;    victory  of ,  404 /. 

Jehoram  (Joram),  11;   reign  of,  413 

ff- 

Jehu,  411,  421/. 

Jehu  (prophet),  401. 

Jerahmeel,  82,  87,  93,  272,  274. 

Jerahmeelites,  families  of,  93/. 

Jeremoth,  266. 

Jericho,  238,  459. 

Jeroboam,  123,  373,  377;  army  of, 
374- 

Jerusalem,  207,  208,  239,  372,  512, 
519,  521;  destruction  of,  522  jf.; 
inhabitants  of,  i()jff.;  judiciary  of, 
403/. 

Jesse,  family  of,  88. 

Jeush,  74/.,  264,  369. 

Joab,  88,  109,  185,  236,  239^.,  247 
/.,  287,  294. 

Joash,  11;  apostasy  of,  437^7".;  coro- 
nation of,  424;  reign  of,  423^. 

Joktan,  68. 

Jorkeam,  96. 

Josiah,  12,  100;  accession,  503;  cele- 
bration of  the  Passover,  512  ff.; 
law-book  discovered,  508  Jf.;  ref- 
ormation of,  503  ff.;  repair  of 
Temple,  505/. 

Jotham,  123;   reign  of,  454. 

Judah,  genealogies  of,  82 jf.,  104^.; 
immigration  to,  367;  recruits 
from,  198;    sons  of,  84/. 

Judges,  appointment  of,  402  jf. 

Kedar,  71. 

Kedesh,  142. 

Kehath,  128,  211,  263,  264;   sons  of, 

408. 
Kenan,  58. 
Kenites,  98. 
Keturah,  71/. 

Kiriath-jearim,  97,  204,  205. 
Kittim,  61. 

Korah,  74/.,  95,  282;    sons  of,  408. 
Korahites,  196,  282/. 
Koz,  107. 


532 


INDEX 


Lachish,  366,  447,  487. 

Ladan,  263;    sons  of,  286. 

Lahmi,  13,  243. 

Lamech,  59. 

La  vers,  331/. 

Law,  book  of,  393;  teaching,  393. 

Law-book,  discovery  of,  508;  read- 
ing of,  511. 

Levi,  genealogy  and  geography  of, 
126  /.;  high  priests  of,  127  ff.; 
sons  of,  128,  129/.,  272^. 

Levites,  172,  219/.,  376,  435,  469/., 
512  Jf.;  appointed  for  service,  225; 
teachers,  393,  512/.;  guards  of  the 
Temple,  425;  citiesof,  i^ojf.,  204; 
heads  of,  261,  263^.;  lists  of,  272 
ff.;  organisation  of,  478;  sup- 
port of,  479/- 

Lotan,  75. 

Lubim,  371,  389. 

Lud,  66. 

Ludim,  63. 

Maacah,  96,  151/.,  292,  369,  374, 
386. 

Machir,  91,  151. 

Magog,  60. 

Mahalalel,  58. 

Mahanaim,  143. 

Mahli,  265,  274. 

Malchiel,  155. 

Manasseh  (tribe),  123  jf.,  471,  475, 
504;  genealogy  of,  150  ff.;  re- 
cruits from,  199. 

Manasseh  (king),  captivity  and  res- 
toration of,  497/.;  idolatry  of,  495; 
reign  of,  494  /. 

Maon,  96. 

Mareshah,  95,  366,  383,  413. 

Mattan,  431. 

Megiddo,  battle  of,  517/. 

Merari,  128,  263;  sons  of,  274, 
506. 

Meri-baal,  165. 

Merodach-baladan,  492. 

Meshech,  60,  67. 

Methushelah,  59. 

Meunim,  15,  117,  405,  449. 

Micaiah,  prophecy  of,  397/. 

Michael,  122. 

Midian,  73. 

Midrash,  22/.,  378,  449,  458. 

Miiconi,   242. 

Millo,  1S5,  4S7. 

Miriam,  iii. 


Moab,  Moabites,  113,  232/'.,  405 /f. 

Moriah,  324. 

Moses,  130,  136,  265;    tax  of,  435. 

Mt.  Gilboa,  battle  of,  180/. 

Mushi,  274;    sons  of,  266. 

Musical   instruments,    215  ff.,    276, 

468. 
Musicians,  see  Singers. 
Muzri,  319. 

Nabopoi.assar,  520,  523. 

Nahor,  70. 

Naphtali,  genealogy  of,  150. 

Nathan,  226/.,  257,  308,  360,  468. 

Nebaioth,  71/. 

Nebuchadnezzar,  520 jf. 

Neco,  516^. 

Nethinim,   170. 

Nelophah,  173. 

Nimrod,  63. 

Noah,  59;    descendants  of,  77. 

Obal,  69. 

Obed-edom,  13,  206,  215,  217,  219, 

225,  283,  285. 
Obil,  293. 

Odcd,  384,  385,  458. 
Offerings,  burnt,  4*^7 /•,  514;    drink, 

470;     freewill,    482;     holy,    514; 

public,  478;    sin,  467 /.;' thank, 

469. 
Ohel,  102. 

Omri,  146,   292,  419. 
Onan,  84. 
Ono,  160/.,  163. 
Ophel,  454. 
Ophir,  68/.,  355,  359. 
Oman,  251/.,  324. 
Othniel,  108/.,   290. 

Palmyra,  353. 

Parbar,  285. 

Parwaim,  325. 

Passover,  470 /f.,  $12  ff. 

Patriarchs,  antediluvian,  58  jf. 

Pedaiah,  loi,  103,  292. 

Pelatiah,  102. 

Peleg,  68,  70. 

Pelet,  96,  196. 

Pcleth,  94. 

Philistines,    63  /.,    209,    417,    449; 

champions  of,    243. 
Pillars,  381;  before  the  Temple,  328 

/.;  sun  pillars,  382,  504. 


INDEX 


533 


Priests,  cities  of,  137  #;  courses  of, 
269^.;  in  Jerusalem,  171/.;  list 
of,  127  ff.,  137;  organisation  of, 
269,  478;    support  of,  479 #• 

Princes,  tribal,  291  /. 

Prophets,  13,  397. 

Prophetess,  510. 

Psalteries,  215/. 

Pul,  125. 

Ram,  71,  82,  87,  93. 

Ramoth-gilead,  396. 

Rechab,  98. 

Rehoboam,  10;  cities  of,  366/.;  dis- 
suaded from  attacking  Israel,  365; 
family  of,  368/.;   reign  of,  362/. 

Reuben,  ii8jf.;    123/. 

Reuel,  74/. 

Rodanim,  61. 

Sabtah,  62. 

Sabteca,  63. 

Sacrifice,  human,  457. 

Salt,   covenant   of,    375;    Valley  of, 

235,  443- 
Samuel,  184,  308,  515. 
Sarah,  71  /. 
Satan,  246,  398. 
Saul,  195,  199,  287;  death  of,  181^.; 

genealogy  of,  165,  179. 
Scorpions,  363. 
Sea,  the  brazen,  331,  334. 
Seer,  13,  308. 
Segub,  91. 
Seir,  74/.,  405- 
Semites,  65/. 

Sennacherib,  invasion  of,  485^. 
Servant  of  the  king,  509. 
Seth,  58. 

Shallum,  100,  510. 
Shammah,  75,  88. 
Shaphan,  122,  502,  505,  508. 
Shealtiel,  loi,  103. 
Sheba,  63,  68,  73,  122;  Queen  of,  356 

/• 
Shephelah,  293. 
Shelah,  67,  70,   105,   113;    sons  of, 

112/. 
Shem,  59,  70;   descendants  of,  65  jT^.] 

69. 
Shenazzar,  loi,  103. 
Sheshan,  94. 

Shields,  372,  382,  400,  492. 
Shishak,  invasion  of,  370/. 
Shobal,  75,  97;    sons  of,  105. 


Shubael,  265,  272,  277/. 

Shuppim,  150,  152. 

Simeon,  385,  504;  conquests  of,  116 
ff.;  genealogy  of,  ii4_^.;  princes 
of,  116/. 

Singers,  5,  133  /.,  339,  506;  as 
scholars,  279;  before  the  ark,  215 
ff.,  220;  courses  of,  275  ff.,  281; 
families  of,  276  j/'. 

Soco,  III,  366,  460. 

Sojourners,  255/. 

Solomon,  9,  14,  99/.,  244/.,  256/., 
260/.,  296/.,  300,  313,  513;  acces- 
sion, 306/.;  acts,  351^.;  address 
of,  340  jf.;  appointments  of,  354; 
bondservants  of,  353;  cities  built 
by,  352/.;  cities  exchanged  with 
Hiram,  351/.;  history  of,  313/.; 
levies  of,  322/.;  made  king,  261; 
ministrations  at  the  altar,  354; 
prayer  of  dedication,  342/.;  prom- 
ise at  Gibeon,  315;  sacrifices  of, 
348;  trade  at  Ophir,  355;  vision 
of,  349. 

Sorcery,  496. 

Spear,  201. 

Sukkiyim,  371. 

Sycomore-trees,  293,  318. 

Syria,  319,  461;  invasion  from,  438, 
457/- 

Table-land,  450. 

Tables,  7,t,t„  336;   in  the  ark,  338. 

Tadmor,  352/. 

Tarshish,  61,  146,  148,  412/. 

Tekoa,  92,  106,  366;  wilderness  of, 
409. 

Tema,  72. 

Teman,  74. 

Temple,  age  for  service  in,  266/.; 
building  of,  244,  320;  cleansing 
of,  465/.;  completion  of,  355;  cost 
of,  258;  courts  of,  335;  date  of, 
324;  dimensions  of,  324^.;  furni- 
ture of,  330  /.,  335  /.;  guard  of, 
424  ff.;  material  for,  258;  over- 
sight by  Levites,  262;  place  of, 
324;  plans,  given  to  Solomon, 
298;  pillars  before  the,  328  /.; 
preparations  for,  by  David,  255  /.; 
by  Solomon,  320  ff.;  renewal  of 
worship  in,  467  /.;  reopening  of, 
463  /.;  repairs  of,  434  ff.,  505; 
servants  of,  245;  workmen  of, 
258. 


534 


INDEX 


Tcrah,  70. 

Tiglath-pileser,  119,  124,  126,  459/., 

473- 
Togarmah,  61. 
Tola,  144/. 
Trumpets,  216,  339,  465. 

Uz,  67. 

Uzal,  68/. 

Uzza,  206. 

Uzziah,  12,  448;    accession  of,  447; 

death  of,    453;     leprosy  of,   452; 

prosperity  of,  449;    sons  of,  274. 
Uzziel,  213,  215,  277,  466. 


Virgin's  Spring,  486. 

Yahweh,  angel  of,  488;  camp  of,  478. 

Zadok,  128/.,  201,  213,  454,  4S0. 
Zebulun,    473,   475;     genealogy  of 

145/- 
Zedekiah,  reign  of,  522/. 
Zemarites,  65. 
Zerah  (clan),  75,  84,  170. 
Zerah  the  Cushitc,  382/. 
Zerubbabel,  101/. 
Ziklag,  115,  195,  199. 
Zoreah,  366. 


PI'Sn,  99. 

'^?f<,  459- 

Sj,'3tt'N,   158,   165,   187. 

ISU'N,    219. 

t"\p  nn-ina,  224. 
3(7)  2h  kSo,  203. 
p^Sjja,  99. 
n-.Sjr3,  196- 
rl^jSj,  262. 

rh  399- 

DV31,    401. 

P?*511,    235- 
^■(nu'nNn,   106. 

nN'i'ri,  106. 
D>N>3l5,:n,  395. 

IDT,    222. 

nj.:i,  453- 

nth,  308. 
pSn,  461. 
Sicn,  86. 
niu'on,  453- 
]'>'^Tsn,  86. 
ni^pnxn,  69. 
D'hSkh  nin'>,  255. 

y-^y;.,  107. 

ajr,  niph,  474. 


II.  HEBREW 

(Compare  also  pages  28-36.) 

'^■'Cl?,  323- 
sS,   199. 
r^hD^,  481. 
nj'>rN-;3::'^,  214. 

■'\^  ^<^?^  379- 
nxi'^,  262. 
j,i^,   201. 

n"?'  317- 

Sanan,  219. 
n-jijc,  380. 

■i>:9?.  358- 
r.?^;^,  323- 

rt:'3''D2,  166. 
"iyTir:,  440. 
nip-,  Nipc,  319. 
^';2  ■'i;:,  165. 
Sy3  3nD,  165. 

0''"7iPC,  477. 
aiiTP.  303- 

N'3J,    308. 
O'DJJ,    317. 

•>>n>'3,  124. 
ny^i,  106. 


"^DJ,  199. 
^?P,  364- 

r"!!?,  370- 
">"!$;.  203. 

HT'^i!.  Sj.^,    211. 

T?V,  477- 
lis,  303- 
'jisS'^xn,  108. 
njx,  201. 
D'JJXPX,  328. 
HN^,  308. 
D'E'S"^,    200. 

nn,  298,  3CX3. 
nn^,  201. 
n>-ibp"?,  323. 
='?■;,  474- 
•■'=i"!"«..  303- 
n>rf,  470. 
N3xn  >ntr^  279. 
rttTiu',  477. 
k'^kS  303- 
naSc',  286. 
DnDjB*,  124. 
n^nn,  298,  300. 

■IpNJ^P    nj^.7,    121 


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An  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testa- 
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A    History    of    Christianity  in    the  ApostoHc  Age. 

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Christian  Ethics.   By  newman  smyth,  d.d. 

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Apologetics;    or,    Christianity    Defensively    Stated. 

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Old  Testament  History,    by  henry  preserved  smith,  d.d. 

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The  Theology  of  the  New  Testament.    By  george  b. 

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History  of   Christian    Doctrine.     By  george  p.  fisher, 

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The    Christian    Pastor    and   the    Working   Church. 

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Christian     Institutions.        By    Alexander  v.   B.   Allen,   d.d. 

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The  Theology  of  the  Old  Testament.    By  a.  b.  davtdson, 

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The  Christian  Doctrine  of  Salvation.    By  georgi  b. 

Stevins,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

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The  Ancient  Catholic  Church.   By  Robert  rainy,  d.d.,  ll.d. 

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The  Reformation  in  Germany.     By  thomas  m.  ldtosay, 

M.A.,  D.D. 

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The  Reformation  in  Lands  Beyond  Germany.  ByTnoMAs 

M.  Lindsay,  D.D. 

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Canon  and  Text  of  the  New  Testament.    By  casper  rene 

Gregory,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

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matter  in  hand  is  admirable.  From  first  to  last,  the  purpose  of  the 
author  is  not  to  show  upon  how  slight  basis  our  confidence  in  the  can- 
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The  Greek  and  Eastern  Churches.    By  Walter  f.  adeney, 

M.A.,  D.D. 

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balanced  and  judicious  treatment." — Prof.  William  Adams  Brown. 

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The  Christian  Doctrine  of  God.    By  Willi.'vmN.  Clarke,  d.d. 

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BS1345  .C978 

A  critical  and  exegetical  commentary  on 

Princeton  Theological  Seminary-Speer  Library 


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